CONFERENCE BACKGROUD DOCUMENT
GOVERNANCE INSTITUTIONS NETWORK INTERNATIONAL
House 21, Street 56, Sector F-6/4, Islamabad-44000, Tel: +92 51 2876511-12 Fax: +92 51 2876514
mail@giniweb.net or info@giniweb.net
http://www.giniweb.net
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
We would like to thank all the Network members and specially the members of the program
sub-committees who spared their valuable time in spite of their own busy schedules and gave us
useful insight to make this program successful.
We also appreciate the work of baseline research teams whose members with their commitment
and enthusiasm produced quality research related to governance education in a very short span of
time.
All the members and GINI team deserve special thanks and appreciation for their unending effort
to make this program a success.
Brig. Muhammad Saleem Wains (Retd)
Coordinating Consultant
GINI, Islamabad
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FORWORD
On behalf of the Governance Education Network (GEN) Program Sub-committee on Annual
Conference, I welcome all our honorable conference delegates. The Conference Background
Document has been complied to share the salient features of the Governance Institutes Network
International (GINI) program for promoting governance education in Pakistan and the
conference details with our honorable delegates. We hope that this document would provide
useful information for your effective participation in the conference. This document has been
prepared in three parts as follows:
PART-I
Overview of GINI program for promoting governance education in Pakistan
PART-II
Introduction to GEN international conference-2009
PART-III
Selected papers on conference theme
Program Sub-committee on Annual Conference and GINI Secretariat will remain available to all
our honorable delegates for any further information and assistance during the conference. We
wish you a very pleasant stay with us at Islamabad.
Prof. Dr. Saeed Shafqat
Professor & Director Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG)
Forman Christian College (A Chartered University), Lahore,
Adjunct Professor, School of International Affairs and Public Policy (SIPA)
Columbia University in the city of New York and
Chairman, Governance Education Network (GEN) Annual Conference Sub-committee
C/O Governance Institutes Network International
21, St.56, F-6/4, Islamabad
Tel +92 51 2876512-13
Email: mail@giniweb.net or info@giniweb.net
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I
FORWORD
II
PART – I OVERVIEW OF GINI PROGRAM FOR PROMOTING
3
BACKGROUND
3
FIRST MEETING OF THE GOVERNANCE EDUCATION NETWORK - 12TH FEBRUARY, 2009
5
GOVERNANCE EDUCATION NETWORK (GEN) ACTIVATING WORKSHOP, 11-12 MAY, 2009
7
BASELINE RESEARCH ON GOVERNANCE RELATED PROGRAMS & DISCIPLINES
8
BASELINE RESEARCH ON TNA FOR MASTERS’ LEVEL PROGRAMS AND COURSES
9
BASELINE RESEARCH ON TNA FOR BACHELORS’ LEVEL PROGRAMS
9
BASELINE RESEARCH ON TNA FOR PUBLIC COLLEGES
10
BASELINE RESEARCH ON USER NEEDS PROFILE OF EXECUTIVE EDUCATION ON GOVERNANCE
IN PAKISTAN
10
BASELINE RESEARCH ON CURRENT STATE OF EXECUTIVE EDUCATION COURSES AND
PROGRAMS IN PAKISTAN
11
BASELINE RESEARCH ON GOVERNANCE INDICATORS IN PAKISTAN
11
CONDUCT OF RESEARCH
12
GEN INFORMATION SHARING SYSTEM (GENISS)
13
GEN QUARTERLY NEWSLETTER
13
GEN WEBPAGE
13
GEN E-MAIL CORRESPONDENCE
13
PART – II INTRODUCTION TO GEN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE-2009
15
OBJECTIVE OF THE CONFERENCE
15
PLENARY SESSION I - FEDERALISM: THEORY, PRACTICE AND CHALLENGES
FROM 1330-1530 HOURS, SUNDAY 13 DECEMBER, 2009
16
PARALLEL SESSION-I: DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY: LEARNING
FROM THE INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE FROM 1600-1800 HOURS, 13 DECEMBER
37
PARALLEL SESSION-II: GENDER EQUITY & GOVERNANCE FROM 1600-1800 HOURS, 13 DECEMBER
49
PLENARY SESSION- II: DECENTRALIZATION AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE
FROM 1030-1300 HOURS, 14 DECEMBER
55
PARALLEL SESSION-III: SUSTAINABLE GOVERNANCE STRATEGIES TO COUNTER TERRORISM
FROM 1400-1545 HOURS, 14 DECEMBER
77
PARALLEL SESSION-IV: POVERTY ALLEVIATION AND GOVERNANCE
FROM 1400-1545 HOURS, 14 DECEMBER
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101
PLENARY SESSION-III: GOVERNANCE EDUCATION BASELINE RESEARCH OUTCOMES
FROM 1615-1839 HOURS, 14 DECEMBER
108
KEY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF BASELINE RESEARCH
109
BASELINE RESEARCH ON GOVERNANCE RELATED PROGRAMS OFFERED IN PAKISTAN
BY INSTITUTE OF ADMINISTRATIVE SCIENCES (IAS), UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB, LAHORE
109
TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT (TNA) FOR MASTER’S LEVEL PROGRAMS
113
BY CENTRE FOR PUBLIC POLICY & GOVERNANCE (CPPG), F.C. COLLEGE (UNIVERSITY), LAHORE
TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT (TNA) FOR 2 YEAR & 4 YEAR BACHELORS LEVEL PROGRAMS
BY DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES,
AND INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC POLICY, BEACONHOUSE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, LAHORE
117
TRAINING NEEDS ASSESSMENT (TNA) FOR INSTITUTING GOVERNANCE AS ELECTIVE
SUBJECT / COURSE IN PUBLIC COLLEGES
BY DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, UNIVERSITY OF KARACHI
118
CURRENT STATE OF EXECUTIVE EDUCATION COURSES/PROGRAMS IN PAKISTAN
BY DR. PERVEZ TAHIR
121
USER NEEDS PROFILE OF EXECUTIVE EDUCATION IN GOVERNANCE
BY INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES (IDS), ISLAMABAD
122
PART – III SELECTED PAPER ON CONFERENCE THEME
129
FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN - CONCEPT, PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS
129
129
AN OVERVIEW OF DOMESTIC THREATS / CONSTRAINTS TO PAKISTAN’S SECURITY 145
GENDER EQUITY AND GOVERNANCE
151
DECENTRALIZATION IN EDUCATION AND THE PERFORMANCE
OF THE EXECUTIVE DISTRICT OFFICERS (EDUCATION) IN PAKISTAN
157
GENDERED STRUCTURE OF GOVERNANCE WITHIN FAMILY IN PAKISTAN
A RADICAL FEMINIST ANALYSIS
177
NEO-LIBERAL GOVERNANCE AND POVERTY IN PAKISTAN
185
GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS, INSTITUTIONS AND EMERGING ROLE
OF THE STATE: EVIDENCE FROM PAKISTAN
197
SUSTAINABLE GOVERNANCE STRATEGIES TO COUNTER TERRORISM
COUNTER TERRORISM POLICIES: CHALLENGES AND OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN
207
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PART – I
OVERVIEW OF GINI PROGRAM
FOR PROMOTING GOVERNANCE
EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN
1
2
PART – I
OVERVIEW OF GINI PROGRAM FOR PROMOTING
GOVERNANCE EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN
Background
Governance and democracy programs initiated by many aid agencies have established
international recognition of Governance as a critical factor in the development process of
transitional states. In Pakistan, many of the governance practitioners – including elected officials,
civil servants, members of political parties, civil society leaders, corporate stakeholders, and
actors within the national media and academia – need to enhance basic knowledge and skills on
how nations are governed or transformed. The existing courses and trainings offered by
government academies and some private institutions are not at par with the present day
requirements and fundamentally lack meaningful research. All this has led to a dire need for the
introduction of a properly designed governance curriculum that can initiate the process of
formalized informed good governance.
In order to achieve excellence in governance theory and practice, discussions were held with
Norwegian partners. It was decided that a network of research, education and training and
advocacy institutions in the public, private and non-profit sector could be organized to prepare
and disseminate governance knowledge as a response to address such governance inadequacies.
Subsequently, Governance Institutes Network International (GINI) was set up as a governance
purpose organization registered under section 42 of Companies Ordinance 1984 in 2007 with a
mandate to undertake the formation of a voluntary network of institutions working on different
aspects of governance that would partner internationally with Norwegian Institutes for Urban and
Regional Research (NIBR) and other appropriate institutions as identified from time to time.
The institutional readiness and interest in such a network was assed through a stakeholders
conference organized in Rawalpindi on October 18th and 19th 2008. The objectives of the
conference were, firstly to ascertain the ownership of the project by the main stakeholders, and
secondly to identify the areas of focus and operational methodology for the project. The
participation of the main stakeholders from government, the private sector universities as well as
research and advocacy and non-government organizations in the conference, despite the difficult
security situation, demonstrated their strong interest in and ownership of the GINI project. The
participants highlighted the existing deficit in governance curriculum and executive education
contributing to the perpetuation of poor governance in Pakistan, and expressed a strong desire for
collaboratively addressing the governance issues under the GINI project, which assumes an
added importance being the first such initiative in Pakistan. The stakeholders also emphasized
the critical importance of the relationship between governance and media, and the strengthening
of the research-policy nexus, and suggested various areas of focus for developing the governance
curriculum and the ways and means to develop the knowledge-sharing platform through:
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(i)
Designing and developing governance curriculums for three types of institutional strata
(Masters, Bachelors and One Semester introductory overview at the college level).
(ii) Faculty development in the area of governance for the participating institutions.
(iii) Collaborative research activities in areas of governance.
(iv) Bridging the existing gap in the networking of the institutions in order to create
knowledge sharing platforms on an institutional and sustained basis.
(v) Annual Pakistani-Norwegian Forum on Good Governance.
(vi) Creating an extensive executive education program in Governance.
(vii) Establishing institutional location clusters where administrative support would be
provided for inter-institutional activities and applications of the program to be
implemented in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi.
Following the conference, several meetings were held with NIBR staff to formulate and design
the program structure and content that would cater to the requirements expressed by the
stakeholders. This was followed by meetings with the Norwegian Embassy to assess the possible
assistance profiles and rationalize the program accordingly. Subsequent to the meetings, it was
agreed that the program would initially have a five year perspectives, starting from 2009 to 2013,
with an approved budget for three years.
NIBR had been in dialogue with representatives of the University of Oslo, and it was indicated
that there is a possibility of developing courses that are of standard and can be approved by the
University. Furthermore, discussions with East – West Center, Hawaii, The Lee Kuan Yew
School of Public Policy, Singapore and the Dubai School of Governance also yielded the
heightened interest in the collaboration initiatives on governance with cost sharing.
Mobilization of the Program
During the mobilization phase of the program, GINI started the second round of consultations
with the stakeholders to formalize membership of the network. The organizations formally
joining the network include:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Beaconhouse National University (BNU), Lahore.
Devolution Trust for Community Empowerment (DTCE), Islamabad.
Forman Christian College University (FCCU), Lahore.
International Islamic University (IIU), Islamabad.
Institute of Public Policy, BNU, Lahore.
Institute of Administrative Sciences Punjab University, Lahore.
Government College University (GCU), Lahore.
Hamdard University, Karachi.
Higher Education Commission (HEC), Islamabad.
Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore.
Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), Lahore.
National School of Public Policy (NSPP), Lahore.
National Defense University (NDU), Islamabad.
National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad
Pakistan Institute of Development Economics University (PIDE), Islamabad.
Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Training (PILDAT), Islamabad.
PATTAN, Islamabad.
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18.
19.
20.
21.
Quaid-I-Azam University (QAU), Department of Defense & Strategic Studies, Islamabad.
Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC)-Karachi.
The Researchers, Islamabad.
University of Karachi.
First Meeting of the Governance Education Network– 12th February, 2009
The first meeting of the Governance Education Network was held on February 12th 2009 in
Lahore with a view to finalize program components and address some of the key structural issues
in order to formally create basis for the institutionalization of the governance and knowledge
sharing network through voluntary nominations for the steering committee and sub-committees
for various components of the program. The meeting was attended by the focal persons of all
organizations who have taken up formal membership of the network as well as those
organizations who are in the process of doing so. Selected scholars and members civil society
also attended the meeting. Following decisions were taken during the meeting:
(i)
There was a general consensus on the masters and above level governance programs.
The viability of having a 4 year bachelors program and one semester course in
governance needs to be further examined. In terms of research, it should mostly be
demand driven and based on a structured process where there is a call for research
themes, followed by categorization and selection of proposed themes and deciding on
methodology.
(ii) The program would be structured around five components related to governance
curriculum, training need assessment (TNA), executive education, research and annual
conference should be pursued in the manner decided by the steering committee.
(iii) To begin with, the steering committee of the network shall comprise of all the
participants of the first meeting.
(iv) The sub-committees as identified for various components of the program shall be
articulated by GINI in consultation with the participants based on their preferences
indicated during the meeting.
(v) The notified sub-committees shall work on the assigned component of the program and
present their detailed proposals for finalization during a workshop involving all
stakeholders to be held in May, 2009.
During discussions with the network partners the need for a Pakistani-Norwegian annual
conference on good governance was expressed. This will constitute a forum for exchange of
knowledge and experience, as well as dissemination of network generated results. The annual
conference is meant to serve as a venue for presentation and discussion of the research results
and the curriculum training activities. The main focus and objective of the conferences will be
how to best address the questions and challenges linked to governance inadequacies and
constraints in Pakistan. The conferences will be held to share the yearly outcomes with all
network stakeholders, and will involve participation of representatives from policy makers,
public services, legislature, senior executives, universities, research institutes, colleges, NGOs,
CSOs, local governments and media, as well as Norwegian and international experts nominated
by GINI and NIBR. The participants will be invited to present ideas on how to most effectively
carry out the research activities and the development of the curriculum.
5
As a follow up of decisions of the first network meeting, GINI focal persons were assigned to
each sub-committee along with the allocation of funds to meet the logistical/administrative
expenses of the program committees. GINI developed guidelines containing composition, TOR
and working details of the program steering committee and sub-committees which were issued to
all members in early March, 2009. The notified program sub-committees are:
Governance Curriculum Sub-committee
Chair:
Dr. Zafar Iqbal Jadoon, Director Institute of Administrative Sciences & Chair National
Committee on Public Administration Curriculum, Punjab University Lahore
Members:
(i)
Ms. Ghayur Fatima, Deputy Director Curriculum, HEC, Islamabad
(ii) Dr. Bernadette Dean, Principal, Kinnaird College University, Lahore
(iii) Dr. Rasul Buksh Rais, LUMS Lahore
(iv) Maj Gen (R) Syed Usman Shah, Governance Department, NUML, Islamabad
(v) Dr. Idrees Khawaja, Consultant, PIDE, Islamabad
Training Needs Assessment Sub-committee
Chair:
Dr. Syed Rifaat Hussain, Professor & Chairman, Department of Defence & Strategic Studies,
Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad
Members:
(i)
Prof. Saeed Shafqat, Director, Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG), FC
College University, Lahore
(ii) Prof Ijaz Nabi, Dean, School of Humanities, LUMS, Lahore
(iii) Dr. Aisha Ghaus Pasha, Director Research, Beaconhouse National University, Lahore
(iv) Prof. Dr. Akhtar Baloch, Chairman, Department of Public Administration, University
of Karachi
(v) Associate Prof. Najaf Yawar Khan, Director & Chairperson, Management Studies
Department, G. C. University, Lahore
Executive Education Sub-Committee
Chair:
Mr. Rahat Ul Ain, Dean, NSPP, Lahore
Members:
(i)
Mr. Ahmed Bilal Mahboob, Executive Director, PILDAT, Islamabad
(ii) Prof. Saeed Shafqat, Director, Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG), FC
College University, Lahore
(iii) Associate Prof. Aamir Haider, Hamdard University, Karachi
6
(iv)
Dr. Sarfraz Hussain Ansari, Asst Prof, Department of Government & Public Policy,
NDU, Islamabad
Research Sub-committee
Chair:
Dr. Khalida Ghaus, Managing Director, SPDC, Karachi
Members:
(i)
Associate Prof. Aamir Haider, Hamdard University, Karachi
(ii) Dr. Ali Cheema, Head of Economics Department, LUMS, Lahore
(iii) Mr. Pervez Tahir, Ex-Prof, Government College University, Lahore
(iv) Mr. Sarwar Bari, National, Coordinator, PATTAN, Islamabad
(v) Dr. Danishmand, Dean Faculty of Management Sciences, International Islamic
University, Islamabad
(vi) Dr. Aisha Ghaus-Pasha, Director Research, Beaconhouse National University, Lahore
(vii) Mr. Aazar Ayaz, The Researchers, Islamabad.
Annual Conference Sub-Committee
Chair:
Prof. Saeed Shafqat, Director, Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG), FC College
University, Lahore
Members:
(i)
Maj Gen (R) Syed Usman Shah, Governance Department, NUML, Islamabad
(ii) Ms. Farzana Shahid, Registrar, BNU, Lahore
(iii) Mr. Ahmed Bilal Mahboob, Executive Director, PILDAT, Islamabad
(iv) Mr. Aazar Ayaz, The Researchers, Islamabad.
Governance Education Network (GEN) Activating Workshop,
11-12 May, 2009
The Governance Education Network Activating Workshop was held on 11-12 May, 2009 at
Islamabad. The workshop was designed to provide a learning opportunity to the members of
GEN including NIBR through interactive discussions with the main objective of finalizing the
program sub-committees proposals related to their work plans containing methodology,
activities, timeframe and requirements in accordance with their respective Terms of Reference
for smooth execution of the program components related to Governance Curriculum, Training
Needs Assessment, Executive Education, Research and Annual Conference. An additional focus
of the workshop was to finalize the network website design and the design of quarterly
newsletter including mechanism for members’ input/interactive space. The program steering
approved the following:
7
(i)
(ii)
Proposals of sub-committees for execution of various program components.
Priority would be accorded in meeting the requirements of baseline research for
various program components out of the research fund budgeted for 2009 and the
balance of research fund would be utilized for research in critical governance areas
identified by the Sub-Committee on Research.
(iii) Detailed Terms of Reference for baseline research in Governance Curriculum,
Training Needs Assessment, Executive Education and Research would be developed
by the concerned sub-committee and its execution directly supervised by the subcommittee.
(iv) Detailed Terms of Reference for NIBR input to baseline research and research in
critical governance areas will be finalized by GINI Secretariat in consultation with
concerned program sub-committee and shared with NIBR.
(v) A Work Group comprising Chairpersons of all program Sub-committees will be
constituted to address the issues related to over lapping activities/requirements of
various program components. GINI Secretariat will coordinate the first meeting of the
work group in early June, 2009.
Based on the decisions taken during the Workshop, GINI developed detailed Work Plan in
consultation with the network members and NIBR which was notified to all members.
As collectively decided by all members, 2009 is being taken as the year of baseline research
aimed at providing sound footings for smooth execution of various program components.
Despite primary commitments of members, it was highly appreciable that the Program Subcommittees held number of meetings during June-July, 2009 and finalized the proposals related
to baseline research on Governance Curriculums, TNA, Executive Education and governance
indicators. This enabled GINI Secretariat to formalize agreements with the concerned
organization/researchers in July, 2099 providing a clear framework for effective conduct of
research as follows:
Baseline Research on Governance related Programs & Disciplines
Awarded to: Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab, Lahore
Approved Cost: Rs.1, 495,000
Research Team
(i)
Prof. Dr. Nasira Jabeen, Lead Consultant
(ii) Mr. Atif R. Khan, Consultant
Supervisor
Dr. Zafar Iqbal Jadoon, Director, Institute of Administrative Sciences,
Punjab University, Lahore
Tel: +92-42-9231812/ Cell: +92-300-8421886
E-mail: m.z.iqbal@stir.ac.uk
8
Norwegian Focal Person
Professor Harald Baldersheim, Department of Political Science, University of Oslo
E-mail: harald.baldersheim@stv.uio.no
Baseline Research on TNA for Masters’ Level Programs and Courses
Awarded to: Centre for Public Policy and Governance (CPPG), FC College, Lahore
Approved Cost: Rs.1,670,000
Research Team
(i)
Mr. Rahim Ul Haque, Lead Researcher and Team Leader
(ii) Three other Research Associates
Supervisor
Dr. Saeed Shafqat, Director, Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG),
FC College University, Lahore
Tel: +92-42-9231581-88/ Cell: +92-321-5154947 E-mail: ss2009@columbia
Norwegian Focal Person
Mr. Stig Jarle Hansen, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Oslo
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: stig.hansen@nibr.no
Baseline Research on TNA for Bachelors’ Level Programs
Awarded to: Institute of Public Policy (IPP), BNU, Lahore
Approved Cost: Rs.1,400,000
Research Team
(i)
Dr. Akmal Hussain, Professor of Economics, BNU, Lahore
(ii) Mr. Ijaz Hussain, Assistant Professor of Economics, BNU
(iii) Mr. Adeel Faheem, Lecturer of Economics, BNU
(iv) Research Assistant (Mr. Usman Khan /Ms. Ayesha Khalid)
Supervisor
Dr. Aisha Ghaus Pasha, Director Research, BNU, Lahore
Tel: +92-42-6662643 Cell: +92-306-4543693 E-mail: aishagp@aol.com
Norwegian Focal Person
Mr. Stig Jarle Hansen, Senior Researcher, NIBR
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: stig.hansen@nibr.no
9
Baseline Research on TNA for Public Colleges
Awarded to: Department of Public Administration, University of Karachi
Approved Cost: Rs.1,250,000
Research Team
(i)
Dr. S. Shabib ul Hasan, Assistant Professor, Department of Public Administration,
University of Karachi – Team Leader
(ii) Mr. Shahid Zaheer Zaidi, Lecturer, Department of Public Administration, University of
Karachi
(iii) Dr. M. B. Burdy, Assistant Professor, Department of Public Administration, University
of Sindh, Jamshoro
(iv) Mr. Mumtaz, Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Balochistan,
Quetta.
Supervisor
Prof. Dr. Akhtar Baloch, Chairman Department of Public Administration
University of Karachi- Karachi
Tel: 021-99261300- 7/ Cell: 0 3219268174 E-mail: abaloch@hotmail.com
Norwegian Focal Person
Mr. Stig Jarle Hansen, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Oslo
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: stig.hansen@nibr.no
Baseline Research on User Needs Profile of Executive Education on
Governance in Pakistan
Awarded to: Innovative Development Strategies (IDS), Islamabad
Approved Cost: Rs.1,400,000
Research Team
(i)
Dr. Sohail Malik, Team Leader
(ii) Brig (R) Razi Uddin, Project Consultant
(iii) Mr. Najeeb Ullah Khan, Consultant
Supervisor
Dr. Sarfraz Hussain Ansari,
Asst Prof, Department of Government & Public Policy, NDU, Islamabad
Tel: 051-2008125710/0300-8560120 E-mail: sarfraz.ansri@gmail.com
Norwegian Focal Person
Dr. Arne Tesli, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Oslo
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: arne.tesli@nibr.no
10
Baseline Research on Current State of Executive Education Courses and
Programs in Pakistan
Awarded to: Messrs Dr. Pervez Tahir
Approved Cost: Rs.1,300,000
Research Team
(i)
Dr. Pervez Tahir, Project Director
(ii) Dr. Nadia Saleem, Research Coordinator, Assistant Professor, in Economics from GC
University, Lahore
(iii) Ms. Saima Bahir, Research Analyst, Staff Demographer, Pakistan Institute of
Development Economics (PIDE), Islamabad
Supervisor
Mr. Rahat Ul Ain, Dean, National School of Public Policy (NSPP), Lahore
Tel: 042-9202943 Exch / 0300-8274575 E-mail: aifost_s66@hotmail.com
Norwegian Focal Person
Dr. Arne Tesli, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Oslo
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: arne.tesli@nibr.no
Baseline Research on Governance Indicators in Pakistan
Awarded to: Institute of Public Policy (IPP), BNU, Lahore
Approved Cost: Rs.2,000,000
Research Team
(i)
Dr. Aisha Ghaus Pasha, Project Leader
(ii) Dr. Hafiz A. Pasha, Project Advisor on Education and Health
(iii) Mr. Zafar Ismail, Project Advisor on Contracting and Procurement
(iv) Dr. Akmal Hussain, Project Advisor in the Area of Public Accountability
(v) Mr. Usman Khan, Chief Surveyor for the Citizen Survey
Supervisor
Dr. Pervez Tahir, Former Chief Economist of Pakistan
Cell: 0301-8502765 E-mail: perveztahir@yahoo.com
Norwegian Focal Person
Dr. Jon Naustdalslid, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Oslo
Tel:+47 22 95 8800 E-mail: jon.naustdalslid@nibr.no
11
In addition to the approved costs, contribution in kind of the participating institutions and
individual of the network for each research study was assessed at Rs.600, 000 on account of
cooperation and time devoted, use of office facilities, equipment, library etc in completing the
baseline research.
Conduct of Research
Based of the assigned TOR, the research teams developed detailed inception reports which were
finalized with input of designated NIBR Focal Person and concerned program sub-committee at
the design stage during early August, 2009. The first draft research reports of six studies related
to governance programs, TNA and executive education were submitted by the research teams in
October, 2009 which were shared with the designated NIBR Focal Person for views and were
reviewed by the concerned sub-committee in end October. Necessary guidelines were issued to
the research teams for finalization of their reports in the light of NIBR input and review by the
program sub-committee.
The final draft reports were received from the research teams in November, 2009 which were
finalized with NIBR input and based on the second review by the concerned sub-committee held
in end November. These research reports have been printed for distribution to all stakeholders
during the annual conference-2009.
The first draft report on governance indicators in Pakistan is due by end December, 2009.
However, its main findings would be shared by the research team during the Annual Conference2009. All the above research work was only possible in the limited available time with the
concerted efforts of the research teams, members of program sub-committees and NIBR.
12
GEN INFORMATION SHARING SYSTEM (GENISS)
GEN Quarterly Newsletter
The quarterly Newsletter containing details of Network activities views/articles by members on
governance matters is being regularly issued. So far its three issues have been published during
2009.
GEN Webpage
A specially designed GEN webpage has been placed on the GINI website (www.giniweb.net)
which contains network activities updated in real time.
http://www.giniweb.net/ver1/genweb/index.html
A blog for updating the activities and research notes is specially designed and uploaded in a link
on GEN website. It provides open fora for useful discussion and comments from Network
members and associates as well as from general public. We are open for articles and comments
can be put on any such item by the Network members and general public at:
http://gen-blogs.blogspot.com
GEN E-mail Correspondence
We utilized electronic mail format for sending and forwarding mails and letters including
updates and activities of GEN program. Brig. (R) Muhammad Saleem, Coordinating Consultant
and the Research Team of GINI also used this technology as well to meet the time-bound
challenges during all the research activities. We extended our facilitation and support to all the
Sub-committees and the research teams during consultative meetings by updating them through
telecommunication, e-mail and website. Our official e-mail contacts are:
info@giniweb.net and mail@giniweb.net
13
PART – II
INTRODUCTION TO GEN
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE-2009
14
PART – II
INTRODUCTION TO GEN INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE-2009
Poor Governance restrains and distorts the process of development.
It also has a
disproportionate impact on the poor and weaker segments of the society. This clearly shows that
good governance and sustainable development are intertwined. Therefore, any policy discourse
on improving peace and security implies improving governance. The conference will explore
linkages among governance, sustainable growth, peace and equity by focusing on such themes:
federalism; decentralization and local governance; gender equity and governance; poverty
alleviation and governance; peaceful and sustainable governance strategies to counter terrorism.
Some critical questions are; how governance processes and institutions work in democratic and
authoritarian systems. The role played by parliamentary democracies in promoting social,
political harmony & peace. How issues of provincial & local governance are being shaped and
influenced in Pakistan. What can be learnt from the Norwegian and international experience to
improve governance.
The Governance Education Network (GEN) First Annual International Conference on
governance, sustainable growth, peace and equity is being organized by Governance Institutes
Network International (GINI) in collaboration with NIBR from 13-15 December, 2009 at
Islamabad. The conference is an important component of the GINI initiative on promoting
governance education in Pakistan with the financial assistance of Government of Norway. The
initiative aims at creating a national integrated network to advance governance knowledge with
the objective of creating governance capacity in various spheres of governance covering
universities, colleges, institutions, practitioners, researchers, NGOs, think tanks, media and the
student body of Pakistan. Since start of the program in November, 2008, the Governance
Education Network (GEN) membership has grown to 21 members’ institutions including some
of the prestigious public and private universities/colleges in Pakistan and Norwegian Institutions.
Objective of the Conference
The annual conference of GINI envisions capitalizing on the stakeholders’ knowledge to harness
research for development. The conference will foster a cross contextual exchange of ideas,
policy choices and institutional determinants to enhance effectiveness of governance. The theme
of the GEN international conference-2009 is ‘Governance, Sustainable Growth, Peace &
Equity’ with sub-themes of:
 Federalism: Theory, practice and challenges
 Decentralization and local Governance
 Gender Equity & Governance
 Poverty Alleviation and Governance
 Sustainable Governance Strategies to counter terrorism
 Democracy and Security: Learning from the international experience
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The conference will bring together domestic stakeholders including political leaders, government
officials, academics, representatives from research organizations, NGOs, donors, media and civil
society and experts of selected international organizations from Norway, USA, Canada and
Middle East with a view to focus on core areas of governance.. It is a unique event in that it
promotes debate on research-policy making nexus and international learning with all the key
stakeholders in governance.
The conference is programmed in seven sessions as explained below:
Plenary Session I - Federalism: Theory, Practice and Challenges from 13301530 hours, Sunday 13 December, 2009
The session will have a national speaker and an international speaker making presentations as
follows:
S. Tanwir H. Naqvi, Founding Chairman National Reconstruction Bureau, Prime Minister’s
Secretariat, Islamabad-Pakistan
TOWARDS FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN
Preamble
In the evolution of the political process, federalism is the concept and practice of politics that the
educated political class has developed over the last three centuries. We are fortunate that the
Governance Educational Network has created this forum for a discussion on the subject of
federalism; because federalism lies at the heart of the solution to Pakistan’s problems as they
have stood since independence from British rule 62 years ago.
And we are privileged to have no less a person to preside over this session on federalism today
than the Chairman of the parliamentary committee engaged in the process of recommending
constitutional amendments to the parliament directed at including the essence of the Charter of
Democracy in the constitution and doing away with the more unpopular elements of the 17th
amendment.
The twenty-five minutes available to me to dilate on this subject of such fundamental importance
for the future of the nation are obviously far from enough for an all-embracing presentation on
the subject of federalism. I have therefore chosen to merely signpost what I regard as the main
elements of federalism that we need to address immediately in order to put the country on the
road to good governance on a durable basis, which alone can guarantee the future of democracy
in the country.
The essence of what I will say is what I had the privilege to put together at the head of my
dedicated team of patriotic colleagues as Chairman National Reconstruction Bureau at the turn of
the millennium, refined by study and reflection over the last seven years since I chose to
relinquish the dynamic organisation that I had the privilege to create a decade ago.
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We are aware that the nation has experienced the recurrent political phenomenon of public
rejoicing on the streets when the military removes civilian governments perceived by the people
at large to be inefficient, highhanded and corrupt; followed a decade or so later by identical
scenes when discredited military regimes make way for civilian governments ushered in through
the electoral process. These civilian governments are sustained by the trappings of democracy,
and by what sounds as hollow rhetoric on the need to strengthen democratic institutions. This
process continues till the manifest inability of these governments to ensure good governance,
spills over the tolerance threshold of the people, and re-creates the environment for the next
military intervention. And thus the process has repeated itself again, and yet again.
Political scientists, commentators, journalists and common citizens who engage in the analysis of
this recurrent phenomenon blame either the political leaders for their insincerity towards the
people, or their sheer incompetence. Many trace the cause of this political cycle back to the
ambition of the top military leadership to seize political power regardless. There are those who
are convinced that feudalism is what produces weak governments with no ownership among the
people. Some however, place the blame on the people themselves for either their ignorance, or
their credulity, or their inertia, or even their character.
In November 1999, we at the National Reconstruction Bureau discounted all these as the root
causes of political instability of the country. We were of the opinion that while the people in
general prefer a working democracy to a dictatorship, what they expect from their leadership is
good governance. It is when this minimum need of the people is not fulfilled by their leaders that
they come out openly in favour of even a military led government.
We therefore concluded that the root cause of the inability of the rulers to deliver even a
modicum of good governance lies in the governance system. It is the direct consequence of our
governing elite continuing to rule the people, even after independence, through the outdated
system of colonial rule designed to preserve the colonial interest at the expense of the interest of
the colonial subjects. After independence that system protects the interest of the ruling elite at the
expense of the interest of an independent people and a sovereign state. It has therefore
consistently allowed the bad leaders to flourish at the expense of both the people as well as the
state, and exposed the good ones to ignominy.
Fundamentals of Federalism
Federalism was first introduced in Pakistan in the backdrop of the secession of East Pakistan by
the late Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto through the 1973 constitution. And as time went by
there was a need to strengthen federalism in the constitution. Unfortunately for the nation, quite
the contrary happened as a consequence of the large number of amendments introduced in it by
the late President Zia ul Haq, most of which were formalized in the shape of the 8th Amendment
in 1985. The constitution thus moved distinctly backwards to a more unitary form of governance,
that too of a quasi presidential form.
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The 17th Amendment introduced several measures that enhanced federalism through the
empowerment of the Senate; and strengthened democratic representation in the parliament. But it
has earned a bad name because it re-introduced elements in it for lending potency to the
Presidential office at the expense of the Parliament.
Thus despite being more federal in character than originally conceived, there is a lot of room in
the 1973 Constitution to grow into a fundamental law that promotes and protects genuine
federalism.
Federalism is founded on trust in the people. The essence of federalism therefore is the transfer
