Sociology 1: sociology of health and illness 2 Some life expectancy figures (1994) mortality rate among those diagnosed in Ireland, compared to 33% in Australia and 35% in France. This raises questions about the quality of healthcare here for women with breast cancer. country Men Women Ireland 73 79 Sweden 76 81 Netherlands 75 80 Why are health outcomes different in Ireland to other western countries, particularly those in the EU? Japan 77 84 Reasons include: France 74 82 Lifestyle factors Ireland is not unique (very similar in UK, Austria, Germany), but the only EU countries with lower figures are Portugal, Finland and Denmark. Life expectancy, and other comparative measures of mortality, are key measures of health. Morbidity (rate of illness) is another one. Each can be difficult to define and measure: eg what is ‘suicide’ or ‘flu’? States of health in Ireland How healthy are the Irish, and how much of our ill-health can be attributed to failures of the health services? There are many indicators: both of ‘lifestyles’ and health outcomes. For example: in Ireland one in three adults smokes; one in four drinks too much; one in three is overweight; and one in 10 is obese. We know that Irish people die younger than men and women in many other countries. Indeed those who reach 65 in Ireland have the lowest remaining life expectancy in the EU. Ireland has the highest rate in the EU of premature mortality from coronary heart disease for both men and women. Among women, we have the second-highest death rate from cancer in the EU. OECD figures show that while Ireland, Australia and France have a similar incidence of breast cancer, there is a 45% Recent social change and prosperity has seen greater access to alcohol, cigarettes and drugs as well as a deterioration in diet & increase in obesity. There is more frequent use of convenience foods, a more sedentary lifestyle (including reliance on electronic media) and it is suggested that overwork is negatively affecting the nation’s health. Poorly delivered health services Ireland is moving towards a US style system where many (45%) have private health insurance, the disadvantaged (30%) are covered by a second-rate health system, and many (25%) in the middle have no health coverage at all. People on just £9k per annum are excluded from medical card system. By contrast in Denmark free hospital and general practitioner care is available to all, financed primarily by local taxes: there private hospitals have been opposed as inequitable. In Ireland it has been said that the ability to pay, rather than medical need, is the dominant characteristic of the health system. Three quarters of the £4bn that funds the health services in Ireland comes from central government, mainly from general taxation. Private health insurance contributes only £350m, less than 9% of all health spending: yet totally distorts access to services. Our public health sector is commonly described to be in ‘crisis’: long waiting Sociology 1: sociology of health and illness 2 lists for public patients are the most visible and persistent symptom of this situation. Low health spending (Ireland spends less of its income on health than most other EU countries and has the fewest hospital beds per capita in the EU); doctors’ resistance to change and politicians’ refusal to rationalise small rural hospitals (out of date and duplicate services) all contribute to this situation. There are strong correlations between class inequality and ill health Last year Ireland spent just over 6% of GDP on health, compared to an average of 8% for both the EU and the OECD. Ireland has been one of the few countries to recently reduce its spending on health: from 1980-1996 only three EU member-states reduced health spending as a proportion of GDP: by far the biggest reduction – 20% - was in Ireland. That ESRI also found that occupational hazards were a factor in the poorer health of certain sectors of society, as was the quality and access to health care. Furthermore much of the spending on ‘health’ is on aspects – such as childcare and social services – that would not be defined as heath services elsewhere. Social inequality Inequality in health care leads directly to greater levels of mortality for some groups. For example those whose annual income is below £10,000 have disability rates four times as high as those whose income is more than £29,000. The mortality rate of infants of poorer parents is 50% higher than those higher up the socio-economic scale. Ireland has the highest male death rate from heart disease in the EU, at 320 deaths per 100,000. Of these, the death rate is doubled for men who are low-earners and who live in socially deprived areas. Internationally, there is a long known connection between social inequality and health [for example in the UK thius was detailed in the comprehensive Black report of 1982 (see Macionis & Plummer p561) In Ireland in 1990 the ESRI found significant mortality differences between different socio-economic groups, and the gradients may be even steeper than in Britain, which itself was found to have a more marked gradient than many other countries. The Combat Poverty Agency have pointed out that ‘poor people get sick more often and die younger than the well-off . . . The scale of income difference, the bigger the gap in inequality, the more life expectancy drops.’ According to Professor Brian Nolan of the ESRI: alleviating poverty and reducing inequalities in income, wealth and education may be the most effective way of narrowing differentials in health and life expectancy The wide ranging Kilkenny Health Study has also shown clear links between social inequality and health. But there is still much debate about how the links operate. Factors that have been identified include: diet (types of food, nutrition) smoking (levels related to social class) alcohol housing/environment eg: for mothers with young children, a high-rise, dangerous, overcrowded environment with no play space leads to depression and isolation. because of where they live, the children are more prone to infections and accidents. accidents (vehicle, home & work) work itself (wear and tear) Sociology 1: sociology of health and illness 2 stress (of work, poverty, making ends meet) depression services (lack of, quality) eg Patients are three times more likely to find a general practitioner in a well-off area than in a socially deprived area, according to Dr Tom O'Dowd, Professor of General Practice and Community Health at Trinity College Dublin. Waiting lists can mean years before services provided. Public patients far more likely to be discharged early from hospital ill health as cause of poverty: eg disability and unemployment The health position of Travellers is particularly bad: Traveller women die 12 years earlier than settled women and their children are three times more likely to die in their first year than the majority population. This may be due to: living conditions attitudes of GPs lack of education Public and private medicine Where Ireland’s health system differs most from other countries’ is in the specific combination of public and private care: four fifths of consultants are engaged in both public and private practice. The same consultants treat both categories of patient, very often in the same hospitals. A number of official reports have expressed deep concerns that doctors favour those who will bring them more income. As it has been said by one health board administrator: ‘If a publican paid her barman by the hour for covering the bar and by the drink for covering the lounge, it would be hard to get served in the bar’. It has also been said that ‘some hospitals or consultants may find it attractive to maintain a public waiting list because a proportion of those waiting may opt to be treated privately’. Private patients are buying up subsidised space in public hospitals and thereby jumping queues Perry Share April 2001