of the responsibility of self-governance to the people. But, as is evident, responsibility without
authority creates impotent beggar governments; while authority without responsibility gives rise
to arrogant, authoritarian and profligate governments.
Genuine federalism therefore envisages that the transfer of the responsibility for governance to
the people is always in tandem with devolution of political power along with decentralization of
executive authority commensurate with the responsibility decentralized to the people. And to
prevent the unbridled use of political power and executive authority, federalism requires that the
devolution of political power and decentralization of executive authority must be accompanied
by a strong system of check and balance measures, so that authority is always used by leaders
only to serve the interest of the people.
At the core of federalism lies the principle of ‘subsidiarity’:
‘Subsidiarity’ requires that every level of government must bear responsibility along with
authority for only those functions that the next lower order of government cannot
perform.
‘Subsidiarity’ therefore envisages that as a regular ongoing process, political power must
be devolved and executive authority decentralized to the lowest possible level.
As a corollary to this rule of ‘subsidiarity’, every level of government should consistently
focus on building the capacity of the lower levels of government to shoulder more
responsibility and to use the authority that goes with it. Lack of adequate capacity of a
tier of government to govern must not be used as an excuse by a higher level of
government to seize responsibility and authority from the lower tier.
Federalism therefore entails the formal division of powers between central, provincial
and local governments under the guiding principle that areas concerning the state are
governed by the centre, the provinces are empowered to directly govern intra-provincial
matters, leaving the rest to be self governed by empowered local governments.
Germane to federalism is the notion that ‘tiers of governments are co-equals’. This implies that:
Each tier of government, created and empowered on the principle of subsidiarity, is
sovereign within its constitutionally defined domain of responsibility and authority.
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Consequently all tiers of government are co-equals within their respective domains, and
are mutually dependent to varying degrees.
Higher orders of government nevertheless enjoy constitutionally or legally specified
authority to exercise control over lower tiers of governments.
Without a willing acceptance of this fundamental notion of tiers of governments as coequals, the introduction and sustenance of federalism tends to become extremely difficult.
This is especially so if political leaders have matured in an authoritarian environment of
unitary, centralised governance born of unitary and centralized political parties; and also
have a preference for using the centralized bureaucracy to promote arbitrary rule.
Structure of Governments and Federalism
The first issue I propose to focus your attention on for the introduction and promotion of genuine
federalism in Pakistan’s governance structure and system is the structure and system of the
governments with particular reference to the civil services. I have chosen to do so primarily
because at the provincial and federal levels our system of governance differs only marginally
from the colonial system of unitary and centralized governance that we inherited form the
British. Our existing bureaucracy-led structure and system of governance is so thoroughly
antithetical to the sustenance of federalism, that without a fundamental change in it, all efforts at
promoting federalism are fraught with failure. Therefore, regardless of whether we make any
other change or not, it is imperative to change the structure and system of the civil services. And
to set the stage for this we need to focus on the genesis of our structure and system of civil
service-led system of governance itself.
The structure and system of governance that Pakistan inherited upon independence was designed
to further the colonial interests with the minimum number of empowered Englishmen placed as
decision-makers at decisive positions. It comprised two separate systems. The primary one, the
colonial system of bureaucratic rule over the subject people, existed at just the central and
provincial levels. The secondary one, a system of municipal management based on elected
councilors at the local level, existed on the margin in the districts.
Led by a British viceroy the central government of pre-independence India was composed
entirely of bureaucrats. Each division of the government of India was headed by a secretary from
the Indian Civil Service, who was the sole bureaucrat who drew his authority directly from a law.
To ensure conformity, all his subordinate officers enjoyed authority ‘delegated’ to them by the
secretary through executive fiat, which could be withdrawn by executive fiat as promptly as it
was delegated. None of them enjoyed any authority directly from any law.
Exactly the same was true for the provincial governments, which were led by appointed British
governors and comprised departments headed by provincial secretaries belonging to the Indian
Civil Service. The difference was that the Chief Secretary of the province, who also belonged to
the Indian Civil Service ensured that the provincial secretaries used their executive authority by
the leave of the Chief Secretary. The provincial police was led by a British officer as Inspector
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General of Police, who for most of the colonial years was an officer seconded from the British
Indian Army. The IGP also reported to the Chief Secretary.
At the lowest level was the district, and within each district a group of tehsils designated as subdivisions. The district was created under the Land Revenue Act and existed fundamentally as a
land revenue unit (not an administrative, financial or political entity). Land being the preeminent source of state revenue the district was governed by a Collector of Revenue responsible
for all land related matters under the provincial Revenue Act. The Collector belonged to the
Indian Civil Service, which primarily was and remains a revenue bureaucracy. The Revenue Act
empowered the Collector to collect any dues owed to the state by any colonial subject as arrears
of land revenue, and to imprison any violator of the Act for up to 30 days without trial. In an
agrarian age these twin draconian provisions alone consigned the entire population of India to the
slavery of the colonial bureaucracy.
But, in addition, the ‘Collector’ was given six other roles under four other titles flowing from
four different laws, each role having several functions.
The Collector’s second title of ‘District Magistrate’ gave him his second role of a judicial
magistrate under the Criminal Procedure Code that empowered him to hold trials of
citizens for all crimes carrying a punishment of up to ten years rigorous imprisonment.
His third title of ‘Deputy Commissioner’, and his fourth title of ‘Magistrate of the
District’, both under the General clauses Act, gave the Collector his third role of
administrator of the district, and his fourth role of principal law officer of the district for
establishing the writ of the state. His fifth role of the boss of the district police came to
him through the Police Rules 1934 under the Police Act 1861.
The Collector‘s sixth role of de-facto political head of the district flowed to him as a
corollary of his title of Deputy Commissioner.
Upon introduction of municipal governments at the turn of the 20th century the deputy
commissioner was designated the ‘Controlling Authority’ of all local governments,
empowered to set aside, over-rule or countermand any order of any local government or
any bylaw or resolution of any local council including the budget. This was the seventh
powerful role given to the Collector.
This one mightily empowered British civil servant radiating the aura of the British Crown in the
district, along with his commensurately empowered subordinates of the revenue bureaucracy, all
embodying administrative and judicial authority in their persons, lay at the heart of the highly
centralized unitary system of direct rule from the provincial capitals down to the grassroots by
the bureaucracy. The deputy commissioners too reported to the chief secretary of the province.
The Civil Service was the elite all-India service that enjoyed two unique privileges. The first was
a special system of accelerated promotions. The second one was the privilege of reserved posts
in all tiers of government in the country: in the central government as secretaries, joint
secretaries and deputy secretaries of divisions; and heads of most of its powerful attached
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departments: and in the provinces as chief secretaries of each provincial government; secretaries
of departments of the provincial governments; commissioners of provincial divisions; deputy
commissioners of districts with all their seven roles; and sub-divisional magistrates in subdivisions of the districts.
The elite Civil Service was centrally controlled by the central government through the powerful
Secretary Establishment responsible for the postings, transfers, courses, leave, discipline,
welfare, retirement etc of each member of the civil service.
This in bare outline, is the essence of the governance structure and system, vertically integrated
by the structure and system of the Civil Service, that is proudly and nostalgically referred to as
the ‘steel frame’ of governance structures by the officers of the District Management Group - the
successor of the Civil Service of Pakistan after 1973, and the pre-partition Indian Civil Service.
This unitary and centralized system of governance admitted of merely a peripheral and cosmetic
role for politicians, and therefore earned, in common parlance, the epithet of ‘naukarshahi’.
This centralized structure and system of the civil service is designed to serve a unitary system of
government. By its very design therefore, it runs against the grain of the two fundamental
concepts on which federalism is based – ‘subsidiarity’ and the notion that ‘all tier of
governments are co-equals’ and autonomous within their respective constitutionally or legally
specified domains. It cannot therefore serve a federal system of government. In fact it is the
prime instrument for undermining a federal system.
This civil service structure and system must therefore be replaced with a structure and system of
the civil services that is designed to strengthen federalism. Since time does not permit an
exhaustive enunciation of such a design, I will merely dwell on its salient design features:
First, every tier of government – the federal, the provincial, and the local -must have its
own integral civil services to man all the administrative posts of the tier. Thus:
The Federal government must have a Federal Executive Service;
Each province must have its own Provincial Executive Service;
Each local Government its own District government service; and
All three tiers must have the constitutional authority for the induction, training,
postings, transfers, discipline, welfare, release and retirement of all members of
its civil services through their respective Public Service Commissions and
appellate institutions.
Second that the state must have a National Executive Service to man the top three
bureaucratic tiers of the federal government. Inductions to this service must be open only
to officers of the federal, provincial and district executive services of up to 35 years of
age through a competitive examination conducted by the Federal Service Commission.
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This should be the elite civil service of the country and its members must enjoy
remuneration and privileges above the rest.
Induction into the National Executive Service must be strictly on merit to ensure that at
least 60% of all federal government posts are always manned by officers selected on
national merit. 40% of the posts may be manned by officers inducted against quotas.
However, the quota must reduce by 5 percent every year so as to allow all inductions to
the National Executive Service on merit within a decade.
The quota system based on the existing provincial quotas must be replaced by a new
quota system imaginatively conceived to provide opportunities to the under-privileged
classes of society, instead of empowering the privileged classes of each province.
The new civil service system must not allow any government to post an officer to any
other government without the permission of that government.
A civil service system created on these lines is likely to serve the interest of the people at large,
federalism in particular, and democracy in general. There can be little doubt that the existing
civil service structure and system cannot allow democracy in any form, particularly a federal
democracy, to flourish, because in its present colonial form it is designed to serve a system of
bureaucratic rule.
Structure of the State and Federalism
The environment in which we are discussing the subject of federalism in Pakistan is
characterized by a history of political and economic tensions along ethnic cultural and linguistic
lines, which include the secession of East Pakistan in 1971; apprehensions of Pukhtoon
separatism up to the 70s, Sindhi regionalism in the 80s; a sense of political marginalization of the
Muhajir and Siraiki people in particular, and those of the under-developed areas of the Punjab in
general, over the last three decades; and the on and off Baloch insurgencies over almost all of the
last six decades. Therefore my second proposal in the line of introducing genuine federalism
relates to the structure of the state of Pakistan.
One of the most eminent living authorities in the world on the subject of federalism, Professor
Ronald Watts of Canada, one time Vice Chancellor of Kingston University, enunciates two laws
of federalism on the basis of his study of federalism worldwide. And according to him, Pakistan
before 16th December 1971 as well as after, not only falls within the purview of both the laws,
but stands out as a proof of the veracity of those two laws.
The first law states that ‘the smaller the number of federating units in a federation, the more
unstable the federation’; and by implication ‘the larger the number of federating units in a
federation, the more stable the federation’.
In the context of this law, consider the pre-1971 Pakistan: it had just five federating units and
remained unstable. In 1955 four of its five federating units were coalesced into one unit,
reducing the number of federating units to the minimum possible number of two – East Pakistan
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and West Pakistan. And within 16 years of that change the federation of Pakistan broke up into
two sovereign states.
The post-1971 Pakistan comprises four units, one less than the original Pakistan. And we know
that state integrity has been, and continues to be, a constant political concern for Pakistan.
However, while four has been a small number of federating units, we have fortunately not
reduced the number to two or three since 1971, which could be one reason why state integrity
has not collapsed since then.
The second law enunciated by Ronald Watts about the stability of federations is that ‘if the
population of one of the federating units exceeds the combined population of the remaining
federating units, the federation is unstable’. And so by implication, for a federation to be stable,
the population of any one of its federating units should never be even close to being equal to the
combined population of the rest of the federating units.
Consider the Soviet Union in the context of this law first. The population of Russia, the largest
federating unit of the Soviet Union, exceeded that of all the rest of the federating units of the
Soviet Union. Consequently, despite the existence of a fairly large number of federating units,
even the draconian communist system of centralised governance could not prevent the Soviet
Union from disintegrating.
The case of Pakistan is even more stark. Pre-1971 East Pakistan accounted for 53% of the total
population of Pakistan. Thus the original Pakistan stood in violation of both the laws: Pakistan
had reduced itself from five to the minimum number of just two federating units; and the
population of one of its federating units exceeded the combined population of its four original
federating units. The break up of Pakistan thus became inevitable.
The post-1971 Pakistan is even worse off in the context of both the laws of Professor Ronald
Watts. First it is down to just four federating units. And second, the population of one its four
federating units is 58% of the total population of the current Pakistan, which is 5% in excess of
the pre-1971 demographic imbalance. This accounts for the instability we continue to experience
in the federation of Pakistan almost perpetually.
In contrast, India began with just eight provinces in 1947, and for most of the first twenty five
years of its life India suffering from fissiparous tendencies was the talk of the town. But since
India’s constitution does not make the carving out of new provinces dependent upon the formal
acceptance of the division by the assembly of the state being divided, India has continued to
create more provinces with regularity and without fanfare. The result is a rise in India of the
number of provinces, which they call states, from just eight to as many as around thirty today.
Their mistake however is that they have divided on political lines; and by way of just one of
several examples, in Uttar Pradesh, a province that is demographically and geographically as
large as Pakistan, governance continues to be abysmal, but it has not been divided into even just
two provinces. Despite several such failures, and despite India being constitutionally a union,
and not a federation, India is no longer seen as an unstable union of states.
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Pakistan too always needed to be composed of a larger number of federating units. We did quite
the opposite right from the start, by absorbing the erstwhile princely states into existing prepartition provinces instead of giving a provincial status to some or all of them. Prominent names
that come to mind are those of Bahawalpur, Dir, Swat, Chitral, Khairpur and Kalat. That having
happened, is it possible that if the 1970 reversion of West Pakistan to the four pre-1955
provinces had been accompanied by a division of the then East Pakistan into a larger number of
federating units, could Pakistan have survived both our own political injustices and follies, as
well as India’s hostile machinations? In our current political environment, this is worth a serious
thought.
That’s history; and I believe history repeats itself because history is either not read, or not
honestly reflected upon. We have a history of every talk of genuine federalism being condemned
as a call for sovereignty. This was because when as a de-facto centralised unitary state, we call
Pakistan a federation, any federating unit that calls for genuine federalism will be perceived as
demanding confederalism, or worse still, sovereignty. And we have a living history of any
mention of the division of the ungovernably large Punjab as a motivated call for clipping
Punjab’s political wings; and even a hint of dividing Sindh as an effort to deprive the ethnic
Sindhis of Karachi. I would therefore venture to suggest we ponder our own history for lessons,
so that at least the history that we ourselves have lived through, does not threaten to repeat itself
to our irreversible peril.
The stark reality of our state structure is that:
First, all four of our federating units are either geographically or demographically larger
than several countries of the world we live in.
Second, that they are diverse in a host of ways.
And third, that false apprehensions of national disunity, and even fears of secession,
impede our efforts at introducing a genuinely federal structure and system of governance
based on devolution of political power, as well as decentralisation of administrative and
financial authority, to our existing demographically and geographically country size
provinces.
Thus while we resist the creation of more federating units, we impede and even reverse
the introduction of genuine federalism.
This is as dangerous a combination of political propensities for the stability of the federation and
the future of the people, as possible, especially given Pakistan’s demographic diversity, its geostrategic location, shape and size, and our current geopolitical situation.
I believe that our leadership has no option but to condition the people, and particularly the elite,
to rise above our traditional fears and prejudices, and take the bold and cold decision to increase
the number of federating units from four to at least ten if not fifteen provinces, by dividing each
of our existing provinces into three to five units. These new provinces should be geographically
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small enough to manage, and demographically manageable for leaders to exercise effective
leadership.
We should however ensure that we carve out these ten to fifteen provinces exclusively from the
standpoint of govern-ability, and never on any political basis whatsoever - whether ethnic, or
cultural, or linguistic or religio-sectarian, or historical.
This precaution, along with the reduced demographic and geographic dimensions of the
emerging provinces, will fully set at rest the apprehension of secession, that has plagued the
national psyche for all of our existence, reinforced by the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.
Bicameral Houses and Federalism
As corollaries to creating ten to fifteen provinces, I will now present the third proposal that
includes three different measures for the introduction and promotion of genuine federalism in
Pakistan.
The first of these three measures relates to the strengthening of the house that equalises the
legislative authority of the federating units at the federal level - the Senate. Strengthening of the
role of the Senate is therefore of central importance for the strengthening of federalism. The
Senate must therefore be brought at par with the National Assembly through the following four
measures:
The foundational change necessary to strengthen the Senate is the raising of the political
prestige of the Senators to the level of the MNAs and MPAs. This can best be done by
the introduction of a system of election of senators based on direct adult franchise.
The second step is to go beyond the measures already introduced through the 17th
Amendment to strengthen the legislative authority of the Senate, by making even the
annual finance bill subject to formal approval by the Senate. The Mediation Committee
introduced for all laws through the 17th amendment already exists as the arbiter to resolve
any deadlocks.
This potent empowerment of the Senate will however necessitate the tabling of the
finance bill in Parliament four to six months before the close of the financial year. Even
of itself, this measure will serve to strengthen the Parliament as a whole, by allowing
time for an in-depth discussion of the proposed budget, which the present system denies
to the Parliament.
And third, the Senate should be strengthened by allotting it the role of ratifying all
appointments to, and premature removal from, all constitutionally mandated posts, for
example the Chief Election Commissioner, the Auditor General, etc.
The second measure I propose is the introduction of a bicameral legislature in each province.
This would reinforce federalism by protecting the districts against political bias at the provincial
level.
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As a third measure I propose the recognition of the district in the constitution as the third tier of
government within the politico-administrative ambit of the province. This measure would
entrench federalism at the level where governments interact with the people directly. Strong and
widespread support for this measure already exists among the people across party lines, even if it
enjoys more restricted support among the political elite.
Legislative Lists and Federalism
This brings us to the subject of legislative lists, which form the subject of my fourth proposal.
Most discussions on the subject of the legislative lists have been limited to just the abolition of
the concurrent list. What tends to escape attention, however, is that there are three, and not just
two, legislative lists – the Federal Legislative List Part I, the Federal Legislative List Part II, and
the Concurrent Legislative List.
The first of these, the Federal Legislative List Part I itself is too wide-ranging a list of subjects
for a genuine federation. Besides, this list seems skilfully worded to provide several not-soobvious legislative inroads into the provincial legislative domain. The combined effect of these is
an all but all embracing stranglehold of the federal government and Parliament on the legislative
authority of the provinces.
My first proposal on the subject of legislative lists, therefore, is that the Federal Legislative List
Part I needs both pruning, as well as skilful editing, to emancipate the federating units from the
debilitating shackles of its legislative hold.
The second issue that merits attention is that a major source of political marginalisation of the
federating units is the Federal Legislative List Part II. Firstly, this list too needs a review of its
contents to reduce the legislative reach of the Parliament at the expense of the provinces over
subjects that were entirely provincial before 1973. Secondly, the only way that the provinces can
share their legitimate executive role in relation to the subjects contained in that short but potent
list, is by giving the Council of Common Interests a permanent standing secretariat answerable to
the Federal Senate, along with making it constitutionally mandatory for the CCI to meet at least
once every quarter. In all of the thirty six years of its life, the CCI has so far met a total of ten
times; and rather peremptorily at that.
An issue that has been much discussed in the context of enhancing provincial autonomy for the
promotion of federalism is the abolition of the Concurrent Legislative List. Based on exhaustive
studies conducted for the better part of two years by the National Reconstruction Bureau we
arrived at two conclusions. First, that the abolition of the entire Concurrent List is neither
desirable for good governance, nor even possible without significant damage to the smooth
functioning of the state. And second, that there is much more to be done to the legislative lists for
the introduction and promotion of genuine federalism than just the abolition of the Concurrent
List.
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In this context, I wish to present three points.
First that the existing Concurrent Legislative List needs to be pruned: thus by virtue of
not being in any list all such subjects will get transferred to the provincial legislative
domain.
Second, that in line with the practical proposal worked out with the best expert advice in
the world mustered by the National Reconstruction Bureau in 2002, the Concurrent
Legislative List should be divided into two carefully selected parts – Part I and Part II:
The new Concurrent Legislative List Part I should comprise a majority of the
subjects left over in the pruned list. And over these subjects the Parliament may
have jurisdiction limited only to laying down the policy framework under which
the provinces may legislate. The Parliament should not have the authority to
formulate detailed legislation on those subjects.
The provinces, on the contrary, should enjoy sole legislative authority for detailed
legislation on the subjects contained in this Concurrent Legislative List Part I.
However, the contents of the provincial law must conform to the policy
framework laid down in the federal legislation on that subject, if such legislation
has already been enacted. And the provinces should amend their law if the federal
law on the subject is enacted after the enactment of a provincial legislation.
The third measure is that the new Concurrent Legislative List Part II should comprise a
small portion of the existing Concurrent Legislative List. But this short list must continue
to be based on the existing concurrent legislative jurisdiction.
Exhaustive work done by the National Reconstruction Bureau for the better part of two intense
years on all these proposals, including those related to the changes in the three legislative lists, is
still available with the NRB.
Federalism within Political Parties
The fifth proposal for the enhancement of federalism relates to the political parties which
obviously serve as the breeding and training grounds of all politicians. The Political Parties’
Order 2002 which replaced the incomprehensible Political Parties’ Act 1962, sought to introduce
genuine federalism within the political parties, even if it did so rather haltingly.
All political parties of the country have wholly unitary structures and centralised systems of
functioning that allow restricted discussion demanding conformism. Young politicians entering
political parties that practice such unitary and centralised political systems within themselves are
apt to grow up as politicians with little or no inclination towards promoting the somewhat
unfamiliar concepts of subsidiarity, and tiers of governments as co-equals as opposed to
subordinate political entities. They are therefore likely to mature as politicians with little
awareness of the veracity, demands and pressures of federalism.
27
For the introduction, enhancement and promotion of federalism in our political system, it is
therefore imperative that the Political Parties Order 2002 be revisited, to enhance and further
strengthen the provisions in the law that are necessary for embedding genuine federalism within
the internal structures and systems of all political parties.
Financial Federalism
The sixth proposal I wish to present relates to financial federalism, which lies at the very core of
any scheme that envisages the promotion of genuine federalism.
The financial centralism that is built into Pakistan’s governance system partly flows from the
constitution itself and partly from federal laws, rules and regulations. The most significant
instruments of such financial centralism that undermine federalism are:
First, the constitution allocates most of the buoyant taxes to the federal government,
which accounts for the collection of 83% of the state revenue by federal agencies; and
around 70% of the gross national expenditure by the federal government. The provinces
have consequently failed to develop their own tax collection systems.
Second, the constitution requires the President to create a National Finance Commission:
To begin with the composition of this commission is antithetical to federalism,
because it is headed not by a neutral body, but by one of the five parties that
constitute the commission - the finance minister of the federal government.
Besides, the commission is created once every five years to hammer out a
National Finance Award for revenue sharing between the five entities, and is then
dissolved. In the absence of a neutral body to ensure regular transfer of funds to
the provinces, the federal government holds a whip hand. This too undermines
financial federalism.
And third, financial centralism is reinforced by several powerful federal institutions that
erode the foundations of even the diluted political federalism that forms part of the
constitution:
The most significant one of these is the National Economic Council and its
Central Development Working Party, both meant to approve expenditure out of
provincial funds to be incurred on provincial projects already conceived and
approved by the Planning Commission.
A not-so-prominent one of these institutions is the Planning Commission for
centralised country-wide development planning, a holdover from the socialist era
that ended two decades ago.
28
Another one is the centralised federal audit and accounts service that precipitates
an inherent conflict of interest between the audit and the accounting functions, as
well as pervades all three tiers of government, and thus centralises even their
accounting systems.
And there is the Financial Advisor system that centralises authority for
expenditure with the federal finance ministry, but decentralises the responsibility
for expenditure to the operational heads of departments, the secretaries of the
federal and provincial governments, and the nazims of all levels of the local
governments.
The great anomaly however is that there is no institution for strictly economic planning at either
the federal or the provincial levels.
Each of these is a subject demanding time for presenting an analysis along with solutions. Time
today obviously does not allow me to indulge in it. I would therefore propose that for the
sustenance of Pakistan as a strong and stable state through the introduction genuine federalism, it
is necessary for us to focus seriously on eliminating all these instruments of financial
centralisation, so as to develop a more vibrant and self reliant nation of progressive and satisfied
citizens.
State of Emergency and Federalism
The sixth proposal of this treatise is related to the emergency provisions of the constitution.
These provisions are virtual extracts fro the Government of India Act 1935. As we are aware,
these provisions were built into the new fundamental law for the governance of India to harness a
province that took the new limited provincial autonomy provisions too seriously and tended to
fall out of line with the Centre.
The time is well overdue for these provisions to be eliminated if we wish to tread the road of
federalism. These provisions must be replaced with new ones that do not keep the option of
autocracy open for any self-serving ruler with dictatorial propensities. Without this measure,
genuine federalism will remain a pipedream of the People of Pakistan.
Judiciary and Federalism
The seventh and last proposal I wish to present today relates to the role of the judiciary as the
protector of federalism.
To protect genuine federalism the presence of an autonomous, honest, brave and competent
judiciary is a prime necessity. We have a history of the ruling political and military
establishments co-opting the judiciary for the furtherance of their own political interests
portrayed as the national interest, by coercing the judiciary to evoke what has invariably been a
doctrinally inconsistent, judicially inappropriate and politically timid response, undermining
constitutional governance.
29
Only an independent, honest, efficient and courageous judiciary can, in the end, uphold and
protect the constitution; arbiter disputes among the federating units, and between the Centre and
the federating units in the light of the Constitution; and effectively check transgressions of the
constitutionally defined domains of all tiers of government without fear or favour. Without such
a pristine judiciary, genuine federalism will remain extremely vulnerable to the inherent
propensity of the politico-administrative elite for centralized governance.
To create such a pristine judiciary, however, three measures are of vital importance:
The first of these is making the judiciary as completely autonomous administratively as
possible.
Second, administrative autonomy should be accompanied by financial autonomy through
the fixing of a percentage of the budget for automatic transfer to the judiciary on the one
hand, and the creation of a financial department within the judiciary on the other.
However, to make discipline inherent to such an independent judiciary it may be
appropriate to transfer the authority to try the judges of the superior judiciary for
misconduct in the performance of their judicial role from the Supreme Judicial Council to
the Parliament.
Finally, it is equally imperative for the judiciary to be confined to its role of upholding the
constitution and the rule of the law. To keep the judiciary confined exclusively to this role, and
bar its entrance into the field of governance, it is imperative for Parliament as the supreme body
of the land to constitutionally restrict the authority of the judiciary for ‘suo moto’ actions to just
this role. Indeed the constitution must be explicit on the subject of the non-performance of this
role by the judiciary constituting cognizable judicial misconduct.
Before concluding my proposals on the judiciary I would venture to make four small suggestions
related to the legislative-cum-judicial domain:
First, the libel law. This needs strengthening against misuse of the media for character
assassination of politicians and administrators in particular, and citizens in general.
The second issue relates to judicial authority to grant bail to persons charged under any
criminal law. This requires the enactment of limits for the judges.
The third is the authority of the judiciary to pass stay orders. This authority tends to
invariably work against the aggrieved party.
And the fourth one is about the judicial authority to reserve judgment. This authority too
needs to be restricted, because it tends to act against the aggrieved party.
30
Conclusion
May I conclude by humbly pointing out to the Chairman that the work of the parliamentary
committee he has the great honour to chair is germane not only to the future of democracy and
healthy politics within the country. Indeed, Pakistan today has the rare opportunity to even serve
as a role model for the entire Muslim world, if not most of the developing world, in the field of
modernizing governance.
We are all aware of the pressure on the parliamentary committee charged with this onerous
responsibility, to deal with its work expeditiously. I am sure that the committee is far more clear
than us non-professionals in the field of politics, that time might not be of the essence in this
situation. What is far more important is the introduction of genuine federalism in the
constitution, as well as in the related basic laws, for strengthening of the republic, in keeping
with the demands of the county’s geographic, and the nation’s demographic, economic, ethnic,
cultural, social and linguistic diversity. Genuine federalism alone can turn this diversity into an
asset.
In the past, haste has only led to constitutional amendments that created threats for the survival
of even a unitary democratic system of governance, and indeed for the constitution itself. A
narrow and limited approach to the current endeavour in the pursuit of a quick consensus could
end in a stillborn effort to put the nation on the road to durable good governance, through a
stable transition to a strong and sustainable, people-serving, federal democracy.
31
Prof. Øyvind Østerud, University of Oslo, Norway
32
33
The focus of debate will be on following aspects of federalism:
Theoretical Framework: Characteristics of Successful Federations:

Common historical, linguistic, cultural bonds, or shared political goals that create a sense of
community among units cemented by a need for common defense against external threats
(such as the Swiss in 1291 or the Americans in 1789). At the same time, diversity of
culture/religion cannot be reconciled and dispersion of population over large areas cannot be
governed under a unitary system. This would achieve a balance of centrifugal and centripetal
tendencies.1

Shared economic interests and interdependence of trade, industry, and commerce. Equality of
size and power, and equitable distribution of economic resources and rewards facilitates this
relationship.2

Geographic contiguity facilitates people-to-people interaction, trade, and administration.3

Participatory and democratic governance system which embodies values of pluralism and
egalitarianism, encourages communal harmony, safeguards minority rights, and levels the
playing field for political involvement and economic uplift.4
See for instance: (M Venkeatarangaiya, 1935), (A.V. Dicey, 1915), (Ebenstein et al, 1970).
V. Shiva Ram, 1940.
3 K.C. Wheare, 1953.
1
2
34

Supremacy of a Constitution which enshrines federalism in principle, and requires the
participation of elected representatives from federating units for most, if not all, amendments
to the Constitution. These amendments should not be frequent or undercut federalist
principles.5

A formal division of powers between central and regional governments, under the guiding
principle that areas concerning the nation are governed by the centre, (with due
representation of the regions in central legislatures), and the regions are empowered to
govern the rest, in a spirit of cooperation toward shared goals and mutual benefit6.

An independent judiciary which upholds the Constitution, arbiters disputes among the
federating units and between the units and the Center in the light of the Constitution, and
checks transgressions by all institutions and governments outside of their Constitutional
roles7
Federalism in Practice: Key Challenges
Challenges to Pakistani federation emerge because of the continued gap between theoretical
principles and practical application of federalism. The discussion should focus on their
resolution:

Political and economic tensions along ethnic lines which include the creation of Bangladesh
in 1971, Pushtun separatism (1970s), Sindhi regionalism (1980s), Muhajir mobilization
(1990s), Southern Punjab or Siraiki discontent (mid-1950s) and Baloch insurgencies, which
intensified during the late 1970s, and have resurfaced since 2002.8

Frequent amendment, suspension, and abrogation of the Constitution through extraconstitutional and non-democratic methods, including in 1958, 1969, 1977, 1999, 2002 and
2007. 9

Power struggles between the offices of the President and the Prime Minister remaining a
source of controversy and instability10;

Disruptions to democratically elected national governments;
Hamilton, Madison & Jay, 1788. More recently, (Simeon 1998), )Simeon and Conway 2001), (Linz 1997), (McKay 2001), (Filippov, Ordeshook
and Shvetsova 2004)
5 See (Carl J. Friedrich, 1950) and (J.A.R. Marriatt, 1943)
6 William H. Rikker, 1964.
7 Carl J. Friedrich, 1950.
8 Shaikh, M. M. , 2009-01-07 “Managing Ethnic Diversity and Federalism in Pakistan” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern
Political Science Association, Hotel Intercontinental, New Orleans, LA Online
9Sajjad Naseer, 22-24 August 2007 “Federalism and Constitutional Development in Pakistan” A paper presented at an international seminar on
"Constitutionalism and Diversity in Nepal" Organized by Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, TU in collaboration with MIDEA Project and ESPNepal.
10 Ibid
4
35

Co-opting of the judiciary by the political and military establishment, whose response has
traditionally been “doctrinally inconsistent, judicially inappropriate and politically timid”
historically undermining constitutional governance.11

Frequent breaches of provincial autonomy by the Center, which includes sacking of elected
provincial governments, incarceration of nationalist leaders, and the use military force in
Balochistan12;

Lack of legitimate, representative, and impartial mediatory institutions for resolving disputes
over resource allocation, with the Council of Common Interests (CCI) being largely defunct
having met only 10 times since inception13;

Centralization of legislative responsibility and authority, with the Concurrent List of the 1973
Constitution which was meant to be abolished after 10 years surviving to this day14;

Centralization of administrative responsibility and authority, with the National Economic
Council (NEC) assuming the power to approve provincial projects15; and

Centralization of fiscal responsibility and authority with the Federal Government controlling
90% of revenues and incurring 70% of national expenditure, the provincial governments
continuing to rely on federal transfers while lacking tax administration capacity16, and the
issues of gas royalties,17 water sharing,18 and population based resource allocation through
National Finance Commissions continuing to create tensions in centre-province and interprovincial relations. 19
Jayshree Bajoria, 2008. Quote attributed to Tayyab Mahmud, legal history expert.
(Badar Alam and Gulmina Bilal, 2006), (Kundi & Jahangir, 2002), and others.
13 National Reconstruction Bureau, 2002
14 Ibid
15 National Reconstruction Bureau, 2002
16 Ibid
17 ‘NFC allowance on GST vindication of Sindh’s stance’, Dawn News, 14th October, 2009.
18 Link given:
http://alaiwah.wordpress.com/2008/09/24/inter-provincial-disputes-over-water-in-pakistan/
19 Ahmed, Mustafa & Khalid, PIDE, 2007 International experience reveals the following criteria for possible addition:
o
Inverse income distribution (rural urban income disparity).
o
Natural resource endowment.
o
Population density.
o
Poverty.
o
Area.
o
Non-formula transfers.
o
Environmental consideration.
11
12
36
Parallel Session-I: Democracy and Security: Learning from the International
Experience from 1600-1800 hours, 13 December
The session will have a national speaker and an international speaker making presentations as
follows:
Dr. Khalida Ghaus, Managing Director Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC)Challenges & Responses – Democracy & Security: Pakistan Perspective –
CHALLENGES AND RESPONSES FOR DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY:
PAKISTAN’S PERSPECTIVE
The present discourse on democracy is predominantly dominated by the issues of security,
identities and issues related to the social transformation of societies. The issues concerning
both the government and society are surrounded by the debate on liberal and illiberal
democratic norms and practices- causing a widening gap between the developed democracies
and democracies that continue to be in infancy.
1. The paper generally focuses on the democracy and security related challenges confronted
by the conflict-ridden South Asian regional states and in particular Pakistan. Tracing the
internal and the external dynamics of the threats confronted, the paper examines its
consequential repercussions for the democracy including the societal security. The
multiple threats (both home grown and cross-border) are being used by the states to retain
several characteristics of national security state- the most visible being the role taken
upon itself by the military to ensure the security of the state against all internal and
external enemies. The element of ‘fear’ generated alongwith the justification applied
continues to influence the public debate on the fundamental concepts of sovereignty,
territorial integrity, the type and nature of the transnational threats and its impact on the
societies. The paper particularly looks into the approaches identified and policies
formulated identified by the governments of Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and India in
addressing the twin threats i.e. internalized threat and externalized threats. The measures
taken during post-conflict period particularly to ensure the reconciliation and integrating
of the marginalized and those sympathetic to the armed struggle/insurgency have also
been critically discussed. For example Sri Lanka- a country known for multiculturalism
and peaceful co-existence amongst various religious communities is recovering from a
long internal ethnic strife- a strife which set into motion a new wave of violence being
employed by the insurgents. The 6th amendment of the Sri Lanka stated the position of
the Sri Lankan government. The amendment states: ‘No person shall directly or
indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or
advocate the establishment of a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka. Anyone
who contravenes that provision becomes liable to the imposition of civic disability for
upto seven years, the forfeiture of his movable and immovable property … the loss of his
passport …In addition if he is a member of parliament, he loses the seat.’
37
2. The killing of Vellupillai Prabhakaran, Tamil leader apparently though has brought an
end to violent insurgency, however, their lies a number of serious political challenges for
the present government to seriously address. Most important for the Sri Lankan
democracy being:
 Building trust-based relationship with the Tamils Diaspora
 Building bridges with the Tamil community living within Sri Lanka
 Ensuring socio-political integration of Tamil population
 Demilitarization of the Sri Lankan democracy and governance
 Lifting of emergency regulations; substituting war economy with peace economy; and
replacing ultra-nationalist Sinhalese mind-set with Sri Lankan nationalism.
Unlike Sri Lanka in Nepal the Maoist party successfully converged their armed struggle
into a social movement. Movement that ended the monarchial system and brought a
paradigm shift whereby socio-political and legal and economic reforms have been
initiated. The armed struggle being more of an outcome of the disillusionment of the
Maoist party with the abject poverty and the Nepalese political development after
democracy was introduced in 1990. Inspired by the ‘Shining Path’ rebels of Peru the
Maoist party of Nepal applied a similar strategy and targeted the government institutions.
The developments, following, the bloodless social movement resulted in making Pushpa
Kamal Dahal Prachanda as the country’s chief executive. The Common Minimum
program envisaged the immediate relief program and a number of ‘initiatives to ensure
the much need political reforms that would have helped ensure the social transformation;
assisted in integrating the politically marginalized in the Nepalese social structures. It is
important for the fragile democracy of Nepal to reemerge amicably from the current
political deadlock.
How consensual politics would be ensured would largely depend on the conflict/ political
behavior of all the democratic forces; consensus constitution and the integration of the
Maoist fighters in socio-political mainstream. Similarly the governments of Bangladesh,
India and Pakistan are confronted with the similar security challenges. A comparative
analysis of the major internal conflicts and its consequential repercussions for democracy
are important for any proper and fuller understanding of the challenges confronted.
3. The traditional concepts of sovereignty have somewhat been revised and changed. Earlier
after the demise of the cold war the emphasis shifted from the state-centric security to
human security-with greater emphasis on democracy, liberalism, human rights, human
development and good governance. Whereas post 9/11 there are again calls for redefining
security framework amid fears of failing democracies, the soft state related issues,
terrorism, extremism and threat perception including the so-called ‘Islamic threat’. The
policies that followed the 9/11 incident have changed the global development dynamics.
It has changed the way societies interpret or see themselves or the world. James Rosenau
and Czempiel, Governance without Government: Order and Change in world politics1992).
38
It is not only the anarchic nature of international politics caused by some of the lingering
political and territorial disputes but also included are the distorted perceptions and
understanding of the issues of soft states such as ineffective institutions, terrorism,
fundamentalism and religious extremism that largely constitute the present-day security
concerns. The very concept of the ‘common security concerns’ as an alternative approach
for maintenance of peace today is viewed as ‘enforced’ by many. For example many
countries particularly developing muslim countries had joined the coalition after the 9/11
incident because of the changed international political environment, which was
confronted with unilateralism, coercive diplomacy and fear and not because they (then)
faced the common enemy.
Foremost among the concerns were the security issues surrounded by the threat
perceptions. In this new political environment-multiculturalism is challenged and issues
of assimilation and integration have assumed greater importance.- The issue of extremism
being related to violence and terrorism now poses new challenges to the social construct
of society. The challenges confronted by multiculturalism perhaps urgently needed the
rationalization/ homogenization of culture. Whereas, transition to modernity is viewed as
enforced due to global pressures and not (indigenous or a consequence of self
realization). Where the society sees the legitimacy of the governments coming from
abroad.
Today when we talk about moderation or even the reasons for ‘dysfunctional
democracies’ we see a tendency where we start identifying the commonalities- Will such
an approach help? or How do we accommodate the qualitative change that has occurred
in societies.- what are the other new modalities needed? And what is meant by civilizing
the society; Islamizing the society or democratizing the society. It is important to
understand the mind-set that seeks for the justification of a particular group having an
exclusive right to the truth. Such a mind set continues to prevent any real dialogue and
has caused the brutal division at the level of society. It is extremely important to identify
strategy that helps cope with diversity of moral values (preaching or negating democratic
values) both within societies and between cultures. It is crucial to manage and control
such negative tendencies, renounce rhetoric/ and be tolerant of rational disagreementwhich is a way to civilized society.
The changing nature of conflict and a renewed focus on state- centric security has
intensified conflict not only between states but between and within societies and religion.
Conflict between people of socio-cultural belonging poses a new and a serious challenge
to peace-peace that is inextricably linked to harmony and democracy. We do hear
complains of ‘irrational and aggressive behavior of society-while, for many living in
muslim societies the US policies are being viewed as a ploy of the west for domination
that aims for successful ‘social engineering’ of the societies in the name of democracy.
4. The ongoing debate on pluralism, violence and extremism including intolerance is
complex and consists of a number of variegated elements. Muslims have been described
as ‘indigestible’ or ‘brutal’ and ‘uncivilized’. The ongoing concerns on conflict and
39
security therefore do have a religious undertones and which, in my view can be traced to
political, ideological, cultural intolerance or bases.
The controversies largely woven around democracy, societal security and religious
extremism, I believe, demands a new paradigm to ensure the socio-cultural
understanding- which involves dialogical reasoning to build the bridge alongwith a
paradigm of religious understanding which would perhaps encourage a rational
development of democracy and civil society institutions. However, equally important is
to change the authoritative coercive mind set. Most dialogues are bilateral monologue.
5. In Pakistan, I feel, we are living in a society where the social mind-set is largely tribal or
feudalistic, the legal totalitarian, educational regimentational and religious deductive.
Hence their exists a need to formulate a multipronged strategy. Particularly for those who
not only pose a challenge to democracy but to the state and societal security also. Here I
am referring to the emergence and strengthening of the non state actors/group that poses a
challenge to the national security. The reference is not to those that work within the
constitutional framework and make a demand for a social change or a constitutional
change. This particular category is apriori truth and are reflective of such practices that
exist in a liberal democracy. While, it would be wrong to include those who picked-up
arms and created violence (for example Lal Masjid episode of violence)-where the writ of
the government was challenged. As a matter of fact, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)
also does not falls in this particular category. The local population included in TTP in the
case of Swat violence, to me were rebels, traitors (those challenging the writ of the
government) and if it had or has any non-Pakistani involved then they are the invadersstruggling to impose a system by resorting to violence and by generating fear. Perhaps,
the development has resulted in theorizing the ‘Cobweb Paradigm’ in international
politics-where the armed groups operate without any state control and are involved in
transborder conflict. For Example, Indian claim of United Liberation Front of Assam (
UFLA) being based in Bangladesh; a faction of National Socialist council of Nagaland
leadership being based in Europe, Thailand and Burma, Indian claim of Lashkar-e-Taiba
operating from Pakistan and several other similar groups based in the regional countries.
The presence of such groups have undoubtedly added complexities to the inter and intra
state conflict; have intensified the struggle for dominance between those who are
struggling to maintain the status quo and those who are working for the change; and
definitely has made crises management more daunting.
6. In the case of Pakistan, the onset of the present challenge to the socio-political structures
to many is a foreign policy crises i.e. crises that is characterized by threat. Taking threat
perception to medium and high levels. Giving rise to the threat perception particularly at
society level which has generated fear and polarization both. Where on the one hand the
United States is viewed both as a partner (at the governmental level) and an adversary (at
people’s level), while, on the other hand TTP continues to use violence/ terror to make
government comply to its demands.
40
The two reactions have caused the ‘Spiral Process’- which presently being experienced
have strengthened the ‘enemy syndrome’ and seemingly is now the guiding principle of
all actions and responses from the two sides.
Equally important is to build a proper and a fuller understanding of the various attributes
of the present crises confronted by the Pakistan which has affected the socio-political
structures. The three important being the: (1) system attributes, (2) crises attributes, and
(3) actors attributes. The first implies the context in which the crises unfolded. In the case
of Pakistan the two very important characteristics of the attributes are conflict
environment (i.e. conflict that either made or intensified with the onset of War on
Terrorism, whereas, the other characteristic is based on identity (i.e. struggle that we have
seen between liberal democracy and religious identity). The crises and the actors
attributes in the case Pakistan, in my view were more a consequence of the regional
political environment and the War on Terrorism and hence have been kept out of the
scope of this paper. However, the conflict behavior in totality is reflective of the ‘causal
link’ of all the three attributes.
7. Terrorism in the case of some countries (Pakistan included) is also a consequence of a
conflict between the concept and its understanding. Equally important it is to understand
the anatomy of the internal conflict-which continues to exist; and the anatomy of
intolerance and religious extremism. The threats confronted by the Pakistan democracy
and security undoubtedly are inter-linked having cross-border dynamics. The new
security challenges therefore demand a radically different approach. While, equally true it
is that the traditional security framework was inadequate in addressing the issues of
human well-being or building the capacity of the government institutions.
41
Professor Tom Christensen, Dept of Political Science University of Oslo Comparative public
sector reform – balancing political control and institutional autonomy
42
43
44
The focus of debate will be on following aspects of democracy & Security:
Sources of Insecurity: Empirical Findings

Ethnic Fragmentation. Heterogeneity and strength of ethnic identities may trigger and
protract political violence and civil conflict.1 Political and social discrimination against
minorities may exacerbate these divisions, such as in Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland, and the
2005 rioting in urban France.

Autocratic and Transitional Regimes. Democratic regimes tend to discourage violence
whereas autocratic regimes encourage it.2 The transition to democracy may exacerbate
existing societal divisions, leading to greater conflict. “Semi-democracies” bear the most
conflict among both developing and developed nations.3 Examples include post-Soviet
transition economies of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia.

Weak/Unbalanced Economic Development and Performance. Higher levels of economic
development, and low incidence of poverty and inequality correlates with greater political
stability, and lower levels of violence and rebellion.4 However, ethnically diverse
See for instance: Connor, 1994; Greeley, 1974; McKay, 1982; Scott, 1990; Brown & Boswell, 1997, etc.
Auvinen, 1997; Rummel, 1995;Basuchoudhary and Shughart (2007)
3 Ellingsen & Gleditsch (1997) and Ellingsen (2000) Li and Schaub (2005), Burgoon (2006) and Krueger and Laitin (2007
4 Weede, 1981; Ziegenhagen, 1994; Bueno de Mesquita, 2005; Piazza, 2006
1
2
45
societies may not gain security benefits from economic development as this may fund
group mobilization, and create additional arenas for competition, particularly for labor
markets.5 This is particularly true where there are marked disparities in the benefits of
development. Conflicts in Aceh (Indonesia), Mindanao (the Philippines), Nigeria and
Bolivia, may be driven by unequal distribution of resource revenues. Poor economic
performance over the business cycle may also increase terrorism.6

Quality of Governance. Indicators of governance, especially ‘rule of law’, bureaucratic
quality’ and ‘government corruption’ are found to reduce ethnic tensions and discourage
insurgency and terror by reinforcing market principles, contract rights, and economic
opportunity.7 Lack of political and economic freedom is shown to breed discontent and
violence.8 High government capacity, regime stability, and sound social policies inhibit
violent behavior.9

Ideology. The presence of a strong religious or secular ideology and nationalist/separatist
goals may increase risk of terrorist activity.10

Population & Demography. Population size, rapid growth (implying youth bulges), and
high urbanization rates are positively correlated with terrorism.11 Low literacy rates,
particularly among young males provides fertile ground for terror.12

International Crises and Conflict. Existence of inter-state warfare and international crises
spur intra-national conflict and motivate state sponsored terrorism.13
Democratic Responses to Insecurity

From national to human security. Post Cold War international trends among democracies
suggest a paradigm shift from state-centered national security to individual-centered
human security advocating freedom from fear and want, through democratic governance.
This allows a holistic policy framework to address the structural sources of insecurity.14
Success stories include Macedonia, Northern Ireland (UK), and South Africa.

Essentials of Democratic Peace-building. Importance of public education, awareness and
acceptance; political consensus on agreements, integration of human rights concerns,
fundamental change in public opinion, attitude, and political culture to accommodate
reform are vital to building peace in conflict torn societies such as Sri Lanka.15
Diamond, Linz & Lipset, 1995 Connor, 1994 Horowitz, 1985; Newman, 1991, etc.
by Blomberg et al. (2002, 2004)
7 Mousseau, M. and Mousseau, D. 2005
8 Rummel, 1984; Kurrild-Klitgaard et al., 2005
9 Kurrild-Klitgaard et al. (2006); Wade and Reiter (2007); Burgoon (2006)
10 Bernholz, 2006; Rathbone and Rowley, 2002
11 Krueger and Maleckova, 2003;
Li and Schaub, 2004; Li, 2005; Burgoon, 2006; Piazza, 2006; Krueger and Laitin, 2007; Dreher and Gassebner, 2008
12 Testas (2004), Bravo and Dias (2006) and Piazza (2008)
13 Burgoon, 2006; O'Brien (1996)
14 International Institute for Decmocracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), 2006
15 Ibid
5
6
46

Demobilization and Security Sector Reform. Disarmament remains a key as learned from
Angola, Cambodia, Burundi and Rwanda; apprehensions of middle-level military and
militia leaders must be addressed; poverty alleviation and mainstream employability for
ex-soldiers is essential, as seen in Liberia and Sierra Leone.16

Strengthening Democratic Practice. Dissatisfaction with democracies such as found in
Latin America, the Caucuses, and Africa may grow from lack of socio-economic
progress, pervasive inequality and social injustice, elite capture and lack of real
participation, premature liberalization policies and ad-hoc assumption of special powers.
These have resulted in façade democracies with rhetorical rather than real
democratization which raises various security concerns, such as the governments of
Lukashenko in Belarus, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Mugabe in Zimbabwe, and incomplete
transitions in Paraguay (1989) and Russia. Successful examples of democratic transitions
include South Korea and Chile where democratic practice has been strengthened to allow
freedom of press, participation, protection of rights, reduction of poverty, and reform of
public services.17

Lessons of Democratic Counterterrorism. Counterterrorism measures that undercut
democratic norms serve neither security nor democracy. 18 The “strategy of tension”
initiated in Italy between 1969 and 1974; the Spanish “dirty war” against ETA between
1983 and 1987; and the abandonment of democratic rule in Peru between 1992 and 1996
serve to illustrate this principle.19 In Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka
new security laws, upgrades of security apparatus, and increased spending on law and
order did not enhance human security but curtailed civil liberties. On the other hand
Spanish authorities chose to enhance coordination among security agencies and did not
suspend civil liberties following the 2004 bombings in Madrid. Likewise, Indonesia’s
‘soft approach’ included enlisting former terrorists to campaign against terrorism, relying
on effective police work rather than military force, and judicious and transparent
prosecution of terrorists.20
Key Questions and Debates

All the sources of insecurity hold true in varying degrees for Pakistan; including ethnic
fragmentation; frequent military coups and fragile democracy; lacklustre and uneven
economic progress; chronic mis-governance; large, youthful, illiterate and unemployed
population; hostile international relations; and the dominance of extremist religious
ideology. How can these be addressed to rectify the structural drivers of conflict?
Ibid
Ibid
18 Rama Mani, 2006; Club De Madrid, 2006
19 Peter Chalk, 1998
20 Ishtiaq Ahmad, 2007
16
17
47

Pakistan remains fixated with traditional state-centered notions of national security.21
How can we shift the focus to broader human security concerns in public policy and
action?

Is the transition to democracy in Pakistan complete? How can we further strengthen
democratic practice to discourage political violence, insurgency, and terrorism?

Does current counterterrorism policy in Pakistan reflect best practices as outlined above?
How far can these strategies be replicated and with what expectable success?
21Ahmad
Faruqui, 2003
48
Parallel Session-II: Gender Equity & Governance from 1600-1800 hours, 13
December
The session will have a national speaker and an international speaker making presentations as
follows:
Prof. Dr. Nasira Jabeen, IAS, Punjab University - Gender Equity & Governance in Pakistan
GENDER EQUITY AND GOVERNANCE IN PAKISTAN:
GENDER-ORGANIZATION-SYSTEM FRAMEWORK
Governance may be defined as the “exercise of economic, political, and administrative authority
to manage a country’s affairs at all levels” (UNDP, 1997). This view of governance implies that
quality of governance in a country depends on efficient and effective management of institutions
and organizations. Since quality of human capital is one of the major determinants of
organizational/institutional effectiveness, I argue that gender-responsive governance is not only
to promote social justice but also to promote efficiency and effectiveness in all institutional
arenas of governance. In other words, gender equity should not be seen merely as a social
imperative rather an economic need for developing and using human capital for promoting good
governance in the country. Recognizing the need, an array of institutional, structural,
administrative and human resource reforms have been introduced world over in the form of
liberalization, decentralization, devolution, democratization and privatization to improve
performance, responsiveness, efficiency and effectiveness of governing institutions including
public, private and civil society organizations. All of these reform initiatives call for greater
citizen participation, involvement and inclusion in process of governance irrespective of gender.
Women constitute nearly half of the world’s population (www.onlinewomen.org 2007). It is
widely believed that without including half of the human race in the process of development
nation’s can not reach their full potential (Kofi Annan, 2006; DFID, 2007). In this regard, equity
on the basis of gender representation and participation in various governance institutions at all
levels have also received global attention. Several other factors including role of international
development organizations, greater awareness, better access to education and information, role of
media, role of feminist movements, and civil society organizations that are now considered
partners in governance process and governments’ own commitments to various international
conventions and policies to promote gender equality for sustainable growth and human
development have played significant role in promoting the cause i.e. CEDAW, 1979; U.N.
Decade for women, 1976-1985; DEVAW, 1993; the Vienna Declaration, 1993; the Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action, 1995; the Millennium Development Declaration, 2000; and
the UN. Gender Mainstreaming Policy and Strategy are some of the path breaking international
conventions to define charter for women’s legal, political, economic and social struggle in
various arenas. In order to ensure implementation of various conventions the international donors
and development bodies i.e. the World Bank, UNDP, ADB, CIDA are regularly undertaking
governance assessments of which participation and equity on the basis of gender is a key criteria.
At the national level too special ministries, commissions and forums have been established to
integrate gender equity in governance reforms.
49
In line with global trends, Pakistan has also reaffirmed its commitment to promote gender equity
in different spheres at all levels through its ratification with the above international conventions.
It has established the Ministry of Women Development, the National Commission on Status of
women and Gender Reform Action Plans (GRAPS) at national and provincial level to ensure
smooth implementation of gender reforms. Various plans and policy documents including the
Constitution of Pakistan, Ten Year Perspective Plan 2000-2011, the National Policy for
Development and Empowerment of Women, the National Plan of Action reflect the country’s
commitment to strengthen gender equity at all levels. The national efforts also include
affirmative actions through reservation of seats and quotas for women for levelling the play-field
such as reservation of 10% seats for females in the Civil Services of Pakistan at Federal and
Provincial level and 33% representation of women at all tiers of local governance including
District, Tehsil and Union Council through quotas. All partners in development including the
public, private and civil society organizations are putting in concerted to fulfill commitment to
gender equity in all spheres of life.
However, despite all of the above global, national and local level efforts to enhance women’s
representation they are still underrepresented in governance with wide gender inequalities and
subtle discriminatory practices. According to International Women Democracy Centre (IWDC)
report, 2007 women account for only 17% of the world’s parliament seats with only 12 women
heads of the states out of 180 governments (www.iwdc.org , 2007). The Online Women Statistics
reported women holding only 9% of the top management jobs and 21% of senior management
positions (www.womenstatisticsonline.com , 2007). Data on South Asia including Pakistan
revealed glaring gender inequalities for women as compared to men on all indicators of human
development and empowerment including education, health, and employment and representation
in political and decision making bodies. Both the Global Gender Gap Reports 2009, 2008, 2007,
2006 and Human Development Reports, 2005, 2000, 1999 found South Asian Countries in the
lowest ranks on gender related development index and pointed to the wide gender gap in the
region. According to the reports gender gap has increased in Pakistan in subsequent years and its
ranking has gone down on gender equality from 112 in 2006 to 126 in 2007 and 127 in 2008 to
132 in 2009 out of 134 countries (The World Economic Forum, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009). The
above reports found Pakistan’s performance the poorest among the South Asia and global lower
income group of countries. Women in Pakistan were found to be the poorest of the poor bearing
the 70% burden of poverty, with lesser opportunities of development, working for longer hours
with low earnings as compared to men. Statistics below point to the dismal state of human
development for Pakistani women on GDI and GEM indicators:
50
Gender Gap on GDI and GEM indicators
Economic Participation and Opportunity
Female
Male
Labour force participation
Income (PPP US $)
Legislators, Senior Officials, Managers
Professional and technical workers
34%
977
2%
26%
86%
3402
98%
74%
Educational Attainment
Literacy rate
Enrolment in primary education
Enrolment in secondary education
Enrolment in tertiary education
36%
59%
18%
4%
63%
77%
24%
5%
Health and Survival
Sex ratio at birth
Healthy life expectancy
49%
52
51%
54
Political Empowerment
Women in parliament
Women in ministerial positions
21%
6%
79%
94%
Source: Global Gender Gap Report 2007, pg.16
Similarly gender imbalances persist in civil services where only 8.7% female employees are
represented at Officers Category (BPS 16-22). Situation at local level of governance is better
than national level governance mainly due to the Devolution of Power Plan which allocated
women 33% of representation through affirmative action. However, various audit reports of the
devolution point to the women’s low and limited participation in the process of governance at
that level. More interestingly, women representatives through a process of gender streaming are
concentrated in social areas as compared to the legal, political, economic, administrative and
decision making areas.
A review of the research studies on the subject suggests that in Pakistan, so far, social view is
more dominant which is reflected in women quotas in employment and politics, a relatively easy
and short cut approach to promotion of gender equity. Quota violates merit, a fundamental
principle of organizational effectiveness. Therefore, there is a serious need for a shift in gender
policy from social to human capital view of gender equity. Women constitute more than 50% of
population. Female students outperforms in all professional examinations. The topper in
Competitive Examination for CSS last year was a woman. These are just a few evidences of
women demonstrating better quality of human capital. Therefore it is not surprising that quota is
seen by many professional women as a stigma on their ability to compete against men for
professional and power positions. Quota may increase the representation of women but not
guarantee their full participation in institutional and organizational affairs due to structured
gender biases against women. It is, therefore, argued in the speech that a holistic policy
framework is needed to address the issue of structured biases against women at all three levels:
personal, organizational, and system level based on human capital view of gender equity and
51
governance. It is also argued that no policy for promoting gender equity will succeed if it ignores
the institutional and cultural context of Pakistan. Thus, a Gender-Organization-System (GOS)
framework is proposed to address challenges and issues of gender responsive governance in
Pakistan for developing comprehensive and indigenous policy and strategies for promoting
gender equity.
Asst Prof. Stig Jarle Hansen, Senior Researcher, NIBR, Feedback mechanisms to change
governance education programmes
Copies of the paper will be distributed during the Session.
The focus of debate will be on following aspects of Gender Equity & Governance:
Evidence of Gender Disparities1

Pakistan has slipped in the Global Gender Gap Report rankings from 112 in 2006, to 126
in 2007, to 127 in 2008, to 132 in 2009 out of a 134 countries. Pakistan’s performance is
poorest throughout Asia, and poorest for the global ‘lower-middle income’ group of
countries.

Pakistan’s performance is partially bolstered by high scores for the ‘political
empowerment’ (excepting representation of women in ministerial positions) variable,
despite bottom-rung figures for ‘educational attainment’ (particularly in literacy, primary
and secondary education for girls), ‘economic participation and opportunity’ (particularly
for labor force participation and women legislators, senior officials and managers), and
‘health and survival’ (particularly in maternal mortality).
Key Challenges to Gender Responsive Governance
1
2

Laws based on interpretation of faith including.2:
o Offence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979;
o Shortcomings of the ‘The Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act,
2006’;
o The Provisions of Qisas and Diyat in the Pakistan Penal Code disadvantaging women
in cases of honour killings and vani;
o Discriminatory family and labor laws.

Lack of specific legislation against domestic violence, despite estimates that suggest 7090% of Pakistani women fall victim to this practice.3
Global Gender Gap Report, 2009, World Economic Forum
“Inclusive Governance for Gender Equality”, Faiza Effendi, Chief Poverty Reduction and Gender Unit, UNDP, 19th August, 2009
3
52

Non-compliance with international agreements, including The Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), The Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination, Health for All by the Year 2000,
Education for All by the Year 2000, and Universal Access to Reproductive Health
Information and Services by the year 2015.4

Progress toward the 3rd Millennium Development Goal: “Promote Gender Equality”
remains off-track with continuing high inequalities in primary enrollment, and literacy. 5

The Protection from Harassment at the Workplace Bill, approved by the Cabinet in
November, and the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill, submitted to the
Ministry of Women Development in August, remain pending.6

Absence of and weaknesses in enforcement of policy when it has become law. At the
national level Pakistan has officially launched the National Plan of Action (NPA) to
implement the Beijing Platform of Action. It has reflected gender concerns in the Ninth
Plan, National Strategy on Poverty Reduction, and Agenda 2010, as well as the Poverty
Reduction Strategy Paper. Despite these measures, the gap between commitment and
action remains large.

Under-representation and lack of participation by women in political and administrative
institutions.7:
o Only 5.4% female employees in all Basic Pay Scales of civil services, and 8.7%
female employees in the Officers Category (BPS 16-22);
o Large umber of women in national/provincial legislatures and in local government,
but few in decision-making positions;
o Women’s representation in the central executive committees of major political parties
is negligible, membership of women’s wings in each party remains smaller, featuring
less voice and visibility than their male counterparts;8
o Threats by Pakistani Taleban prevented thousands of women from voting in the
February elections.9

Cultural biases subject women to violation of rights at the hands of both state and nonstate actors, including “honor” killings, forced marriages, rape and domestic violence.10

Complaints received by Musalihat Anjumans from women include: domestic violence
(32%), minor quarrels and disagreements (23%), financial disputes (13%), and
matrimonial disputes (12%).11
Women in Pakistan: Country Briefing Paper, 2000, ADB
‘Pakistan and the MDGs’, DFID, 2007
6 Amnesty International Report, 2009
7Faiza Effendi, 2009
8 Women in Pakistan: Country Briefing Paper, 2000, ADB
9 Amnesty International Report, 2009
10 Ibid
11 Progress Update, Gender Justice Through Musalihat Anjuman Project, UNDP, 30 th January 2008
4
5
53
The Way Forward

How can we create an enabling legal environment for effective protection and promotion
of women’s rights as provided by constitutional safeguards and international agreements?

How can we bridge the gaps between law and enforcement, commitment and action?

How can we remove disparities in public service delivery, particularly health and
education, strengthening both the supply and demand side?

How can we carve out an equal role for women in economic advancement, both as
participants and beneficiaries of the process?

Has increased political representation translated into actual participation of women in
policymaking, empowerment of women as a national community, and mainstreaming of
women’s issues in public discourse? How can this process be strengthened?

How can local culture and beliefs be overcome to allow positive change in social
institutions?
54
Plenary Session- II: Decentralization and local Governance from 1030-1300
hours, 14 December
The session will have a national speaker and three international speaker making presentations as
follows:
Mr. Sarwar Bari, National Coordinator, PATTAN, Islamabad
THE SOCIALIZATION OF GOVERNANCE: PAKISTAN’S EXPERIENCE
IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM
Abstract
Governance consists of acts and omissions of a government. It is assumed that a government is
aware of diverse needs and aspirations of various sections of the public and thus legislates, plans,
generates and allocates resources equitably to social groups, regions and sectors. This must be a
minimal expectation of a government. Less than this may be anything, but not governance. Elite,
bureaucracies and technical experts can’t achieve it alone, as very often they are unaware of the
realities and priorities of the public. Therefore, men and women of diverse background must be
involved in the governance cycle, all the way from legislation to planning and from
implementation to auditing. The local government is thus the most appropriate tier to socialize
governance at the optimum level, as its officials reside in the reach of large majority of
electorates.
Introduction
Unlike previous local bodies systems, the local government system that was introduced in 2001
was radically participatory. It attempted to enhance the participation of women and men in the
local government through unprecedented measures e.g. quota for marginalised sections i.e.
women, peasant, workers and minorities. It also made the old colonial bureaucracy accountable
to the representatives of the public. This was indeed a watershed step toward socialization of
governance. Although the traditional political elite managed to capture most district governments
and tehsil councils due to a number of amendments introduced in the local government ordinance
2001 prior to 2005 local elections. The new system still succeeded in enhancing the social base
of governance. The quota for women, peasants, workers and minorities not only improved
participation of the poor and the women in governance but also created opportunities to fragment
the power base of the elite at a local level. Thus it sowed the seed of democratizing the polity in
Pakistan.
In the past, local bodies system would be abolished with the departure of its architect. Very often
military dictators introduced the system to fulfill their narrow interests. Though the local
government system introduced by General Musharraf also served his regime, it took local
governance closer to most communities and the public largely benefitted from its unprecedented
55
development work. Therefore, a large majority of the public wants continuity of the current local
government system1.
Sadly, instead of delivering services to the public effectively, the ruling parties in the centre and
provinces, which are controlled by landed and business elites are bent upon destroying the local
elected governments. At a time when Pakistan has been facing enormous problems e.g.
existential threat from religious terrorism, displacements of huge population, surge in
food/energy prices, shortage of essential food items, rising poverty and poor security, requires
close cooperation between all tiers of governments. Instead, most of the energies of the ruling
parties are being used to curb the functioning of nearly 7000 local elected councils. This has
further deteriorated governance and corruption has reached new heights.2
This has annoyed thousands of locally elected councillors/nazimeen but also the public and civil
society, the women groups and the labour unions.3 There are signs that any efforts that will
rollback the current system would face resistance.
Political leadership and Local Government
There appears an inverse relationship between political leadership and local government in
Pakistan. The successive civilian governments have proved without any failure that they did not
like democracy at the local level. Scholars and researchers have attempted to examine the
relationship between the military dictators and their love for local elected councils. But there has
been very little research available on why civilian governments including the incumbents abhor
local elected councils? Why, despite making commitments in election manifestos4 and Charter of
Democracy5 the ruling parties (except MQM) made local councils virtually dead? This question
demands thorough investigation in order to understand the nature of the political elite of
Pakistan.
The scope of my presentation does not allow me to examine this question in detail. However, I
would like to share my brief arguments on the issue. In my view, in the absence of local party
chapters, local government elections generate local social capital of elected councillors, which
acts as gravity and thus can weaken external political control. As the elected councillors live
along with their electorates, the community has instant access to them.6 This access is not just a
pressure; it has the potential to boost his/her respect and influence through good performance. It
enhances his bargaining power with political parties. Consequently it can weaken the control of
the leaders of political parties not only in local governance but also in local level party affairs.
Also, it seems that most political parties have little or no capacity to manage and control the
mass of local councillors. Therefore, civilian governments often rely on bureaucracy in order to
control local councils. For instance, the revival of commissioners in provinces by the incumbent
1.
Free and Fair Election Network, “Reform, But No Rollback: Local Government System: A View from the Districts August 7, 2009 “.
www.transparency.org/policy_reserach/survey_indices/cpi/2009
3. In the last few months the media reported dozens of protest rallies and demonstrations organised by CSOs and Women Councillors’
Networks.
4. 2007-08 Election Manifestoes of Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz, Awami National Party and Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarian.
5. Article 10 of Charter of Democracy 2006.
6. Pattan Development Organisation, “Performance Assessment of Women Councillors 2004.”
2.
56
provincial governments is a step to control district governments through bureaucracy. The old
colonial mindset is once again born with a vengeance.
Ironically the architects of the Devolution Plan after the 2002 election due to pressure of the
(then) provincial governments tried to achieve this purpose (control over local councils) by
reducing seats of union councils from 21 to 13 in 2005.7 The current incumbent provincial
governments have proposed a further cut in union council seats. The Punjab and North West
Frontier Province governments have proposed nine and seven seats for union councils
respectively.8 Less, the number of councillors, the greater, the control of the provincial
government and political leadership. More democracy means less leadership control. These are
the driving principles of our political elite. Lack of internal party democracy also stems from this
mindset.
There appears a huge gap between the need of the people and the greed of the political
leadership. The people need more democracy and good governance. The political leadership is
suffering from self-indulgence and thus fails to provide good governance. This conflict needs to
be resolved if we want to prevent further military takeovers and extremism. The political
leadership is urged to introduce local government system, which ensures participation of the
marginalized and women in local governance through a substantial quota. This will deprive
future adventurous military generals from a popular tool of local government.
It is worth mentioning here that despite the initial opposition to the devolution of power plan and
local government elections most political parties fully participated in the local elections. In fact it
became comical when each party claimed that it had won majority of seats. Adding the claims of
all parties would inflate the sum larger than the total seats. Often said, ‘local government
councils play the role of a nursery in politics’. This proved true. Most political parties who have
been opposing the local government system in fact gained from two terms of local government
elections. According to a recent study9 some political parties inducted and nominated active
women councillors as office bearers of their respective women wings.
Women Quota in Local Government and Role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs)
Despite serious reservations about the military takeover in 1999, most CSOs not only welcomed
the Devolution of Power Plan but also played an active role in making it a success. One of the
main reasons for their enthusiasm was socialization of the local government system through
reservation of quota for women, peasants, workers and minorities; and the creation of
village/mohallah councils and Citizen Community Boards etc. These steps were perceived to
empower the marginalized. Therefore, it was an ideal opportunity for them toward achieving
their mandate.
The CSOs formed networks across the country in order to mobilize women and marginalized
people to participate in election as candidates. They established facilitation centers for
candidates, where they helped them to fill nomination papers and assisted them in election
7.
This reduced 46,837 councillors in union councils. Source National Reconstruction Bureau website
Unpublished Proposed Acts 2009 of the Government of Punjab and NWFP.
9. Pattan Baseline Study on Presence of Women in Political Parties 2009.
8.
57
campaign. They also mobilized women voters and challenged those who tried to prevent women
from participation. Consequently, contrary to the fears of some, over all most (68%) seats of
women were filled through contestation.10 In this regard, male family members of women
candidates and communities played a remarkable role.11 The general public also warmly
accepted reservation of quota for women.12 According to PATTAN Opinion Poll 2001 as many
as 87% respondents welcomed the quota for women. And 73% respondents were found in favour
of women contesting for political office.
As many as 98% women candidates had never contested any election prior to the local council
2001. Also, most (89%) of their families had no previous experience of any election as
candidates. A majority of women councillors was either illiterate or semi literate.13 But, the
women councillors were enthusiastic about their newly found role; however, they had hardly any
knowledge, experience, skills and ability to perform. It was therefore imperative to raise their
capacities in order to improve their effectiveness and efficiency. Also, the system lacked a
supportive mechanism. Their poor performance would have endangered their quota. Keeping this
in mind, the CSOs took a leading role in this regard. The donor community, the UNDP and the
government also contributed generously and created an enabling environment. Pattan
Development Organization and some other NGOs formed networks of women councillors. As a
result of these efforts, women councillors emerged as the most vocal councillors in Pakistan.
They raised issues of domestic violence, staged demos against notorious Hudood Ordinances.
Also, they formed a countrywide network.14 It was perhaps the only democratically elected
network of women councillors in the country.
In 2005, when the government reduced women seats from six to three, the Women Councillors’
Network (WCN) held protest rallies for two consecutive days in Islamabad and all over the
country. As a result, one seat was restored. The WCN was perhaps the first organized group who
launched a nationwide campaign to save local government in 2008. During the month of
Ramadan (fasting month) when political and social activities had come to a halt, they organized
Sehri-Iftari Ehtaijaj (demos held at sun rising and sunset timings) against the ruling parties for
making local councils dysfunctional.
Women’s representation in local authorities appears to have a multi-dimensional impact on state
and society. The most important seems to be its potential to weaken the centuries old
stranglehold of patriarch mindset, as elected women officials appear to be asserting their point of
view in local governance. This has enhanced the women ownership in governance. But, the real
impact comes from performance and this deepens the social acceptance of women as local
political leaders. Despite numerous constraints, the women councillors performed well. On
average, as many as 70 people would approach a woman councillor in a month, more than 90%
of these people were very poor and 69% of them were women. 15 Therefore, it may be concluded
10.
Compiled from Election Commission of Pakistan data 2001 local elections.
Bari, Farzana (2001) “Research Study: Local Government Elections, December 200-(Phase-1)” published by Pattan Development
Organisation 2001.
12 . Ibid
13. Ibid
14. Women Councillors’ Network (WCN) was formed with the assistance of Pattan Development Organisation. It has 67 chapters including a
national and three provincial chapters.
15. Pattan Development Organisation, “Performance Assessment of Women Councillors 2004.”
11.
58
that reservation of a quota for women has engendered governance. We have no data of male
councillors who were elected against peasant/worker seats. We can assume that a similar pattern
might have happened there too. Thus, it can be argued that the reservation of quota for
marginalized gender and social groups have broadened the roots of local governance in Pakistan.
This is perhaps the reason why most respondents of a survey believed that the union council was
the most responsive and easily accessible level of government. 16 Therefore, it is important to
devolve more powers to union councils and instead of reducing seats there is a need to increase
them at union council level. For instance, in India and Nepal the seats-population ratio is less
than Pakistan. In India and Nepal there are 1000 and 400 persons against one-woman councillor
respectively. While in Pakistan the ratio is roughly 6,500 persons to one women councillor.17
Keeping in view restrictions on women mobility out of their neighbourhood, there is a serious
need to increase the number of women seats at union council level.
Socializing the participation
In order to broaden to social base of local governance, a number of instruments were introduced
in the local government system. The most important one was, ‘Village and Mohallah Councils’.
But due to some reasons (best known to policy makers) elections of these councils were never
held. The CSOs too did not demand of the government to hold elections of these councils.
Therefore, all let the concept die. Similarly, provisions of formation of local government
monitoring committees and appointment of district ombudsmen were ignored. Another social
institution called Citizen Community Board (CCB) was introduced. As the government gave
more importance to CCBs than the village/mohallah councils, thousands of CCBs were formed
across the country. The formation of Public Safety Commissions was yet another platform
which had the potential to involve citizens to monitor performance of the Police, however,
political and Police elite did not allow these bodies to function independently.
Conclusion
Despite serious flaws in the new local government system, selective implementation of the Local
Government Ordinance and elite capture, the reservation of quota for marginalized weakened the
political and social power of the elite at the grassroots level in Pakistan. The quota also paved the
way for women empowerment in Pakistan. Due to various participatory mechanisms of the local
government, the public interaction with elected and government officials have been enhanced in
some regions, which has helped improve governance and democracy in Pakistan. However due
to negative propaganda against the new system, its benefits has not been realised properly by
many. Therefore, continuity of the system is imperative.
Lessons Learnt and Challenges
 Pakistani society accepted reservation of quota for women and their public role in formal
political arena. Despite lack of skills, knowledge and experience, women councillors
16
ACNielsen and The Urban Institute: Districts That Work Project 2008
Compiled from data of Election Commissions of various countries.
17.
59
took their new role as a challenge and performed well. The supporting role of family in
this regard has been crucial.
 The local government system, which ensures optimum participation of the public attracts
support of civil society organizations, the donor community and deepens ownership.
 The political elite has failed to fulfill promises made in the election manifestoes and
Charter of Democracy. Also, they have failed to see writing on the wall. There appears a
huge gap between them and large majority of the public, the women groups, the CSO
and the labour unions. The public need democratic local governance, the political elite
kept on ignoring it. Continuation of local government system is a popular demand.
Therefore, the government should announce schedule of local government elections
without any delay.
 Union council is the closest and therefore the most accessible tier of government;
therefore it must be further empowered.
 Greater the citizens’ participation in decision-making structures, advances the
democratization and improves the governance.
I would like to sum up by saying that any measure which helps improve governance and wellbeing of the marginalized become popular. Therefore, any attempt that will try to roll back the
system will face resistance. The public is least interested who has introduced the local
government system. General Ayub Khan (1958-1968) introduced progressive family laws. They
are still part of our legal structure. General Musharraf (1999-2008) lowered the voting age,
revived the joint electorate system, increased seats for provincial and national assemblies and
introduced quota for women and peasant/workers. All these measures were need of the time. Any
reversal on these reforms will further damage the already poor governance and will be a setback
to our fragile democracy.
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Dr. Jon Naustdalslid, Senior Researcher NIBR, Oslo - Decentralisation and local governance
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Dr. Shabbir Cheema, Director, Asia-Pacific Governance and Democracy Initiative, East-West
Center, Honoulu-Hawaii (USA) – Decentralizing Governance: Emerging Concepts and
Practices:
“Over the past one century, many transformations – including democratization, urbanization,
globalization and informatization and use of ICT - have taken place in the world which are
affecting the theory and practice of decentralized governance. Three sets of questions are
pertinent to understand the global practices in decentralized governance. The first set deals
with why, what and how of devolution, participation and accountability. The second set of
questions focus on what, why and how of local government autonomy, local government
capacity and patterns of interactions between the central and local governments The third sets
of questions deal with fiscal management and fiscal capacity of the urban governments.
This presentation examines the emerging concepts and practices of decentralized governance.
The contents are:

impact of democratization, urbanization, globalization and informatization on
decentralization practice;

successful decentralization practices including in Indonesia, Brazil, and China; and

key findings and lessons concerning decentralization practice around the world.”.
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Kathleen Lauder, Senior Associate Institute on Governance Ottawa Building a Citizen Government Partnership at the Local Level: Lessons from Experience
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The focus of debate will be on following aspects of Decentralization and local Governance:
Background
Theoretical rationale includes arguments for decentralization in Pakistan as a correction of
patrimonial distortions in institutional environment1, enhancement of economic efficiency2,
improvement of state/citizen inter-face3, accommodation of pressure for regional autonomy4,
ultimately leading to better protection of rights, more effective service delivery, and greater
accountability.5 Empirical analysis of performance provides mixed results of decentralization
reform from Latin America, Asia, and Africa.6 Impacts are also ambiguous at the national level
for Pakistan, with decentralization reform brought by military regimes in 1959 and 1979, and
lying dormant under democratic regimes under Bhutto and later from 1993-1998.7 The latest
reform was brought through the Local Government Ordinance 2001, (amended in 2005), given
constitutional protection till 2009, and its survival is now under debate.
Dia 1994;19
Musgrave, 1983; Oates, Wallace, 1972; Tiebout, 1956
3 Inman and Daniel, 1996
4 Triesman, 1998
5 Azfar et al. (2001)
6 World Bank, 1998
7 Various sources relate the story of decentralization in Pakistan: Tinker, 1968; Ahmed, 1964; Siddiqui, 1992; Burki, 1980; Wilder, 1999; Ali
Cheema, Asim Ijaz Khwaja and Adnan Qadir, 2005, etc.
1
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Criticisms of the Devolution Plan

Devolution has brought no improvements in local governance, with no impact on service
delivery or responsiveness. Several assessments point to the marginal improvements in
service delivery with little or no improvements in health, and the large disparities
between provinces.8 The urban rural-divide persists, and latest surveys record
dissatisfaction with local government education (22-38%) and health (27%) facilities.9

The devolution plan is a brainchild of a military regime, and like its predecessors lacks
democratic legitimacy. It aims to:
o Depoliticize local governance with indirect elections for the District Nazim on a nonparty basis, and the lack of devolution in military-controlled cantonments;
o Undermine federalism by encroaching on provincial autonomy, and the lack of
federal to provincial devolution reforms to accompany local level changes;
o Transplant ‘Western’ blueprints of local governance driven by donor money; and
o Weaken the civil bureaucracy.

The devolution plan has politicized local resource allocation of limited development
budgets leading to unequal development within and across districts.

Local governments have little de facto control over Appointment, Promotions, and
Transfer (APT) authorities of local staff, and hardly any control over the DCO and DPO.

There are no hierarchical linkages between the various levels of local government,
causing jurisdictional conflicts and lack of coordination.

While the Tehsil administration enjoys quasi-judicial powers such as imposing fines, its
officials find it nearly impossible to enforce their writ without the enforcement powers
previously exercised by executive magistrates.

Local governments are resource starved with the bulk of money sourced from provincial
transfers, over 80% of which are for salaries.

Despite reservation of seats in the councils for women and minorities, there are no
reservations for the Nazim seat. Extremist groups have barred women candidates in
Balakot and Lower Dir.

Checks and balances are absent, principally the elected Local Council Monitoring
Committees exist mostly on paper, which has caused the current local government system
to be perceived as more corrupt by 66.48% of citizens.10

Devolution has been implemented unevenly across the provinces, with discrepancies
arising even within provinces and districts.11
See for instance: “Social Development in Pakistan”, Social Policy and Development Centre. 2007
“Citizens’ Perceptions and Preferences on Local Government Systems”, Districts That Work (DTW), 2008
10 TI Pakistan, National Corruption Perception Survey 2009.
8
9
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
Political devolution is marred by elite capture, administrative decentralization is
incomplete, and the de-concentration of management functions is partial because of lack
of provincial buy-in and coordination between TMAs and districts. The most importance
innovations of the reform were never implemented, including freedom of information
provisions in Article 137 and public consultations on budgetary priorities.12
Key Questions and Debates

How can we ensure that principles of democracy be supported and strengthened at the
local level as they are at the provincial and national levels?

Similarly, how can the separation of judicial and executive roles, upheld as in principle at
the federal and provincial levels, be mirrored in local governance?

Latest surveys report that provinces fare lower than local governments on measures of
public access to state officials, and there is “overwhelming support for maintaining
control of service delivery with local governments.”13 Are the failures of the local
government plan flaws of design or implementation? Do these flaws warrant reform or
abolishment of the current system?

Given the politically charged nature of the debate, how can we separate rhetoric from
reality?
In Water and Sanitation for instance, there has, in practice, been very little devolution to the TMA level. Balochistan has not formally
devolved PHED and has simply restructured it. NWFP has devolved the functions to urban tehsils but not to rural ones. In Sindh, Karachi has
separate departments for education and literacy while Khairpur has a joint department for both functions.
12 Ibid
13 “Citizens’ Perceptions and Preferences on Local Government Systems”, Districts That Work (DTW), 2008
11
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Parallel Session-III: Sustainable Governance Strategies to
Counter Terrorism from 1400-1545 hours, 14 December
The session will have a national speaker and an international speaker making presentations as
follows:
Dr. Syed Rifaat Hussain, Professor & Chairman Department of Defence & Strategic Studies,
Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad - Governance, Civil Society & Strategies for Countering
Terrorism: Challenges & Lessons of Pakistan
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Åse Grødeland Senior Researcher Chr. Michelsen Institute (CM) - International comparative
approach to the examination of corruption
AN ALTERNATIVE APPROACH TO INVESTIGATING AND COUNTERING CORRUPTION
“Corruption is perceived as a serious problem throughout the world. It negatively affects
economic development, state institutions, “bureaucratic encounters” between citizens and
state officials, and public trust in the state. More recently, it has been suggested that
corruption undermines the “war on terrorism”. Though numerous, efforts to counter
corruption have so far produced limited results. There are a number of reasons for this.
For a start, anti-corruption programmes tend to be “internationally driven” and poorly
funded. Besides, they are usually rather vague and “all-inclusive”, focussing almost
exclusively on corrupt acts, rather than on the mechanisms facilitating them. Drawing on
large-scale qualitative data from the West Balkans, this paper focuses on one such
mechanism: informal practice. More specifically, it investigates the use of contacts and
informal networks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia. It is argued that
informal practice is an inherent part of national culture in these countries. Consequently,
alternative approaches are required in order to enhance the impact of anti-corruption
reform.”.
The focus of debate will be on following aspects of Sustainable Governance Strategies to
Counter Terrorism
The Misgovernance/Terrorism Nexus

In 2008, a total of 2,148 terrorist, insurgent and sectarian attacks were reported across
Pakistan, killing 2,267 people and injuring 4,558. The highest number were reported from
NWFP (1,009), followed by Balochistan (682) and the Tribal Areas (385).1

Terrorist violence has claimed 10,123 lives this year with 23,608 dying over the past 6
years, 7,325 of them civilians. The annual fatalities have been rising steadily, from 189 in
2003.2

The armed offensive in South Waziristan hopes to dismantle the stronghold of the
Tehrik-e-Taleban Pakistan (TTP), an umbrella group representing various tribal loyalties
throughout FATA along the Afghan border, with ties to foreign groups. Conflict in this
region has already cost over $2 billion and displaced nearly 1/3rd of FATA’s 3.5 million
strong population.3 Reactions to that offensive culminated in an attack on Army
headquarters in Rawalpindi, and numerous suicide attacks on civilian targets, most
recently a massive blast in Peshawar which claimed over a hundred lives.4
Pakistan Security Report, 2008, Pak Institute for Peace Studies, 2008
South Asia Terrorism Portal.
3 “Cost of Conflict in FATA”, Planning and Development Department, FATA Secretariat, Government of Pakistan, April 2009
4 Pakistan's Government, Not Military, Must Fight Taliban, Shuja Nawaz, 20 th October, 2009
1
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
There is research to suggest that weak governance and lack of development may
contribute toward the rise and spread of radicalization/militancy in Pakistan, particularly
areas along its border with Afghanistan. Specific factors include poverty, unemployment,
disintegration of state structures, absence of basic service delivery, Pakistan’s
‘democratic deficit’, and widespread corruption.5 FATA serves as a worst-case scenario,
featuring all these factors of chronic misgovernance and underdevelopment. It is not
surprising therefore, that it is also a hotbed of discontent, insurgency, and religious
radicalization.
Case in Point: FATA

Socio-economic indicators for FATA are far below the national par, with 60% of its
residents living below the poverty line, 3% female literacy rate, twice the maternal
mortality rate as the national average, and most of the 300,000 people aged 16-25 are
unemployed.6

Chronic lack of public service delivery and low public spending is evidenced by a wide
array of indicators; population per doctor is 7,670 (1,226 nationally), and population per
hospital bed is 2,179 (1,441 nationally).7 Government’s current development allocation to
FATA amounts to $11.30 per capita, compared to a national annual average of $25.55.
Lack of power and irrigation restrict growth of industry and agriculture, respectively.
Employment opportunities are restricted to Taliban soldiery (paid Rs. 15,000/month,
nearly thrice the salary of tribal levies), or local arms and drugs trade. Investment and
business activity remain minimal in the absence of economic regulation, a formal
banking sector, and infrastructure (particularly road networks).8

FATA has a history of political disconnect with universal franchise being extended as
recently as 1997, with continuing legal suppression of political parties operation and
campaigning. The region continues to be governed by colonial era law, concentrating all
executive, judicial, and revenue authority in a Political Agent, without recourse or right
of appeal. The writ of both state and tribal structures has eroded to a thin veneer over the
authority of militants and religious radicals.9
Key Questions and Debates

Are current governance strategies for countering terrorism sustainable with regard to
long-term political viability, economic feasibility, and social acceptability?

Do we have a well-defined national security policy and strategy to counter terrorism
including foreign involvement?
See for instance Safiya Aftab (2008), Robert Kemp (2008), Sohail Abbas (2007), Marco Mezzera (2009)etc.
Pakistan's Government, Not Military, Must Fight Taliban, Shuja Nawaz, 20th October, 2009
7 FATA – A Most Dangerous Place, Center for Strategic & International Studies, Shuja Nawaz, 2009
8 Pakistan: Countering Militancy in FATA, International Crisis Group, 2009
9 Ibid
5
6
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
It is vital that the roles of military and civilian administration be clearly defined,
separated and in keeping with their institutional legitimacy, capacity, and expectations.
What are the limitations of military force and what are the key entry-points for civilian
administration? How can deficiencies in governance and development be addressed to
dismantle the enabling environment for radicalization and militancy across Pakistan?

Political enfranchisement is a challenge as pressing as it is controversial. Should FATA
be merged with NWFP, become a separate federating unit along the lines of GilgitBaltistan, or retain the status quo? What would be the benefits to local and national
stakeholders and fall-out in terms of politics, economics, and security?

Legal and judicial reform is needed in FATA. Should the Frontier Crimes Regulation
(1901) be repealed? Does the reform package of 14th August 2009 announced by the
President achieve enough? Is local tribal culture amenable to the provisions of a modern
criminal justice system? Should the jirga remain the primary purveyor of local justice?

Public services need to be improved. How can supply side issues such as lack of
professionals, supplies, facilities, and infrastructure; widespread corruption; and
substandard quality be resolved, particularly for health and education? How can we
strengthen the demand side by overcoming problems such as remoteness of populations,
tribal conflicts over land and other resources, and lack of awareness and affordability?

An economic revival, though precluded by security concerns, is one of the most
important long-term governance strategies for counter-terrorism. How can we create
employment opportunities that would drain the recruitment pool for radical groups? How
can we create an economic environment that exploits natural resources, promotes
investment, builds human capital, and enables growth in industry and agriculture?

International aid and assistance is necessary but various factors dilute its impact on
ground. How can the monitoring and evaluation of donor programs be improved to curtail
waste, abuse, and fraud?
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Parallel Session-IV: Poverty Alleviation and Governance
from 1400-1545 hours, 14 December
The session will have a national speaker and an international speaker making presentations as
follows:
Dr. Akmal Hussain, Distinguished Professor, Beaconhouse National University, Lahore
A POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR GROWTH THROUGH POVERTY REDUCTION
Abstract
Pakistan is in the midst of a war of national survival as Taliban-Al Qaeda combine have captured
large swathes of Pakistan’s territory in the NWFP and are now launching guerilla operations in
some of the major cities. As military combat proceeds apace, it is clear that an important
dimension of prosecuting the war against extremism is to provide a stake in citizenship to the
large proportion of the population that is suffering from growing poverty, unemployment and the
deprivation of basic services. Economic growth in the past 60 years has failed to make a
substantial dent into the poverty problem. This is because of an institutional structure within
which high economic growth has been neither sustainable nor equitable.
Economic growth has not been sustainable because of a set of structural constraints 1, the most
important of which are:
(i) A narrow base for savings which makes the savings rate (less than 12 percent of GDP),
half that of the investment rate (24 percent of GDP) required to sustain a GDP growth
rate of 6 percent2; and
(ii) A narrow base for exports which excludes potential small scale high value added export
based industries and instead concentrates on a small number of large scale textile units at
the low value added end of the textile range.
Therefore export growth is insufficient to finance the foreign exchange requirements of a high
GDP growth trajectory. The consequence of this elite based growth process is that Pakistan’s
GDP growth has a stop-go pattern: high growth takes place only in spurts during periods when
foreign aid is provided to fill both the savings and foreign exchange gaps. At the same time the
narrow base of savings and investments, and an extremely unequal distribution of productive
assets in both manufacturing and agriculture, has resulted in growing income inequality during
the high growth periods, thereby severely constraining the capacity of growth for poverty
reduction.
1
2
For a detailed discussion of the structural constraints to sustained growth, see: Akmal Hussain, Pakistan: Poverty, Power and Economic
Growth, South Asia Centre for Policy Studies, MSS, 30 September 2009, pages 22 to 26. (Publication forthcoming).
The Incremental Capital Output Ratio (ICOR) for Pakistan’s Economy is, 4.
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If growth is to be sustained and poverty is to be overcome quickly, a shift in the paradigm for
understanding both the determinants of growth as well as the nature of poverty is required. The
literature of the New Institutional Economics shows that the most important determinant of
sustained growth is the institutional structure within which it occurs3. If Pakistan is to embark on
a path of sustained growth it would be necessary to establish an institutional structure for
inclusive growth. Such a growth process would enable a transition to economic democracy which
would sustain political democracy4. The institutional structure of inclusive growth would enable
all of the citizens of Pakistan rather than only a small elite to participate as subjects of economic
growth as well as the recipients of its fruits.
Our work with Professor Rehman Sobhan at SACEPS5 attempts to redefine poverty as a process
where the institutional structure excludes a large proportion of the population from participating
on “….equitable terms in the opportunities for development and decision making in society.”6
Taking this approach forward it can be proposed that neither handouts to the poor nor the trickle
down effects of the conventional unequal growth process can resolve the poverty problem. This
is because the poor are locked into a nexus of power within an institutional structure that gives
them insufficient access to productive assets and to health, skill development and education
through which they could develop their human potential7. They also lack access over justice and
over governance decisions that affect their immediate social, economic and environmental
conditions.
The Elements of Inclusive Growth
A new approach to inclusive growth could be adopted by establishing an institutional framework
for the provision of productive assets to the poor as well as the capacity to utilize these assets
efficiently. In this way the poor by engaging in the process of investment, innovation and
productivity increase could become the active subjects of economic growth rather than being
merely recipients of a “trickle down” effect: Thus a sustained high growth could be achieved
through equity8. Inclusive growth so defined can become both the means and the end of GDP
growth.
3
4
5
6
7
8
(i) Douglass C. North, Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England,
2004.
(ii) Douglass C. North, Understanding the Process of Economic Change, Princeton University Press, 2005.
For a discussion on Economic Democracy and case studies of action, See: Ponna Wignaraja, Susil Sirivardana, Akmal Hussain (eds),
Economic Democracy through Pro Poor Growth, SAGE Publications, Delhi, 2009.
The South Asia Center for Policy Studies (SACEPS) in collaboration with the Center for Policy Dialogue has just completed a multi country
poverty project involving a new approach to poverty and development policy. The synthesis volume of the study is authored by Professor
Rehman Sobhan and the country studies have been authored by the following: (i) Akmal Hussain [Pakistan Study], Saman Kelegama with
his research team [Sri Lanka Study], Mahesh Banskota [Nepal Study], Beena Pandey [India Study], Selim Raihan [Bangladesh Study].
Rehman Sobhan, Rethinking Poverty Eradication in South Asia: An Agenda for Inclusive Development, SACEPS/CPD Project, Center for
Policy Dialogue, Dhaka, Draft for Discussion, October 2008.
Akmal Hussain, Pakistan: Poverty, Power and Economic Growth, South Asia Center for Policy Studies, MSS, 30 September 2008,
Forthcoming.
I am grateful to Professor A.K. Sen for pointing out to me, that while my argument that higher growth could be achieved through equity is
technically valid, yet it is important to understand that equity is an end in itself. This comment was made by Professor A.K. Sen during a
SACEPS/CPD seminar (Equitising Development) in Delhi, 17-18 December 2008.
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The institutional framework of such an inclusive growth could have four broad dimensions:
(1) A process of localized capital accumulation through Participatory Development.
(2) A small and medium farmer strategy for accelerated agriculture growth through the
provision of land ownership rights to the landless and institutional arrangements for yield
increases.
(3) Accelerated growth of small and medium scale industrial enterprises through an
institutional framework for increasing the production and export of high value added
products in the light engineering and automotive sectors.
(4) An institutional framework for providing productive assets to the poor through equity
stakes in large corporations owned by the poor and managed by professionals.
Dr. Arne Tesli, Senior Researcher, Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research
(NIBR), Oslo
GOVERNANCE AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION
Abstract
This presentation deals with the relationship between governance and poverty alleviation. The
presentation will include the following elements:





An introductory description of some of the main characteristics and manifestations of
poverty
A discussion of some of the key factors and processes that generate poverty
Strategies and work to avoid or combat poverty
Government responsibilities and tasks. Policy making, prioritisation, organisation and
implementation
o A discussion of what can be considered to be fundamental state or governmental tasks
and responsibilities in work to fight poverty.
o Provision of, or facilitation of, basic public services (and welfare).
- Health,
- Education,
- Housing,
- Social security, safety nets, etc.
o Development of human capital, human relationships and social capital
Governmental structure and organisation
o Roles of and relationships between central and local authorities
- Role of central government and authorities
- Local level implementation and coordination
- Financing of basic public services
- Public-private partnerships
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

Economic policy
o Income and income distribution
o Endeavours to ensure employment opportunities and income,
- Consideration of and discussion of framework conditions, the structure for, and
the organisation of, carrying out activities to generate employment opportunities
o Stable and balanced economic development – predictability
o Regional policy
o Political prioritisation and budgeting between sectors and administrative levels
Examination and evaluation of the results of poverty alleviation activities – the
performance.
o What is needed to achieve good governance in terms of poverty alleviation?
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The focus of debate will be on following aspects of Poverty Alleviation and Governance
Background

The causal link between governance and a host of human development outcomes has
been empirically verified at the global level, and at the national level for Pakistan1. There
is broad consensus among development and poverty-reduction practitioners on the
essential role governance plays in the success of their efforts.

The poverty headcount ratio as calculated by the Centre for Poverty Reduction and Social
Policy Development (CPRSPD) describes a decline in poverty trends from 23.3% in
2005-06 to 17.2% in 2007-08, jumping to 22% in the last 2 quarters. The World Bank
which has validated these figures warns that these rates may jump to 25% by 2010.2

Nationally, 24% of the population is below the calorie-based food plus non-food poverty
line, because of the severe price hike in basic food commodities. This could result in
malnutrition particularly among the urban poor, lower health, lower labor productivity,
social unrest, and ultimately, higher poverty levels.3

According to various sources, Pakistan can achieve the Millennium Development Goal
for poverty reduction and eradication of hunger by 2015 “if certain changes are made”,
and if progress since 2000 is sustained.4
Main Themes

Role of Government. Government intervention in areas of manufacturing, trade, and
over-regulation, has not resulted in significant impacts on poverty. On the other hand,
under-involvement in the provision of basic public goods and services, redistributive
taxation, and adequate social safety nets has effected rising inequality.5
o What is the ideal size, shape, and role of government in developing economies such
as Pakistan with respect to poverty reduction?
o How can the need for social safety nets, (including cash transfer programs like the
Benazir Income Support Programme and micro-credit schemes such as Pakistan
Poverty Alleviation Fund), be reconciled with the constraints of fiscal scarcity and the
imperatives of disciplined public spending?
o How can we move toward a ‘self-help’ paradigm which builds empowerment rather
than dependency by mobilizing communities toward a shared responsibility for
poverty reduction?

Unequal Distribution of Poverty Losses and Poverty Reduction Gains. There is evidence
to suggest continuing disparities within the population under the poverty line, including
See for instance Kauffman et al (1999), (2000), (2002), etc for a global perslective, and Talat Anwar (2006), Chaudhry et al (2009), Haq & Zia
(2009), Mushtaq & Alqama (2009), for a national perspective.
2 State Bank of Pakistan’s Annual Report 2008-09, Economic Survey of Pakistan 2008-09.
3 UN Inter-agency assessment mission on impact of food crisis in Pakistan, WHO, 2008
4 DFID, 2007 and MDG Monitor, UNDP, 2007.
5 Social Development in Pakistan, SDIP 2000
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the gender gap, urban-rural divide, slums/katchi abadis vis-a-vis mainstream urban
populations, inter-provincial and inter-district inequalities as well as inequalities along
ethnic/religious lines.6
o What are the structural biases in social, economic, and legal/political systems that
exclude citizens from anti-poverty opportunities?
o How can absolute national gains in poverty reduction be translated into equitable
relative gains for marginalized groups?

Corruption. There is ample research to suggest that corruption increases poverty by
retarding economic growth and exacerbating inequality by discouraging investments,
burdening entrepreneurship, diverting public resources, decreasing taxes and quality of
infrastructure.7 It also reduces governance capacity and weakens democracy.8 Pakistan’s
performance on Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) has
been consistently poor, ranking 134th out of 180 nations in 2008.9 The latest TI Pakistan
survey indicates that national bribery levels have risen 400% in the last 3 years, from Rs.
45 billion in 2006 to Rs. 195 billion in 2009.
o How can the government be made more transparent and accountable to the governed
so that the resources meant for them are spent for them?

Institutional Capacity. Institutions have been held to be the ‘missing link’ in the good
governance agenda, explaining differences in growth rates and development paths across
countries. Scholars agree on a robust positive relationship between institutional quality
and growth and development outcomes including poverty reduction.10 In Pakistan, core
governance institutions are faced with a multitude of shortcomings which weaken respect
for human rights, assumption of responsibilities, and delivery of services, leading to the
demise of good governance practice.11
o How can we capacitate governance institutions to deliver poverty reduction and other
development imperatives?

Growth and Poverty. Past economic growth in Pakistan has not always led to reductions
in poverty. Though poverty has declined most in periods of high growth, it has also
declined in periods of slow growth (during the 1970s) and risen during periods of high
growth (1960s).12 Growth does not always ‘trickle down’ to the poor, which necessitates
complementary focus on equitable distribution of income, employment generation, and a
greater focus on social sector development.13
Pakistan National Human Development Report, UNDP, 2003,
See for instance Maur, (2002), World Bank (2000), Gupta et al. (1998), etc.
8See for instance Johnston (2000), Gupta, Davoodi and Tiongson (2000), etc.
9 Link given: http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2008
10 See fo instance Bardhan (2000), (Rodrik et al. 2002),( Pejovich 1999), (Isham and Kähkönen 2002), (Grootaert and Narayan 2001).
11 These shortcomings include: “…a breakdown of basic service delivery mechanisms through corruption, staff absenteeism, and poor
maintenance; lack of accountability, transparency and politicization of personnel selection and resource allocation. In addition, concerns
regarding the fairness of the legal system and its ability to provide an enabling environment to promote social and economic development; lack
of, or selective, enforcement of rules (many of which are outdated); poor co-ordination among government departments and among donor
agencies; and the poor morale and work ethic of the civil service. In other words, Pakistan has experienced a steady erosion in the quality of its
governance institutions.” Paul Lundberg, 2003
12 See for instance Ali and Tahir (1999), Pasha and Palanivel (2003), etc.
13 Ghausi, 2004
6
7
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o How can we ensure that gains during slow growth periods disproportionately benefit
the poorer segments so that poverty reduction may continue?
o How can we ensure that high growth (such as during the last several years) reduces
inequality and significantly reduces poverty?
107
Plenary Session-III: Governance Education Baseline Research Outcomes
from 1615-1839 hours, 14 December
The session will have 7 speakers making presentations on main findings of baseline research
studies undertaken during 2009 as follows:(i)
Dr. Zafar Iqbal Jadoon, Director, Institute of Administrative Sciences (IAS), Punjab
University, Lahore- Governance programs
(ii) Mr. Rahim Ul Haque, CPPG, FC College, Lahore -TNA of Masters Programs
(iii) Mr. Ijaz Hussain, Assistant Professor of Economics, IPP, BNU Lahore - TNA of
Bachelors Programs
(iv) Dr. S. Shabib ul Hasan, Assistant Professor, Department of Public Administration,
University of Karachi -TNA of Public Colleges Programs
(v) Dr. Pervez Tahir, Lahore -Current State of Executive Education Courses and Programs
(vi) Mr. Inaam-ul-Haque, IDS Islamabad- Current State of User Needs Profile of Executive
Education on Governance
(vii) Dr. Aisha Ghaus-Pasha, IPP, BNU, Lahore -Governance Indicators
The session aims at sharing the main outcomes (as explained below) of seven baseline research
studies related to governance programs, TNA, executive education and governance indicators in
Pakistan conducted under GINI initiative for promoting governance education, in the wider
forum of all stakeholders scheduled on 14th December, 2009. The stakeholders’ consultation
would aim at assessing the demand for Governance programs (masters, bachelors and public
colleges), executive education and faculty capacity building programs/courses and to finalize a
policy framework for development of governance education programs/courses.
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KEY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
OF BASELINE RESEARCH
Baseline Research on Governance related Programs offered in Pakistan
by Institute of Administrative Sciences (IAS),
University of the Punjab, Lahore
Key Findings:
(1)
Pakistan’s experience of running Public Administration and Public Policy programs
clearly suggests that new academic programs exclusively dedicated to and with the
nomenclature of Governance (such as BS(Hons)/MS Governance) may not be a viable
option at present. A cautious approach and strategy needs to be adopted such as
strengthening of existing MPA and MPP programs through faculty and curriculum
development as well as preparation of local reading materials and introduction of PhD as
well as MS in Governance in selected universities. [Based on analysis of consultants].
(2)
Governance courses, based on indigenous research, should be introduced in the curricula
of Governance related programs as well as Social Science disciplines in the long run.
[Based on analysis of consultants].
(3)
Social Science faculty should be inducted into Public Administration and Public Policy
programs. Graduates of the same departments serving as faculty do not have sufficient
exposure to Public Administration issues. [Derived from assessments of consultants as
well as interviews with faculty members and focus group discussions with students].
(4)
Upgraded MPA, Masters of Public Policy as well as four year BS programs offer the
opportunity of introducing Governance and Public Administration courses. [Derived from
assessments of the consultants].
(5)
A unique identity, distinctly separate from Business Administration programs, needs to
be created and marketed for Public Administration, Public Policy and Governance
programs. [Faculty interviews, student questionnaires and focus group discussions].
(6)
External and internal branding and marketing is required so that programs can be
strengthened and appropriate human, financial and physical resources can be allocated to
them. This will also help attract high performance students to these programs since they
will perceive a securer employment future to be gained. [Assessment of consultants based
on faculty interviews and student focus group discussions].
(7)
Institutions should engage in career planning and counseling research, workshops,
marketing and networking for the benefit of students as well as programs. [A need has
been highlighted by students as well as faculty respondents who stress that programs can
have more clearly defined career paths].
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(8)
Some institutions offering Public Administration, Public Policy and Governance
programs need to be more selective in terms of student intake. They should not just
absorb the students rejected from business programs but should work to attract the best
students. [In some institutions faculty and students admit that Public Administration
programs attract those students who have been unable to secure admission into the more
competitive and job market oriented Business Administration programs].
(9)
Faculty needs to be recruited and developed in the areas of Public Administration, Public
Policy and Governance. Appropriate financial incentives for recruitment are required
which should be competitive with other professions, especially with those of private
sector professional employment opportunities. Cost of living should be factored in to be
able to attract intelligent, motivated individuals especially males towards the teaching
profession. [This represents the assessment of consultants based on the needs
demonstrated in a number of institutions for better qualified and research motivated
faculty].
(10)
Monetary and other incentives are required for indigenous research. Faculty should be
provided substantial monetary incentives, research grants, lightened workload, research
staff as well as physical facilities to encourage research. [This represents the assessment
of consultants based on faculty interviews].
(11)
Teaching performance should have a positive or negative impact on performance based
remuneration packages offered to faculty members. These must take into account
students’, the respective institution’s as well as employers’ perspectives. [This represents
the assessment of consultants based on faculty interviews and student focus groups].
(12)
Faculty members need to be encouraged to develop local publications so that students can
learn about the Pakistani environment. Books, research journals, case studies, projects,
presentations by guest speakers and field trips to public sector organizations are needed
for practical learning. [The need for Pakistan based learning and research has been
highlighted in all student focus groups].
(13)
Curricula in the areas of Public Administration, Public Policy and Governance need to be
revised frequently so that they reflect the needs of Pakistan. [The need for Pakistan based
learning and research has been highlighted in all student focus groups].
(14)
Networking between institutions offering programs in Governance related areas is
urgently needed so that resource and knowledge sharing is made possible. Students
should have the option of taking courses at other universities. [This has been identified as
a potential area for improvement by both faculty respondents as well as students taking
part in focus groups].
(15)
Given the state of pessimism that surrounds Pakistani public administration, public
policies and governance practices it is critical that positive role models be identified and
case studies be developed that highlight success stories in these areas so that the zeal
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students demonstrate for making a difference for their country can be encouraged.
[Students taking part in focus group discussions failed to convincingly identify role
models for themselves in the areas of Public Administration, Public Policy or
Governance].
(16)
Visiting faculty should be integrated into the teaching profession by offering them
training and development opportunities so that they can learn to effectively convey their
practical knowledge to students. [The desire and need for real world practical learning
was identified by a majority of students taking part in questionnaires and focus group
discussions. Students expressed the view that visiting faculty with practical work
experience should be used after giving them training on how best to convey their
practical knowledge].
(17)
Educational institutions need to work on better internal management practices to reduce
inefficiencies, develop and promote common visions and to do away with disruptive
politics, within the faculty, which hinder their output. [Derived from assessments of
consultants as well interviews with faculty and opinions expressed by students in focus
groups].
(18)
National vision statements need to be developed for curricula in the areas of Public
Administration, Public Policy and Governance. These should be honored by all
institutions offering programs and courses in the areas. [Derived from assessments of
consultants as well interviews with faculty members].
(19)
Annual conferences, national seminars and curricula debates are needed as means of
encouraging communication, cooperation and improvements in offerings. [Derived from
assessments of consultants as well interviews with faculty and opinions expressed by
students in focus groups].
(20)
Teaching methodologies and course outlines used by instructors are at times left to them
on an individual basis. These need to be centrally monitored by institutions. Interactive,
experiential learning needs to be encouraged. [Derived from assessments of consultants,
questionnaires filled by students as well as from focus groups].
(21)
All institutions offering Public Administration, Public Policy and Governance programs
should be required to have an Advisory Board constituting external experts from key
public sector institutions. These Boards should convene regularly so that curricula and
program offerings can be kept in line with market needs. [Derived from assessments of
consultants as well interviews with faculty members].
(22)
Regulation and service delivery aspects of governance which are the core activities of
government, inter-governmental relations, sectoral management (education, industry,
agriculture, and infrastructure), and new tools of governance, contract management and
administrative and public management reforms need to be included in courses. [Derived
from assessments of consultants as well interviews with faculty members].
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(23)
Physical facilities and environment offered to students reflect the importance given to the
programs. In many institutions these physical facilities were either limited in space or
lagging in maintenance. This sends out a wrong message to students, faculty and staff
adversely impacting their perceived self-worth and motivations. Thus institutional
resources should be spent to provide modern, neat and well maintained physical
environments. [Derived from assessments of consultants, interviews with faculty
members, questionnaires filled by students as well as from focus groups].
(24)
Public Policy programs should be targeted towards mid-career experienced professionals,
while Public Administration programs should be marketed to fresh graduates. [Derived
from assessments of consultants, interviews with faculty members, questionnaires filled
by students as well as from focus groups].
(25)
Internships must be made mandatory in all Public Administration, Public Policy and
Governance programs. [Derived from assessments of consultants, interviews with faculty
members, questionnaires filled by students as well as from focus groups].
(26)
Institutions offering programs or courses in Public Administration, Public Policy and
Governance must work with government ministries to acquire, share and analyze
provincial as well as national policies. [Derived from assessments of consultants,
interviews with faculty members, questionnaires filled by students as well as from focus
groups.
(27)
An interdisciplinary approach, which is a prerequisite for addressing Governance issues,
needs to be incorporated in the curriculum of academic disciplines. [Derived from
assessments of consultants, interviews with faculty members, questionnaires filled by
students as well as from focus groups].
Recommendations for Governance Education:
(1)
Pakistan’s experience of running Public Administration and Public Policy programs
clearly suggests that new dedicated governance programs with nomenclature such as
BS(Hons)/MS in Governance may not be viable at present. Instead, there is a need for
strengthening existing programs in Public Administration, Public Management, and
Public Policy through development of Governance curriculum, development of
indigenous reading material, and capacity building of faculty.
(2)
Post-graduate Diploma and certificate in Governance may be a viable option for
launching dedicated program in Governance Studies. The Institute of Administrative
Sciences, University of the Punjab, has shown willingness to start such courses subject to
the availability funds for initial years.
(3)
Multidisciplinary approach is recommended for curriculum development with courses in
the area of regulatory governance, service delivery, institutional and public management
reform, public policy analysis, development governance and management, collaborative
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governance mechanisms. There is a need to develop courses with special focus on policy
and management issues in various sectors of Pakistan’s economy.
(4)
Networking between institutions both on supply and demand side is strongly
recommended for sustainability of Governance programs. Both GINI and GEN were long
awaited initiatives that need to be strengthened.
Training Needs Assessment (TNA) for Master’s Level Programs
by Centre for Public Policy & Governance (CPPG),
F.C. College (A Chartered University), Lahore
Findings
(1)
In world class programs, there is less difference between policy programs (PA, PP) than
between same programs of different universities. Specialization is thus dependent on the
university than the program.
(2)
Differences regarding policy instruction exist among the academia in Pakistan(i)
It is important to have a consensus on the definition of Governance, Public Policy
and Public Administration to provide direction to the various policy programs in
the country
(ii)
There is a consensus on moving beyond Neo-classical economics, and instead
including Political Economy and Institutional Economics but it is not reflected in
the curriculum.
(iii)
The policy program vision differs between academics, who prefer Generalists or
Experts.
(3)
Reservations still exist regarding the market for policy graduates. Although there is a lot
of room, it will be necessary to inform and educate prospective clients about the benefits
of policy research including the legislation, commerce and professional associations.
(4)
English Language as the sole medium of instruction and academic production was
identified as a contributing factor in limiting comprehension and articulation of students.
(5)
Graduate degree is a confusing term as Master’s level programs could require 14 or 16
years of education.
(6)
Policy programs in the country are dominated by Master’s programs requiring 14 years of
education: MPA programs (9), Governance (1), Public Policy (1); Master’s/MPhil
programs require 16 years of education: Public Administration (4), Public Policy (3):
PhD (6); Executive Programs also require 16 years of education: Public Administration
(1), Public Policy (1).
(7)
MPA programs are more in line with management than policy. They are highly
influenced by the market demand for MBA and IT. Thus the domineering aspect of the
MPA curriculum and faculty expertise is Human Resource Management (HRM).
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Concentrations usually offered in MPA programs are HRM, Marketing, Finance, MIS
with few schools also offering Development. Additionally theoretical courses in
Globalization, Political Economy or Politics of Policy Making are completely missing
from most Public Administration curriculums.
(8)
Based on curriculum, policy schools in Pakistan can be categorized into three different
types(i)
MPA program which are heavily influence by management rather than policy
(ii)
Policy programs, which are a slight modification of economics programs. They
aim to produce policy professionals with an economic expertise.
(iii)
A diverse governance/policy program with the aim of producing a generalist.
(9)
Though the HEC has introduced a TTS system to improve faculty compensation, its
requirements can not be met by existing faculty in most public sector universities and
thus a dual system is expected to continue which does not auger well for the institutions.
(10)
The Student Faculty Ratio varies though an average of 38 students for one full time
faculty member is high for graduate level instruction. Some school’s ratio is as high as
100.
(11)
Research culture does not exist in the universities because
(i)
In the absence of Tenure Track System (TTS), compensation package is not
enough to attract good faculty
(ii)
Faculty which is not part of TTS, teaches multiple courses other than the required
number to supplement their income, leaving no time for research.
(iii)
Few universities have a culture adhering to Faculty Office Hours, Teaching
Assistants to support the faculty and Research Assistants to both support faculty
research as well as to promote a culture of research among the student body.
(iv)
Financial support for research is limited such that even faculty in research
oriented institutions are taking on consultancies to supplement their income.
(12)
There is a dearth of faculty expertise in most areas of the public domain.
(i)
Need is critical in Economic Theory and Quantitative & Empirical Analysis, both
considered required subjects in the policy domain. Some PA programs don’t even
offer courses in these areas.
(ii)
Though a need exists in Financial Management, it is not critical.
(iii)
The Public Management area seems to have transformed into HRM where enough
faculty expertise exists. But within Public Management, areas such as
Organizational Analysis, Structure and Process of Government, and Leadership
and Administrative Theory have been neglected.
(iv)
There is absolutely no faculty expertise in Political Economy, Globalization,
Governance and Development, the most important aspects of Public Policy.
(v)
Policy program also do not have expertise in peripheral but important areas of
Ethics and Law.
(vi)
Among skills oriented areas such as MIS, Communication & Proposal Writing,
the faculty situation is better.
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(13)
Few public universities have been supporting their junior faculty to complete a foreign
PhD degree in addition to producing their own PhDs, but for most universities, a faculty
development plan or institutional strategic plan does not exist.
(14)
Historically linkages with foreign universities existed such as between IBA and Wharton
School of Business, but these were not institutionalized and slowly tapered off due to the
disregard of university administration.
(15)
Library resources are limited in the policy domain. There is a general lack of books and
little university funding to buy new books. Additionally other than Public Sector
universities, JSTOR , a electronic journal archive is not accessible.
(16)
Similarly lab facilities are also needed especially analytical and statistical software which
are both expensive and additionally have limited in house faculty expertise.
Recommendations
(1)
INI should use the Annual Conference Regional Seminars to develop a minimal
consensus on instructional issues highlighted in this report including the role of
economics especially Neo-classical Economics versus Political Economy & Institutional
Economics, the suggested level of quantification in policy analysis, language use and the
Expert vs Generalist option.
(2)
The policy programs across the country should form an association, which devises
standards for the programs. HEC is fulfilling part of these responsibilities but has yet to
develop a curriculum and faculty standards for policy programs. An association should
suggest and ask schools to
(i)
Develop a 5 year strategic plan which includes both faculty and institutional
capacity enhancement
(ii)
Devise standards for faculty time to be spent on Teaching, Administration and
Research. Change walk-in policy and institute Teaching & Research
Assistantships to further research culture.
(iii)
Devise a transition plan of existing faculty from the current system to the TTS
system.
(3)
The network/association should create linkages with foreign universities, formulate and
institutionalize an exchange program of both faculty and students.
(4)
The network/association should create a pool of experts encompassing various domains
of public policy.
(5)
For faculty capacity building, a three tiered plan needs to be developed as follows:-
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(6)

Short Term:
(i)
All policy programs should develop linkages with social science departments of
their university to use social science faculty expertise to train their students in
areas they currently lack expertise in: Economic Analysis, Political Economy etc.
(ii)
Devise incentives for faculty to deliver research seminars to promote a culture of
research.
(iii)
Using its pool of experts or foreign faculty, short term (weeks or months) courses
should be devised during the semester (accessible to city wide faculty) or summer
(accessible to all faculty) to improve overall faculty capacity. If physical presence
is hard to manage, then at least a distant learning program can be devised to
enhance the knowledge base of the faculty.

Medium Term:
(i)
Institutionalize the curriculum and program structure for junior faculty in select
subject areas to be delivered by the pool of experts. Develop collaboration among
schools such that junior faculty from Public Administration program take an
intensive course in economics with an Economics/Public Policy expert and vice
versa.
(ii)
Encourage exchange and collaboration between programs between different
provincial public/private universities. Both an intra-provincial network as well as
multiple inter-provincial networks can help learning opportunities for all
participants.
(iii)
Provide 3-4 month summer research sabbaticals in select subject areas in foreign
universities where the faculty can work under the supervision of an expert in the
field.
(iv)
Facilitate Post-Docs and provide short term grants or scholarships to faculty with
domestic PhDs to provide exposure to foreign academic and research culture.

Long Term:
(i)
Institutionalize linkages and exchange programs with foreign universities such
that a long term commitment is made by the foreign university to support a
domestic program. The association can play a significant role in facilitating and
managing the exchange program between the universities.
(ii)
Provide PhD scholarships to faculty in select subject areas for which experts do
not exist in Pakistan.
(iii)
Build select PhD programs with resources including faculty, library and lab.
Create incentive structures for all participating expert faculty to give part of their
time to the PhD program so as to pool subject area expertise from across the
country.
In terms of supporting an academic and research culture(i)
Policy research grants should be instituted for competitive bidding by institutions
or faculty.
(ii)
Linkages between domestic think tanks and university departments should be
facilitated through collaborative research as well as internship programs for
students.
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(iii)
(iv)
(v)
(7)
A network newsletter comprising of policy issues should be distributed among
students.
Institute a peer reviewed policy journal or support an existing journal
Establish merit scholarships to improve student body intake in policy programs
and devise paper or thesis competition to encourage student research.
In terms of institutional capacity, Library and Lab resources are a need across all policy
programs(i)
Rather than investing in one library, all universities should be provided electronic
access to select policy journals and JSTOR.
(ii)
Specialized resources should be built up in every library such that a complete
collection of the policy domain is available in the country. This can be done based
on the program concentrations offered by different schools.
(iii)
For lab resources, a large initiative should be to build a centralized data centre,
which hosts primary research data from all government and non-government
institutions. On a smaller scale, it is important to equip labs in all schools with
basic quantitative analysis software and a trained faculty member.
Training Needs Assessment (TNA) for 2 Year & 4 Year Bachelors Level
Programs by Department of Economics, School of Social Sciences, and
Institute of Public Policy, Beaconhouse National University, Lahore
Key Findings
(1)
In view of mounting public policy, the governance situation in the country and
alarmingly low access to university education in, there exists an ample scope of training
for students as well as faculty in the discipline of governance and public policy in
Pakistan.
(2)
Poor infrastructure, shortage of trained faculty especially at senior level due to poor
incentive system in public sector and financial constraints are apparently the possible
factors hindering the supply of these disciplines. But demand side factors indicate a
neglect of public policy disciplines on the part of government. Despite of having a long
history of bad governance and public policy issues, Government of Pakistan meets its
human resource requirements for governance and public policy through Federal Public
Service Commission which holds competitive examination for selection in which
candidates can participate with a bachelor degree without imposing any restriction on
discipline. Government of Pakistan has failed to recognize and therefore has never
floated demand for graduates with an expertise in public policy and governance.
Therefore, the student body has always preferred to choose the disciplines with higher
demand like business administration, engineering, medical etc. and academic institutions
have accordingly responded to the situation.
(3)
But success of the program of governance and public policy at masters level rests with a
special focus on inducement from demand side apart from supply side measures. In
current scenario, there is a need for graduates with competence and expertise in
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governance and public policy in public sector. However, this realization needs to be
instigated in the public sector. The conventional hiring process in public sector for
selection and induction of civil savants through competitive examination or direct
placements through political influence is flawed and we need to devise and introduce new
hiring process based on knowledge, skills, competence and expertise in governance and
public policy acquired through well structured curriculum and training. Students with two
year bachelor degree apparently seem not prepared for training in governing and public
policy at masters’ level. Since the people join public service after completing their
bachelors therefore we as a research team strongly recommend that bachelor level is the
most appropriate entry point for governance and public policy courses to create a desired
social impact on governance situation. A curriculum of introductory and intermediate
level should be introduced as minor or elective courses in four years bachelor degree and
students should be trained for governance and public policy issues through well
structured advanced curriculum and training at masters level. The candidates for public
service with knowledge and expertise of governance should be given an extra benefit in
the selection process of public servants.
(4)
Based on identified strengths of faculty from survey results namely relatively more senior
faculty, number of PhDs, and foreign qualified at senior and even at junior level in
private sector academic institutions, we can conclude and comfortably recommend that
private sector is suitable for launching the master level program in governance and public
policy. On the other hand, public sector strongly needs to enrich its faculty through
carefully planned training on governance and public policy issues before it takes initiative
to start such a program.
(5)
Most of the faculty has clear and significant predisposition towards fully funded training
at Ph.D level as first priority and then at Master/M.Phil level in governance and public
policy preferably from some foreign academic institutions. Later part of this finding in
itself is also a strong indication for poor teaching capacity and incapability to deliver
required standard knowledge and training of Pakistani Universities. Faculty also needs
training in modern teaching and student assessment methods.
Training Needs Assessment (TNA) for Instituting Governance as Elective
Subject / Course in Public Colleges
By Department of Public Administration, University of Karachi
Key Findings
(1)
As for the assessment of the college is concerned, the structural requirements of colleges
are available to a larger extent. A limited number of Public colleges in Balochistan and
interior Sindh have problem of building, furniture and teachers. Situation in the private
colleges is much better which are more effective and organized. Private colleges have
sufficient buildings and furniture but there is insufficient and less qualified teaching
faculty.
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(2)
In majority of colleges there is no proper arrangement of libraries. Most of these libraries
were established much earlier and no update had taken place for years.
(3)
There are a large number of public colleges where medium of instruction is only Urdu or
Urdu and English both. Therefore we need sufficient books and course material in both
the languages. The majority of private colleges have English as medium of instruction.
(4)
In level of programs, there are colleges with single program like only intermediate or
only bachelor with a single academic program like only Arts or only science or
commerce. In colleges that have only science or only commerce have problem for
availability of a social science faculty.
(5)
Teaching faculty is available is sufficient in public colleges but are irrelevant in the sense
that the required faculty is not available.
(6)
The number of teaching faculty who has a degree in Pakistan Studies not sufficiently
available in colleges. Although, Pakistan Studies is taught in every college and in every
program. The teaching faculty engaged for teaching of Pakistan Studies does not have a
relevant degree in the field.
(7)
Only 6% of teachers engaged in teaching Pakistan studies have education equal to M.
Phil or higher. 94% are only master degree holder with miscellaneous degrees.
(8)
The faculty teaching Pakistan Studies are mainly from political science and economic.
However, there are some other relevant courses as well. In few cases Pakistan Studies is
thought by teachers from irrelevant disciplines such as faculty with degrees in Urdu,
Islamic Studies, English and other irrelevant degrees teaching Pakistan Studies, not only
at the intermediate level but at Bachelor level as well.
(9)
As far as social science disciplines are concerned they have sufficient teaching faculty to
teach Pakistan Studies. It means that governance related courses can easily be introduced
in colleges with Arts / social sciences degree programs.
(10)
The colleges with science disciplines have greater irrelevant faculty for teaching Pakistan
Studies then social sciences and commerce.
(11)
As far as commerce disciplines are concerned they have sufficient teaching faculty for
teaching of Pakistan studies, situation in commerce colleges is much better to science
colleges.
(12)
No significant information about any specialized training or expertise was found, except
B. E d. (Bachelor of Education) and M. Ed. (Master of Education).
(13)
The teaching faculty in relevant disciplines is available sufficiently. However, the
number of teaching faculty having degree in public policy is zero and very low in public
119
administration that is only 15. However, a large number of faculty is available in
commerce colleges with degrees in MBA and M. Com.
(14)
It is observed that college education well organized in Gilgit Baltistan region, Islamabad
and Kashmir. Among the four provinces NWFP is most organized college education in
Pakistan, following Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan at the lowest level. Among the Urban
centers Karachi has the poorest college system in public sector in Pakistan.
Recommendations
(1)
There is a need for infra-structure improvement in public Colleges, particularly in interior
Sindh and Balochistan. There is specific requirement in building, faculty, electricity and
furniture.
(2)
There is a need for libraries and academic books / literatures. This needs to be addressed
at the earliest.
(3)
Books and course material be developed and provided in both the languages ‘Urdu and
English’.
(4)
If course/s related to Governance has to be introduced at college level then the colleges
with only sciences disciplines be given serious thought. Because the colleges with social
sciences and commerce may be able to overcome with the teaching faculty availably of
other relevant teaching faculty.
(5)
There is a need for reorganization / restructuring of the teaching faculty in the context of
human resource management. Like the right person with right qualification and expertise
at the right place, as currently there is no proper management.
(6)
The course on Pakistan Studies may be taught by teaching faculty with relevant expertise
and qualification in the subject area. Like Master Degree in Pakistan Studies will be the
best option and the second options could be Master degree in Political Science. In this
regard it may be determined that what other fields of studies are nearest / relevant to
Pakistan studies.
(7)
Opportunity should be provided for degree enhancement in all fields of studies. However,
faculty situation at college level particularly in social science is needs urgent
improvement. In the context preference should be given to governance, Pakistan studies,
political science, public administration, public policy and others deemed to be relevant
fields.
(8)
If Governance related courses are to be introduced at intermediate level, serious
consideration is required for Science and commerce colleges.
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(9)
Training of teaching faculty at colleges is must before Governance course is to be
introduced. Training can be divided into two phases; Short term and long term training.
Provincial stakeholders can be involved for this purpose.
(10)
Governance related subjects may be introduced at the Bachelor level in the colleges.
However, selected contents of governance subject may be incorporated in civics and
Pakistan Studies at the intermediate levels. In this regard we have to have prescribed and
developed curricula of governance subject. Recommendations of curricula committee can
further substantiate this recommendation.
Current State of Executive Education Courses/Programs in Pakistan
by Dr. Pervez Tahir
Key Findings
(1)
Training institutions tend to confuse management with governance. Governance is
supposed to be taught through an educational recipe, which is too much information and
very little hands-on experience.
(2)
The system produces more knowing than doing executives. Service delivery is not helped
in this train of thought. The trainee-trainer relationship that exists fails to produce the
desired outcome.
(3)
Production of public values, behavioural change and the consciousness that citizens have
rights to be respected are missing. There is an emphasis on hierarchical control than
observance of transparent rules of the game.
(4)
The baseline of executive education in Pakistan calls for continuing reform.
(5)
In case of NSPP, however, these historically persisting inadequacies and shortcomings
are being addressed, though the replication of the isolated distinction that this institution
has achieved is hardly discernable anywhere else.
Recommendations
(1)
Education and training should be separated. Education should be formal and in world
class universities given at appropriate stage. Training should be related to the effective
ways of governing service delivery.
(2)
Training should follow a post-training posting plan. This will ensure a correspondence
between training and future job description.
(3)
Training must not ignore the obvious. An understanding of rules of business and
procedures is taken for granted. These elements should be essential part of the training.
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(4)
Research methods, computer applications and courses doing the same under different
names, do not serve the purpose they are intended for. These skills are irrelevant for the
senior officers. At junior levels, these skills should relate to the departmental case studies.
(5)
Consideration should be given to expose public as well as private sector to the same
training progrmmes. This mix will catalyze a better understanding of public value to the
private sector and efficiency and productivity to the public sector.
(6)
Legislators too need training. Consideration should be given to set up a separate
parliamentary training institute.
(7)
Media has now enough resources to set up its own training institute. Organizations of
proprietors, editors, and working journalists should be encouraged to pool their efforts in
this direction.
(8)
Post-training impact should be monitored and evaluated in terms of measurable
indicators. This will provide the presently missing feedback for future improvements.
User Needs Profile of Executive Education in Governance
by Innovative Development Strategies (IDS), Islamabad
Key Findings
(1)
The overarching importance of good governance is now being increasingly recognized.
Kofi Annan the former UN Secretary General was only echoing the conventional wisdom
when he remarked “Good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in
eradicating poverty and promoting development.” The essence of the governance in
public realm lies in the exercise of economic, political, and administrative authority to
manage national or sub-national affairs. The exercise of authority to promote good
governance must take place within a framework of laws and societal discipline,
characterized, among other things, by participation of people, rule of law, probity in
public services, transparency, equity and inclusiveness and accountability.
(2)
The governance indicators of Pakistan are not enviable. Striving for good governance in
our case calls for incessant endeavors; both short term and long term, across a wide
spectrum. For achieving this critical goal Pakistan must make serious efforts for
espousing single minded commitment to good governance, transform societal norms,
laws, attitudes and institutions. In this process executive education of public functionaries
and other societal actors can play a very significant role
(3)
Public functionaries’ attitudes, knowledge and skills in particular can prove to be
extremely an important in providing good governance. In this context properly structured
and focused training programs are critical. In order to design such programs it is essential
to undertake research to determine a User Needs profile of executive education/in-service
training on governance in Pakistan. Without ascertaining the needs of stakeholders one
will be only groping in dark.
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(4)
Building capabilities for good governance is essentially a supply side task. Executive
education falls within this category as it seeks to provision equipping suppliers’ i.e.
government functionaries and public representatives with better knowledge, skills and
attitudes. Good governance however cannot be fully achieved without the active
participation of demand side actors, including civil society and the general public. An
active and knowledgeable citizenry conscious of their rights and aware of ways in which
these rights can be demanded is really necessary for ensuring that good governance forms
an integral part of the organizational culture and operational structure of the state and its
agencies.
(5)
In this report an attempt has been made to highlight the role of users of executive
education and its scope also encompasses the empowerment of civil society and people at
large to demand good governance as well as to become partners of the government in
providing good governance.
(6)
The need for reflecting demand side inputs and improving supply side response is a
stupendous task .This report is a first step on a long journey. Follow up in terms of
further knowledge searching for new insights and implementation of recommendation
made needs to be attended to with continuing seriousness in days to come.
Recommendations
Recommendations made in this report fall in the following categories Vital, Very Important,
Important and Desirable/Optional. Hence recommendations have been arranged in this order. At
the end of summary of recommendations, a synoptic view of recommendations indication as to
agencies who are to take action and time line of recommendations.
A. Vital Recommendations:
(1)
The number of training institutes should be increased in order to cater to requirements of
the training of specialized and ex-cadre personnel.
(2)
Training institutions, as well as demand side users of executive education programs
including government agencies, should follow the principles of Change Management
aiming to transform and not merely focusing in incremental change.
(3)
Executive education programs should fully address the need to break away from elitist
traditions and attitudes.
(4)
Appropriate policies and incentives driving behaviour should be adopted.A full fledged
in-depth study should be conducted to ascertain the best way of achieving this critically
important objective.
(5)
A dedicated module on Governance should be prescribed. (See box 4 for the possible
subjects that may be included.
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(6)
The government should start conveying its training needs in detail to the executive
education institutions. The Board of Governors of these Institutions, as a standard
operating procedure, should assess if the needful is being done.
(7)
Capacity Building of civil society organizations should be undertaken, keeping in view
their two roles: demanders of good governance and partners to the government in
promoting good governance.
(8)
Civil Society Organizations, media, NGOs etc should be encouraged to play their role in
improving governance. They should be trained in courses and areas deemed critical to
governance as suggested in the report.
(9)
Likewise capacity building of media, business community, and other professional groups
should be undertaken for demanding better governance and acting as partners in the
management of public affairs.
B. Very Important Recommendations:
(1)
The existing ethics management system in Pakistan’s bureaucracy may be made more
effective to yield high integrity outcomes.
(2)
There should be a code of ethics prohibiting MNA/MPAs from interference in executive
functions.
(3)
Forums should be established at which senior officials be required to report publicly on
the performance of their institutions
(4)
Strengthening and capacity building of the training institutions be given greater
importance
(5)
The efficacy of courses of NMC and SMC be periodically determined through a proper
evaluation conducted through an impartial external agency.
(6)
Both the Simulation Exercises of the Mid Career Management Course, and at least one
each of the SMC and NMC should focus its research on a critical area of public service
delivery so enabling their participants to understand, the basic issues involved in
governance.
(7)
In order to pay due attention, inter alia, to the training of specialized services/ex-cadre
officers, a policy making institutional mechanism be set up in the form of a separate
Division in the Federal Secretariat which may also be made responsible for ensuring that
user need profiles of functionaries belonging to cadres (including ex-cadre officers) not
yet covered by the Establishment Division are prepared.
124
(8)
Provincial governments should be encouraged to streamline their systems of training and
expand the functional scope of their training institutions to encompass specialized
cadres/ex-cadre functionaries.
(9)
Supply side actors should become cognizant of the roles and functions of each user type
in imparting training to various stakeholders.
(10)
Any executive education program developed for public representatives should seek
among other things, attitudinal changes conducive to pass on some attitudes for better
prospects of good governance awareness of their being trustees, bound to discharge their
duties with honesty and competence, willingness to take up issues related to corruption,
mismanagement and human rights violations.
(11)
The Board of Governors should regularly assess if the training programmes are
delivering.
(12)
A world class core faculty should be recruited and efforts should be made to retain it in
training institutions.
(13)
Specialized groups training needs should be catered to.
(14)
Courses for local governance executive education may include among others Local
Governance Ordinance 2001, Conflict Management, Community Organizations, role of
public representative, Political and Social activism ,Financial Budgeting and planning
etc.
C. Important Recommendations:
(1)
Civil servants should be exposed to the maximum amount of interaction with citizens in
course of their training programs.
(2)
Knowledge may be imparted to the legislators of subjects, such as; concept of governance
, process of budget making and preparation of Annual Development Programme,
standards of accountability and transparency etc.
(3)
Skills like the management of allocated funds, methods and techniques of taking
legislative initiatives, methods of sharing information with stakeholders, techniques of
establishing network with academia and intelligentsia may be imparted to them.
(4)
New subjects may be added to the current curricula as desired by various stakeholders
due to their importance under the new paradigm of devolved governance.
(5)
One day retreat of secretaries may be held to deliberate upon various policy issues
including governance specifically.
(6)
The provincial Governments may be encouraged to take similar action.
125
(7)
All the universities/institutions imparting professional education may include the subject
of governance in their curricula.
(8)
A proper system of i) job descriptions and ii) institutional performance evaluation
criterion may be prescribed ,so as to make possible comparison of performance against
these bench marks.
D. Desirable Recommendations:
(1)
The nexus between education in Public Administration and job prospects in the Central
Superior Services (CSS) and Provincial Superior Services may be strengthened. This can
be achieved by improving the prospects of gaining marks in these examinations by
revising the level of questions downward and/or the standard of marking.
(2)
The level of awareness of participants to be enhanced through Operations Research.
(3)
The parliament may get the appropriate courses designed by experts and may like to
associate NSPP in this process pending that, a begining may be made by holding 5-7 day
workshops. The Provincial Assemblies may like to take similar action.
(4)
Training institutions may keep in view recommendations regarding inclusion of subjects
made in focus groups discussions.
(5)
Current load of course work needs to be rationalized and made more manageable.
(6)
Certain core training domains identified in a survey of government functionaries and
public representatives at district level in NWFP may be considered for adoption by other
provincial governments.
(7)
Training and awareness workshop for civil society organizations to be organized by the
NGOs and supported by the government through funding and resource persons (NGOs
can also play a major role in mobilization of financial and human resource).
(8)
Training for business community be organized by the Chambers of Commerce.
(9)
Training for media, doctors, engineers, lawyers may be organized by their professional
organizations with the assistance and collaboration of government agencies. (Duration
five to seven days).
126
PART – III
SELECTED PAPER ON
CONFERENCE THEME
127
128
PART – III
SELECTED PAPER ON CONFERENCE THEME
Kashif Ali, Advocate
FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN
CONCEPT, PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS
ABSTRACT
Embattled with poverty, lawlessness, environmental degradation, cross-boarder conflicts, and
swelling population, Pakistan continues to operate under the pretext of state Islamization inspired
by nuclear empowerment, state militarization, and US Aid guarantees. Corrupt and undemocratic
mode of governance engineered by military and civil-bureaucracy with little to no regard for its
founding principles of constitutional democracy, secularism, rule-of-law, provincial autonomy,
and basic human rights, the state is once again at the brink of social and political debacle.
This study of the federalism in Pakistan has been undertaken with a theoretical and historical
backdrop. The concept of federalism, its meanings and essentials as well as reasons for adoption
of federalism by different states have been discussed. The study also offers a historical and
comparative review of the evolution of federal system and outlines the features of various stages
in the constitutional history of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
This paper also identifies and analyses the constitutional and political forces that shaped
Pakistan’s federal structure and influenced its actual working during 1909-2009. The role of the
political leaders, political parties and the State institutions like the bureaucracy has been looked
into to understand why not the federal system could create a political partnership of trust and
confidence amongst the constituents of the federation.
This paper is also an attempt to find out the workable solutions for the various problems attached
to the issue of tussle between federation-provinces in Pakistan. Hence by implementing the
solutions whole heartedly, the level of good governance can be raised in Pakistan.
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INTRODUCTION
“The adoption of a constitution is a momentous event in the life of nation. A
constitutional charter is a document of past struggles, achievements issues,
arguments and compromises which have been crystallised and purified. It is at
the same time a practical machinery of government, a code of conduct for the
statesmen of the present. It is also finally a symbol of hopes and aspirations to
the entire nation it serves.”.
Karil J. Newmen in Essays on the Constitution of Pakistan, Dacca, Pakistan
Cooperative Book Society Ltd. 1980, p.i.
The strength of federalism, which has emerged as a philosophy of politics and a successful
mechanism of government to attain political unity between various social entities in a society in
large number of nation-states, springs from constitutional foundations. In the case of Pakistan, a
heterogeneous society being divided into a number of ethnic and linguistic groups, federalism
has been considered an important means to secure political harmony in the country. Since the
partition of Pakistan to the present, the question of federalism has occupied an important position
in all the constitutional debates. Federalism emerged on the political scene as a leading demand
by all federal units as a device to safeguard their interests against the central government by
having adequate constitutional leverage in running their administrative and economic affairs.
This paper is an attempt to analyze the constitutional foundations of federalism in Pakistan. It
will focus on the major constitutional developments made in Pakistan for the promotion of
federalism, by examining the problems and their solutions involved.
Concept and Importance of Federalism:
Federalism is a form of government in which powers are divided between the central government
for the whole country and governments for parts of the country, better known as federal units.
We know that federalism is...
“The method of dividing powers so that the general and regional governments
are, each, within a sphere, coordinate and independent”
K.C. Wheare’s “Federal Government”,
Oxford University Press 1953, P.1.
The federal form of government is a common existing form of government. It is because of the
face that the federal form of government is more suitable for those societies which are
heterogeneous in character. A majority of the societies in the world comprise different ethnic,
cultural and linguistic groups. If the diversity of these groups is not united by a viable political
system, the survival of the particular society may be at stake.
130
A federal form of political system provides two divisible sets of subjects for the two kinds of
governments (federal and state/ provincial). There can be a third list of the subject, commonly
known as concurrent, over which both federal and state governments can exercise power;
nonetheless, in the case of differences over the exercise of power, the right of the federal
government will prevail. Thus, both the governments derive their powers from a single federal
constitution.
The Pre-Partition Historical Background:
Federal structure of the Indian government was the most prominent demand during all the
constitutional debates in British India by the Muslim League, Indian National Congress,
Pakhtoon’s Khudai Khidmatgar Movement and various other political groups. To attain this
cause, the Muslim League worked jointly with the Indian National Congress and independently.
a) Minto-Morley Reforms 1909:
In order to safeguard Indian Muslim’s interests, Muslim League demanded separate
electorates for them. The 1909 Constitutional reforms, better known as Minto-Morley
Reforms, were based on this demand.
b) Lucknow Pact of 1916:
During early years of second decade of 20th century, the joint efforts of the All India
Muslim League and Congress, for better share in the Central Legislature and separate
electorates, resulted in the famous Lucknow Pact of 1916.
c) The Montgagu-Chelmsford Reforms 1919:
The Montgagu-Chelmsford Reforms in 1919 were the outcome of the combined demand
by both the political parties for a federal system of government in the Indian
Subcontinent.
d) Delhi Convention 1924:
The British Government was reluctant enough in providing the provinces with full
provincial autonomy and adequate measures were not taken by the British government in
this regard. Five years later, in the annual session of the All India Muslim League in May
1924, the League hard-pressed for full provincial autonomy to each province.
“The Quaid-e-Azam proposed that constitutional arrangement be made for
granting the residuary powers to the provinces by determining the excessive
jurisdiction of the central government in the provinces.”.
Syed Sharif-ud-din Pirzada ed.
The Collected works of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Karachi:
East & West Publishing Company, 1986, Vol III, p. 319.
e) Quaid’s 14 Points:
The Quaid’s important 14 Points in response to the Nehru Report in 1928 restated the
demand for federalism by seeking the maximum autonomy and residuary powers for the
provinces. He asked for abolishing Diarchy in the provinces.
131
f) Allahabad Address 1930:
Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s Address in 1930 at Allahabad reverberated the Muslim
League’s aspiration for a federal system. It was argued that the territories for the Punjab,
Sindh, Balochistan, NWFP and Kashmir should be unified into a separate/autonomous
state(s).
g) The Government of India Act 1935:
The 1935 Government of India Act, containing the recommendations of the Simon
Commission report and the Round Table Conferences held in 1930 and 1931, adopted the
doctrine of federalism. Three lists of powers were recognized, the Central, Provincial and
Concurrent. Powers were divided separately except the Concurrent list, over which both
the Centre and Provinces could exercise powers, and in the case of a conflict, the right of
the central Legislature was to prevail. Governor General was vested with a large number
of residuary powers. He could sanction at his discretion, either the Federal Legislative
Council or a Provincial Assembly to enact on a subject not enumerated in the three lists.
The Government of India Act 1935, later on to serve as the important
constitutional document, tended towards the centralization of powers in
favour of the central government. But in fact it was not fully implemented.
Section 5 of the act of 1935, which provided for the setting up of what is
called a “Federation of India”, was never implemented, as “the requirement of
the accession of a specified number of princely states” was not met. Thus, the
central government in India continued to operate under Act of 1919 right up
till power was transferred in 1947 to India and Pakistan on independence.
Craig Baxter “Constitution Making: The Development of Federalism in Pakistan” in
Asian Survey, December, 1974, 14:12,p. 1075.
Federalism in Pakistan after Independence:
a) First Constituent Assembly:
“Federalism was provided as one of the promises for the establishment of
Pakistan. Federalism and Provincial autonomy have been political catchwords
from the beginning of Pakistan. No constitutional matter has bred such a
controversy as did the central units relationship.”.
Craig Baxter’s article, op. Cit. P. 1075.
But in actuality, the principles of federalism have been ignored since independence 1947.
Two factors played vital role in stirring the autonomy issue among the provinces i.e.
dismissal of Dr Khan’s Ministry in N.W.F.P. and emergence of Jagto front in Bengal.
132
“A large Number of provincial leaders hoped from the new nation that
entrenched role of the central government would decrease after independence.
However, to their dismay, it was the reverse. The central government’s role
increased.”.
Keith Callard, Allen & Unwin Pakistan: A Political Study,
Oxford 1968, P. 159.
First Constituent Assembly voiced political differences over the issues of federalism
which developed the constitutional crisis. The equilibrium of federal structure was in
favour of the centre as provided in the 1935 Act. Hence it continued as an integral part of
the new-fangled country’s political system.
“If the central government had wished it could have allowed the provinces in
actual practice and effect substantial measure of autonomy between 1947 to
1956 even before a constitution was framed, as it was capable of altering the
interim constitution.”
Keith Callard, op. Cit. 164
b) The Basic principles Committee:
The Basic principles Committee stalwartly suggested principles of federalism;
nonetheless, they were ignored in large.
c) The 1956 constitution:
The 1956 constitution enshrined a federal form of government, providing a strong role
to the central government. Under the one-Unit system, Pakistan was divided into two
zones: East and West Pakistan.
 Under the Parity Formula, the National Assembly comprised 310 members. 150 were
elected by popular vote from each unit, and 10 seats were reserved for women to be
elected indirectly. However it is significant to note that the parity formula was not
adopted in western unit amongst the Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtoon, and Balochs, as the
seats were allocated to the abovementioned communities on population bases, instead
of parity formula.
 Legislative powers were divided into three lists: Federal (30 items), provincial (94
items) and Concurrent (19 items). In the case of a clash of interests over legislation
over the Concurrent list, the right of the central government prevailed.
But to the utter disappointment, the political predicament and shakiness of the
constitutional government during the two years of the existence of 1956 constitution
fainted the trustworthiness of a healthy centre-provinces relationship.
d) Military –Cum – Presidential Coup 1958:
The abrogation of the 1956 constitution by a military –cum – presidential coup in 1958
proved to be a real stumbling block for progress of the federalism in Pakistan, chiefly at
the great cost of East-West Pakistan bond. From 1958 to 1962, there was no constitution,
133
and the political setup of the country was run under a rudimentary unitary system where
command decisively laid with power monger Ayub Khan and his like-minded generals.
e) The 1962, constitution:
The 1962 constitution, a brain–child of president Ayub Khan, was designed to seek
legitimacy of rule under a political structure whose support largely came from the federal
institutions: army and civil bureaucracy. The recommendations of the constitution
commission Ayub Khan appointed on 17 February, 1960, under the chairmanship of
Justice Shahab-ud-din to probe the future of parliamentary government in Pakistan, were
largely ignored. The commission had strongly recommended a federal form of
government with the maximum autonomy to units/provinces.

The 1962, constitution, like the 1956 constitution, contained three lists of legislative
powers: Centre, Provinces and Concurrent to be exercised by the Centre and
Provinces.
“The constitution defined only the central list with 49 items, from which the
federal legislature could legislate. The items mentioned in the provincial and
concurrent list were not specified. The residual powers left to the provinces
were a total deviation from the principles of federalism.”.
Ahmed Hussain, Politics and People’s Representation in Pakistan, Lahore:
Ferozesons, 1974, p. 83.




The constitution provided a strong role for the president, both as the head of the state
and government.
The one-Unit system envisaged in 1955 was continued in the constitution.
There was a one-house legislature known as the National Assembly. The National
Assembly was elected for five years. According to article 20 of the constitution, the
members of the National Assembly were elected on the parity formula, half from the
East and half from the West Pakistan.
The balance of power under the 1962 constitution was heavily titled in favour of the
federal government. The jurisdiction of the federal legislature was totally dominant
over the provincial legislature. The provincial Assemblies had items of little
importance to legislate on.
f) Proclamation of the Martial Law 1969:
The political events following the proclamation of the martial law in 1969, and the
announcement of the first general elections in Pakistan by President Yahya Khan leading
to the emergence of Bangladesh on the world map, entailed the question of federalism in
Pakistan. The Awami League’s stunning elections victory, securing 160 in East seats
Pakistan, was fully supported by the Six Points Formula of Mujeeb-ur-Rahman, actually
devised in 1966 as the Awami League stunt for parity in administrative economic and
development matters. According to it the important residuary powers were to be left only
to provinces, by giving with the federal government only defence and foreign affairs.
134
The Six Points Formula:
(i)
A federal form of government on the basis of Lahore Resolution,
(ii)
Federal powers over defence and foreign affairs only and residuary powers to be
vested in the provinces;
(iii)
Two separate freely convertible currencies or one currency with guarantees
against the flight of capital from one province to another and separate banking
reserve;
(iv)
Unit to have power of taxation and revenue collection;
(v)
Two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of two wings;
(vi)
A separate militia or para-military force for East Pakistan.
g) The 1971 Debacle:
The seeds of dissatisfaction and discontent actually sown during the constitutional
debates/crisis (1947 to 1954), bread into a civil war after Yahya Khan postponed the
session of the National Assembly on March 1, 1971 to put pressure on Mujeeb for a
compromise over his Six Points.
“The die had been cast after troops rolled into the streets of East Pakistan, to
tame the sporadic uprising against Islamabad. The image of a united country
faded into disintegration over the centre provinces relationship as the verdict
of majority Bengali people was not honoured.”.
Muntzra Nazir’s thesis, University of the Punjab
h) The 1973 Constitution:
The 1973 constitution contained a new power arrangement to redefine the principles of
federalism under the term “maximum provincial autonomy” The residuary powers were
vested in the Provincial Assemblies.
“A provincial assembly shall, and Parliament (Majlis-e-Shoora) Shall not,
have power to make laws with respect to any matter not enumerated in either
the Federal Legislative List or the Concurrent Legislative List.”.
Article 142(c)




The one Unit system abolished by Yahya Khan was followed by an ordinance which
raised Balochistan to the provincial status in 1970.
For the first time, a bicameral legislature was elected.
The Senate was elected for four years on parity bases. The provinces namely, Punjab,
Sindh, N.W.F.P. and Balochistan have to elect 14 members each for four years. Half
of the members retired after two years.
The 1973 constitution contained two lists: Federal and Concurrent.
The Federal list comprised two parts. Part I contained items over which only
the Parliament could legislate. The Federal list contained 67 subjects. The
Federal and Provincial governments could legislate over the Concurrent List;
however, in case of conflict over the exercise of power, the central
government’s right prevailed.
(Article 143)
135
i) The Bhutto Era:
The constitutional period of the Bhutto government was marked with a strong role of the
central government, resulting in discontent in two provinces, the NWFP and Balochistan.
 Even before the 1973constitution could function, Z.A. Bhutto, under the interim
constitution, as the interim President, dissolved the Balochistan’s majority coalition
government of Attaullah Mengal on February 15, 1973.
 In protest to the dissolution of the Balochistan government, the NAP-JUI coalition
under Mufti Mahmood resigned in the NWFP.
 Later on, the NAP was banned in February 1975 and its leaders were arrested under
the charges of conspiracy against the state. They remained behind the bars until 1977.
 Political disruption in the two governments was a blow to federalism. The voice of
opposition in the National Assembly was lowered.
j) General Zia-ul-Haq Regime:
The promotion of federalism was marred by the military coup in 1977, after General Ziaul-Haq seized power and suspended the constitution for another 8 years. The power setup
from 1977 to 1985 was crudely in the hands of a military junta which controlled the
political structure, all in a unitary manner. A number of presidential Orders, later on to be
covered by 8th Amendment to the1973, constitution, were issued to run the system of
government.

The 8th Amendment was the first major amendment that Gen Zia-ul-Haq introduced
to revive the 1973 constitution, by protecting a large number of the President’s Orders
and Ordinances issued between 1977 to 1985, during the period when the constitution
was held in abeyance.
o The 8th Amendment did not change the federal nature of the constitution in large.
It, however, enhanced the legislative powers of the upper house: Senate.
o The amendment increased the number of Senators of each province from 14 to 19,
and the tenure of a Senator from four to six year.
o The Senate’s powers of amendment in constitution were increased.
o Article 239, before the amendment, actually vested the initiation of an amendment
bill only in the national Assembly first, and after it was approved by a two-thirds,
majority, it was to be presented in the Senate to pass it with a simple majority.
After the amendment, it not only requires a two thirds majority in the senate but
can also be initiated in either house. The requirement of two-thirds majority in the
Senate raised the legislative role of small provinces to stem any legislation against
the interests of the province.
k) Democracy Discredited (1988-1999)
During the so-called ‘democratic interregnum’, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif came
to power twice each, amidst constant bickering and accusations of corruption. In 1990,
Nawaz Sharif succeeded Ms Bhutto, who was re-elected in 1993, but then her
government was once again dismissed by the President three years later, and Nawaz
Sharif resumed the position of Prime Minister. Nawaz Sharif took the risk of moving
against the military establishment, by pushing through an amendment of the constitution
136
depriving the all-powerful President of the right to dissolve the National Assembly at his
personal discretion. That was regarded by the leadership of the armed forces as an attack
on the military’s core interests and brought Sharif closer to his political end, as proven
shortly afterwards. This era is also marked as the bleakest period in terms of federation’s
integrity and cohesion.
l) Enter Musharraf (1999-2008)
The killing of Nawab Akbar Bughti and many other brutal activities in Musharraf era
played an important part in the disintegration of the unity of the provinces. Now the
Pakistani nation is reaping the crop which Musharraf has condescendingly sown for his
vested interests and motives. All the provinces are pole apart in their mutual
understanding and are not willing to cooperate with the other provinces in a more friendly
and brotherly atmosphere.
Factors Responsible for the Strong Role of the Centre in Pakistan:
“Acceptable distribution of powers between the centre and units is an
essential feature of the federalism.”.
A.V. Dicey, An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution,
London: Macmillan, 1973, p. 151.
Federalism being a popular and practical form of government between the centre and units all
over the world is supported by an edge of the centre over the units. No where in the world does
federalism give the units an equal share in power distribution. The federal government may have
maintained as supremacy of legislative power over the units regarding issues of national
importance, however, the units are allotted adequate powers in the system of federalism.
In Pakistan, the centre has maintained a dominant role over the provinces
right from the beginning. The dismissal of Khan Sahib Ministry in NWFP on
22 August, 1947, M.A. Khuhro on April 20, 1948 in Sindh, Mammoth’s on
January 25, 1949,and Fazal-ul-Haq’s in 1954 in East Pakistan (under section
92-A of 1935 Act), despite the majority they held in the Assemblies, was a
reflection of the federal principles the country was created on. They were not
only regarded as the undemocratic dimension, but created a precedent which
later on led the central government to restore their reserve powers to dismiss
provincial ministries.
Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: the Formative Phase 1857-1948, London:
Oxford University Press, 1978 edition, p. 27.
Here are the following Factors responsible for the strong role of the centre in Pakistan. First,
Pakistan has been run for very long without any constitutional setup during the period the
political system was virtually turned into a unitary system. Second, in all the constitutional
setup, the balance of power has been overwhelmingly titled in favour of the central government.
Let us examine both the factors in detail.
137
Absence of Constitutional Government:
Pakistan has faced the absence of a stable representative government and remained under a nondemocratic and military rule for a long period. Under such a political setup, the role of the centre
becomes overwhelming over the affairs of the units, and the principles of federalism are
discouraged.








There was no constitutional representation from 1947 to 1956. The constitutional
crisis which developed during the existence of the first Constituent Assembly
strengthened the role of federal institutions against the provinces.
The government, based on the 1956 constitution was short-lived and handicapped by
political chaos. The failure of a constitutional government resulted in military coup,
the repercussions of which seriously undermined the future democratic setup.
President Ayub ruled the country with the strong role of the army and bureaucracy
from 1957 to 1969. The constitutional setup formed in 1962 strengthened the two
institutions to support Ayub Khan’s regime.
The Proclamation of martial law in 1969 and separation of East Pakistan in 1971 bore
the enigma of political development even after a political settlement was reached for
a representative government based on the 1973 constitution.
The July 1977 military coup made the constitution to lie dormant for the next 8 years.
When with a non-party constitutional setup it was revived. It represented a strong
centre where President enjoyed a very strong role.
The 8th Amendment had made his office to exercise power independent of any advice
from the Prime Minster to dissolve a government on the plea of being incompatible
with the constitutional government. The enjoying of the Presidential right to dissolve
the centre government (in, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1996) under section 58 (2)-B knocked
even all four provincial governments, including that one which remained in
opposition to the centre.
However, the 13th amendment to the Constitution deleted the discretionary powers of
the president entrusted upon him under article 58(2)-B for dissolution of elected
governments or assemblies.
Where military and other elite even enjoy better living standard than in the USA.
After 63 years in existence, Balochistan, a province rich in resources has very few
hospitals and schools, yet there are 18 cantonments in this province, a province
having a population of only few millions. The people of Balochistan have the right to
fight for their rights. No wonder when they are constantly ignored and the leaders that
are traditionally non-separatists killed just because they demand autonomy and due
rights to their resources.
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CONCENTRATION OF POWER IN CENTRE
a. In all the constitutional frameworks of Pakistan, the concentration of powers titled
toward the centre.
“In all the three constitutions, the federal list was the richest in terms of the
number of subjects and their importance.”.
Syed Mujawar Husain, op. Cit. p. 63.
b. The promise of provincial supremacy appeared like a dumb slogan when actual
distribution of powers began.
 In 1956 constitution, the important list of legislative powers was in the hands of
the centre. However, the distribution of powers between the centre and provinces
rested on the principles that the centre had exclusive authority to make laws,
while the provincial legislatures had the authority to make laws on all other
matters.
 In 1962 constitution, the distribution of powers was heavily in favour of the
centre.
 A similar supremacy was established in 1973 constitution.
c. The Pakistani Society, which is ethnically heterogeneous and socio –culturally
complex, requires a federal system where provinces have constitutional power
structure to exercise legislative, financial an administrative powers.

The Parity formula given in 1956 and 1962, bred hatred and frustration not only
between the two wings of East and West Pakistan, but alienated the smaller
provinces within the Western unit from the centre, where the Punjab had a big
share in the army and bureaucracy.
“A bane of the federal – provinces relationship has been the dissatisfaction
shown over the financial arrangements between the centre and provinces.
From the beginning of Raisman Award in 1951 to the National Finance
Commission award, 1990, the provinces have shown reservation over the
distribution of pooled taxes and income from the national resources. The
central government is believed to have predominated over the provinces in
financial matters.”.
Syed Mujawar Hussain, op. Cit., p. 129.



The trends bred dissatisfaction among the smaller provinces of the NWFP,
Balochistan, and Sindh over the allotment of funds, as compared to the resources
that the provinces generated.
Good federalism based on healthy distribution of centre-units power relationship
is tailored to the desires and needs of a country’s geo-political and socio-cultural
conditions. The centre provinces relationship is based on cooperative federalism.
However, in a number of polities, the principles of federalism are marred by
heterogeneity, lack of national integration, absence of a viable party system, and
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narrow provincialism. Pakistan is no exception to this fact. It is a country in which
constituent units are marked by cultural, linguistic, and historical difference.
There has been a lack of a viable two-party system at the national level and
provincial level.
o The provinces of the NWFP and Balochistan have gradually been failed to
form a coalition – free governments in the past. A number of political
parties exist at regional level whose support comes on ethnic and nationalist
grounds.
o Pakistan Muslim League Party-Nawaz Group (PML-N) is a provincial party
whose roots are confined to only one province – Punjab.
o On the other hand PPP is a true federal party with substantial presence in all
four provinces of Pakistan. Although the present leadership of PPP is not
delivering on the promises it made to people, if they genuinely start
implementing their manifesto, particularly on the issue of provincial
autonomy, NFC award, recognize rights of provinces on their resources, and
fair water distribution from Indus river, they can retain their number 1
position in Pakistan.
o It is also argued that the current nexus among PML-N, Jamat-i-Islami and
military for the restoration of Chief Justice will evolve into a powerful
religious oriented group that would not only be perceived by India as threat
but also in Bangladesh referring to the recent press reports about Pakistan’s
intelligence agencies having some role in the recent armed uprising by a
small group in Bangladesh. There are doubts that this alliance could last for
long as the three small provinces would perceive it as troika of hegemony
against them and would resist it. More over, the movement for provincial
autonomy has gained enough traction and any power-base that is solely
founded on institutions mainly centered in Punjab would not be accepted in
other three provinces.
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MAJOR PROPOSALS FOR THE PROGRESS OF
FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN
i.
Constitutional Safeguards:
Constitutional devices must be adopted to safeguard the financial, legislative and
administrative interests of provinces without unnecessary interferences of the centre
government. The rise of Regionalism in the federating units generated the alarming
atmosphere against the economic injustices and denial of provincial autonomy. This
caused hatred and ethnic polarization between Punjab and rest of the three provinces. So
this Regionalism must be transformed into Nationalism for the better progress of the
country.
ii.
Change in NFC Award Formula:
Regarding a better financial relationship between them, more bilateral and collective
discussions are needed between the centre and provinces for the assessment of provincial
resources and the funds allotted for development. The federal units must be given the
adequate share of revenue out of the income on its resources. The provinces must be
allowed the power of taxation on important matters, now possessed by the centre.
Keeping in view the development requirements of smaller provinces, funds may not be
allotted only on Population basis but on the land needing development.
iii.
Non-Interference in Provincial Affairs:
The interference of the affairs of provinces be reduced by the centre. The political history
of Pakistan shows that under an elective setup ruling elite at centre are indulged in
excessive political manipulations to make centre all powerful. They make federal units
more extensions rather than autonomous and coordinating partners. There should be
minimally as much autonomy as provinces and states enjoy in Canada, India, and/or the
USA.
iv.
Co-Operation by Provinces on Major Issues:
The provincial governments should cooperate with the federal government on major
issues. The centre – provinces relationship have also been marred by the centre-provinces
confrontation where a regional based party in power defied the centre government being
non-cooperative. The centre-province dialogue is needed for the purpose.
v.
Adoption of the Lahore Resolution1940:
There is a misconception that merely dividing Pakistan into 16 or 22 administrative
divisions will address the issue of de-centralization. The demand for the provincial
autonomy is from the founding provinces and originates from the founding principle of
Lahore Resolution 1940. Any attempt to deny this historical fact will lead to a civil war
in Pakistan. It is too late and too little to simply restore 1973 constitution. It is imperative
that All Parties Conference be called up for devising a strategy for the implementation of
Lahore Resolution 1940 in its letter and sprit.
141
vi.
The Senate Status Modification:
Pakistan needs a powerful senate with equal number of seats from each of the four
provinces. The Senate should be elected directly by the people and enjoy similar powers
as the US Senate including right to initiate monetary bills. It should be similar to the USA
Senate with the same number of seats for each province and no other territory or nonprovincial entity has any Senators (e.g., American Samoa, Washington DC, Costa Rica,
etc.).
vii.
Minimize Role of Military in State Affairs:
The role of military should be minimized and military should be decentralized. The
Defense policy of the country should be formed by the Parliament and not by a high-level
military council.
viii.
Condemn Foreign Hand in Pak-Affairs:
USA must not be allowed to support changes that weaken provincial governments by
shifting jurisdiction of critical areas from provincial governments to local municipal level
governments. The USA must be told that it is in their interest to have an even-handed
policy in dealing with all provinces in Pakistan. Siding with military and civilian leaders
of one province would be damaging to the return of peace in this region.
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CONCLUSION
Federalism in Pakistan has been a catchword since 1947. The principles of true federalism,
which served as the corner stone for the creation of Pakistan in the Lahore Resolution of 1940,
have not been promoted to establish a healthy federal state. The role of the central government
and federal agencies has dominated the affairs of units during both constitutional government
and military regimes. The distribution of powers between the central and units was a major issue
between the East and West Pakistan controversy. The constitutional framework in the country
since 1947 has placed the balance of power predominantly in the favour of centre. The control of
centre over the legislative, economic and administrative powers has bred discontent among the
smaller provinces of Pakistan. The rise of Nationalism in the federating units generated the
alarming atmosphere against the economic injustices and denial of provincial autonomy. This
caused hatred and ethnic polarisation between Punjab and rest of the three provinces. Major
proposals needed for promotion of cooperative federation in the country, to respect the spirit of
federal parliamentary democratic system for the supremacy of the constitutional requirements in
order to run the governmental affairs through participation of all the federating units in the
decision making policies related to foreign and internal issues.
143
REFERENCES & BIBLIOGRAPHY
K.C. Wheare, Federal Government, oxford University Press 1953, P.1.
Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah, Op, Cit. P. 34.
Syed Sharfidding Pirzada Ed. The Collected Works of Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Karachi: East & West
Publishing Company, 1986, Vol III, P. 319.
Craig Baxter “Constitution Making: The Development of Federalism in Pakistan” In Asian Survey, December,
1974, 14:12, 1075. In Craig Baxter’s Article, Op. Cit. P. 1075.
Keith Callard, Pakistan: A Political Study, Allen & Unwin, Oxford 1968, P. 159.
Federalism And Democracy – Pakistan’s Experience And Challenges, International Seminar Organized By: The
World Sindhi Institute (WSI)
Ahmed Hussain, Politics and People’s Representation in Pakistan, Lahore: Ferozesons, 1974, P. 83.
Anwar, Mohammad Rafi, Political Government in Pakistan, Lahore: The Caravan Book House, 1967.
Ahmed, Syed Jafar, Federalism in Pakistan: A Constitutional Study, Karachi; Pakistan Study Centre, 1990.
Baxter, Craig “Constitution Making: The Development of Federalism in Pakistan”, In Asian Survey, December
1974, 14:12, Pp. 1074-1085.
Callard, Keith, Pakistan, A Political Study, Oxford: Allen & Unwin, 1968.
Dicey, A. V. An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, London: Macmillan, 1973 Ed.
Hussain, Ahmed. Politics and People’s Representation in Pakistan, Lahore: Ferozesons, 1973.
Muntzra Nazir Thesis, University of the Punjab.
Kundi, Mansoor Akbar. Constitutions: A Selective Study, Karachi: Comprehensive Book Service, 1995.
Mansoor Akbar Kundi & Arbab Mohammad Jahangir Essay. “Federalism In Pakistan: Issues And Adjustment”.
Mahmood, Dr. Safdar. Constitutional Foundations of Pakistan, Lahore, Jang Publication, 1990.
Sayeed, Khalid Bin. Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1958-1948, London, Oxford University Press, 1978 Ed.
Shah, Syed Mujawar Hussain. Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice. Islamabad, Quaid-I-Azam University,
1994.
Wheare, K.C. Modern Constitutions, New York, Oxford University Press, 1966.
144
Mubeen Adnan
AN OVERVIEW OF
DOMESTIC THREATS / CONSTRAINTS TO
PAKISTAN’S SECURITY
The nation state of Pakistan is going through convolutions of many constraints. For developing
state like Pakistan however, the problem is from within, due to fragmentation along ethnic,
religious and linguistic lines. The cohesiveness of these entities is crucial to nation building. An
absence of this process on the contrary could threaten the very existence of a state and so is the
case with Pakistan. The end of the Second World War introduced strategic sophisticated and
deadly weapons system and new aid, defense and security concepts. Security is increasingly
being interpreted as “security of people, not just territory, security of the individuals, not arms;
security of all people every where, in their homes, on their jobs, in their streets, in their
communities and in their environment”1
Over a half century has been passed since the birth of Pakistan, no development of democracy
and institutions have been experienced. Since 1958, again and again military rule has
deteriorated the system of this state. Army has penetrated into every system of Pakistan.
Democracy did not get its roots and as a result the problems of ethnicity, sectarianism,
integration, kalashnikolf and drugs, terrorism, suicide bombing, economic downfall, food
shortage and power shortage, etc have been flourished with the passage of time.
Security perceptions of Pakistan are directly linked with the real and perceived threats
confronting her from time to time. “Threat is a geopolitical environment condition for which the
price and penalty will have to be paid by the target state if it fails to build its own effective
warding-of mechanism”2Major threats/constraints to Pakistan are, national integration, national
development and national security. These three are interrelated with each other. Internal threats
to Pakistan come from several sources. Pakistan has to set its own house in order. National
security and national integration are intimately interconnected and interdependent. 3
Pakistan has been subverted from within. Pakistan is an Islamic ideological state and it should
safeguard its ideology jealously, for it is the repository of its nationalism, national spirit, interest
and power. “Any program for national integration would pre -suppose a graceful acceptance and
realistic recognition of the fact that Pakistan is a multi-cultural/lingual and ethno-national nationstate and society. Pakistan’s ethnicity is a positive asset”. 4Cultural co-existence is required for
democratic system. Cultural co-existence resulting from cultural confluence and interaction is the
Mahbub-ul-Haq, Human Development in South Asia ,Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1997, p.94
Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, “Pakistan’s Security Predicament” in Security for Weak Nations, Farooq Hasnat and Anton Pelinka, ed., Lahore, Izhar
Sons, 1987, p.135
3 Ikram Azam, Pakistan’s Security and NationalIintegration, Rawalpindi, London Book Co, 1974, p.23.
4 Akram Azam,Pakistan and the Asian Collective Security System, Rawalpindi, Matbooat-e-Hurmat, 1983, p.70
1
2
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answer for Pakistan.5 Pakistan has passing through the culture of political intolerance and by
passing the true Islamic ideology and as a result, having no national integration in the real sense.
There are some more constraints which come out from the above mentioned constraints have
been harassing Pakistan since its birth like Pakhtoonistan, Provincialism, Kashmir, Indo-Pak
wars, Parity, East Pakistan, Bangladesh, Four Nationalities, Secession, Parochialism,
Aggression, Poverty, Terrorism, Talibanization of Society, Suicide Bombing, Corruption etc.
Pakistan is facing multi dimensional threats and problem is far more serious, for our very
survival is at stake. Pakistan should plan their remedial measures and Pakistan’s national security
can be ensured through national integration.6 True democracy is the binding force between
national security and integration. The gap between the rulers and the ruled continue to be
increased.
M.P.Singh and Veena Kukreja in the book Pakistan Democracy, Development and Security
Issues explain that Pakistan is a nation still in the making. It continues to be domestically
unstable and politically weak. Pakistan is facing internal war like situation against the terrorists.
Basically nations resort to war when diplomacy fails. A state which is truly democratic can face
the challenge to its survival otherwise it will face stresses and strains of insecurity and in-ability.
Rule of law, fundamental rights, a free press and strong opposition is required for the security of
Pakistan otherwise it will remain weak and vulnerable at the hands of all domestic problems and
constraints. Pakistan has wanted its state moderate, free, open, peaceful, progressive, Islamic and
democratic.
Identity is one of the major constraints towards the security of Pakistan, even after the secession
of East Pakistan in 1971 was severe, Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan faced the rebellious politics of
Bengalis, Baloch Nationalistic assertions in 1970’s were seen and Bhutto used force in order to
put down Baloch tribesman, Sindhi nationalism in the 1980’s and Muhajir Qomi movements
have been gathering strength since 1990’s.7 Zia Ul-Haq sent the army to suppress rural Sindh and
Musharaf used army against Balochies and tribal areas. The all have developed separatist
tendencies.
Today’s wounded Pakistan is facing democratic turmoil; all the ethnic groups are feeling
alienated by the Punjabi elite and Blouch, Pashtoon and Sindi nationalists are against the
hegemony of Punjab. Ethnic unrest is another kind; the domination of Punjabis in all aspects of
life is resented by smaller ethnic groups. In early 1990’s the civil unrest is seen in Sindh. Smaller
provinces have been demanding provincial autonomy. Baloch nationalists groups have their
grievances and this threat should be treated as early as possible. Sectarian conflicts between
Sunnis and Shias have been intensified the domestic constraints to the security of Pakistan.
A path chartered by the military regime of Ayub Khan,Yahya Khan then of Zia-Ul- Haq was
altered by yet another military regime that of Musharaf. All these military regimes produced
political instability, poor governance, institutional paralysis, by passing the rule of law, socioeconomic down fall and so on. No civil government has been able to establish and maintain its
Dr. M.S Baqai, Social Order in Pakistani Society, Islamabad, National Book Foundation, 1975, p.33
Ikram Azam, op.cit., p.3
7 Iftikhar H. Malik, State and Civil Society in Pakistan: Politics of Authority, Ideology and Ethnicity, New York, St. Martin Press, 1997, p.44
5
6
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legitimacy for more than brief periods. Democracy was very weak and democratic institutions
could not be strengthened by military rule. Military rule in Pakistan by paralyzing the democratic
institutions is one kind of threat to Pakistan.
Pakistan is passing through the most difficult period of its existence and facing domestic threats
and constraints to its security. Insecurity is increasing; people do not feel secure in the streets or
in their homes. There is erosion in the legitimacy of the state when political institutions are
unable to provide security to its citizens who may no longer perceive the central governments as
the manager of conflicts. In such circumstances, groups perceiving deprivation tend to resort to
violent solutions to their grievances. A diffusion of small arms and light weapons can promote
the process of state breakdown due to violent internal strife. The Pakistani paradigm fits with this
scenario.
Economic instability is a fundamental variable of internal security threats to Pakistan. The
absence of genuine socio-economic development has provided ethno-sectarian elements and
regional forces grounds to exploit and weaken Pakistan internally. Economic security we mean
whether a country can pursue, without being threatened from the outside, independent economic
and foreign policies or not. Per capita income and gross national product are required for
security. Self sufficiency is also required. Pakistan being the developing state is clearly at a
disadvantage and its security will be threatened. Low level of investment and social services are
seen. Pakistan under heavy debt and rely on foreign aid for financing the investment. Security
and peace are the two important prerequisites for the stability of economic and political systems
of the state. Corruption and poor governance have had a threat to Pakistan. No proper economic
planning except late 1950’s and 1960’s has been seen there and since 1990 it is facing the worst
economic crises. All Pakistani governments have failed to attain socio- economic equality.8
The British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said that Pakistan faced more threats from internal
terrorism, as it is facing various lingual, ethnic and sectarian problems. Suicide bombing is
increasing due to serious short comings in internal security measures and in law enforcement,
failure to fully stop financing of terrorism, only banned selective terrorist organizations, half
hearted efforts for education, anti American sentiments, militants suicidal attacks, economic
weaknesses etc. War on Taliban and Al-Qaida created tussle within Pakistan and the religious
fundamentalist groups have reacted in a hostile manner. Suicide bombers as a resentment against
government operations in Lal Masjid, Wana, swat and Waziristan has been increased. Most of
the bombings in Pakistan have targeted security forces and civilians. At present any move to
dismantle the terrorists is facing resistance. These are worst ever security threats for the citizens
of Pakistan and these threats have heightened anxiety for the people of Pakistan day by day.
These threats undermine the writ and credibility of the state as well as the security of life and
property of the citizens. Pakistani educational institutions have been closed for some days
because of fears about militant attacks after suicide bombing at the International Islamic
University.
M.P. Singh and Veena kukreja, ed. , Pakistan Democracy, Development and Security issues, New Delhi, Paramount Publishing Enterprise,
2005, p 22
8
147
The religious extremism and sectarian militancy got closely identified with proliferation of
seminaries across Pakistan is noteworthy. The talibanization of Pakistani society has been an
issue of concern in many quarters in the country. An increasing number of sectarian killings were
a pointer to this phenomenon. Madrassas are not only responsible for breeding grounds of
terrorism but other factors are also responsible. For Pakistan’s national security the 11 years of
war in Afghanistan was the most dangerous time period. Pakistan supported the freedom struggle
in Afghanistan which led the Kalashnikov, smuggling, refugee problem and drug culture in
Pakistan. According to UN data in Pakistan in 2009 there are about 2.5 million Afghans who are
scattered around Pakistan .They are about 1.7 million registered Afghans with 45 percent
residing in refugee villages and the rest scattered in whole of the Pakistan .Pakistan fought
American war in Afghanistan but when USSR moved out of Afghanistan, Pakistan was out of
the nut cracker like situation, America dumped Pakistan. Expanding terrorism and suicide attacks
have raised concerns regarding the safety and security of nuclear arsenals. U.S media is writing
stories about the threats to Pakistan’s nuclear weapons.
Pakistan was pushed into judicial crisis on March 9th 2007 by suspending chief justice of
Supreme Court. It has been widely held as a dramatic move to constrain the judicial activism.
Lawyers movement as well as the electronic media played a vital role for launching voices
against the dismissal of chief justice of Supreme Court. Threats and attacks against journalists
were common and many journalists and lawyers were killed during this movement. Media
remained under government pressure through laws and threats. Media houses were attacked,
raided by police and security agencies and freedom of press came under attack as a result of two
ordinances. Anti media laws and closure of channels were imposed. Civil society and politicians
also joined hands with this movement and after the long march in 2009, the chief justice of
Pakistan was restored on 16th march of this year and Pakistan came out from this constraint
within a time span of two years.
Another alarming threat is food security, due to lack of proper planning. It is the need of the time
to take some bold steps to ensure food security. Firstly the wheat shortage and now sugar crises
have traumatized the people.
Election results of 18th February 2008 have rejected the status co. Last government failed to live
up to the expectations of the people. A new government has come to power in March 2008.
However, this government did not make any fundamental change of policy towards domestic
issues which are threatening Pakistan’s security except the Swat operation and now in Waziristan
military operation of army. No proper planning is seen regarding the management of food and
electricity shortage.
Territory of Pakistan is home to a complex nexus of ethno- linguistic and religious groups. This
range of actors combined with underdevelopment has created tensions in Pakistan that threaten
to undermine the territorial unity of the country. Domestic stability involves a wide range of
factors including human security, economics, politics, regional stability, environment, education,
and religion. Interdependence of all these multifaceted threats and their over all impact on
internal security should be removed. Pakistan needs development in political, social, and
economic field .In political field the real constraint is the lack of political framework in which all
the ethnic groups are ignored. The distribution of power must be equal for all the provinces and
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people’s participation is required in all issues and must be acknowledged by the government. In
economic field Pakistan needs structural changes. Economic motivations are required. Among
them social development by introducing fresh incentives for the improvement of the standard of
people is also required on early basis. The role of military in politics must be eliminated. EthnoSectarian threats should be countered. Enforcement of rule of law should be there. Law
enforcement agencies should be equipped with new technologies, techniques, training and
equipments for stopping terrorist activities in country. Pakistan should develop think tanks which
will predict and stop the future threats to security. There is going to be no quick end to the
domestic security threats/constraints faced by Pakistan. Long term policy is required. Pakistan
needs a strong democratic government with a clear vision and clearly announced policies for the
state.
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150
Ms. Hina Batool
GENDER EQUITY AND GOVERNANCE
ABSTRACT
Gender equity is an equality of the outcomes for men and women. It is an influencing factor for
the better or good governance. Governance is the process of improving the delivery of goods and
services to women, men, girls and boys in a fair, just and responsible way. It has to be considered
as an integral part of the definition of good governance. Both are inner-related and cannot work
separately in all spheres of life. If we try to debate for gender equity than good policy-making
helps to promote gender equity between men and women without any unequal distribution of
resource allocation. The policy-makers can contribute a lot in achieving gender equity by giving
due recognition to international and national agreements for the betterment of women position as
men at all positions of life (formal and informal sector) with equal distribution of resources that
fulfill the needs of men and women on equal basis. It can help to promote good governance in a
society.
Key Words: Gender Equity, Governance, Equality, Policy-making and Policy-Makers.
151
INTRODUCTION
Gender equity is one of the important factors in governance. If we try to achieve gender equity
than it requires equality of the outcomes for women and men. The equity deals with the
priorities, need and their interests of common people, who wish that, their needs can be highlight
through the government source and they get an equivalent position without any desegregation or
discrimination. Normally, equity implies the recognition of different needs, preferences and
interests, which affect the way women and men benefit from the same policies.
Gender Equity is giving boys and girls, women and men equal opportunities in the utilisation of
personal capabilities to realise full human rights. Generally, we look towards developed nations
than we found men and women working together at all sphere of life (indoor/outdoor) but no one
take it as an issue because their status in all countries except some developing nations. Many of
developing countries have a strong cultural hold of their values and norms and they don’t take
any step against it. So, women considered as a home-maker and treats as they born for in-formal
work, most of the outdoor functions considered as men work even most of the sports (i.e.
wrestling, kabaddi) women have no access because of this cultural bound system.
Our communities get limited as well as restrict women to follow these norms. But, if we observe
around than we look women and men have not on equal position. Sometimes women get less
opportunity (i.e. education, job) as compare to men. Men have a right to enjoy the full benefits
either those are related to indoor or outside chores. The distribution and allocation of resources
also addresses both men and women not an equal levels of life.
Because of those differences women feel to take a step to fight against their better, stable and
equivalent position as men. Normally they don’t acquire because of various factor most of them
considered women as less powerful and weak than men because of her reproductive problem.
She faces discriminatory comments as well because of this male dominating society in which we
live. And, their roles considered as a normal as well as a daily work and doesn’t acknowledge it
as men and just taken for granted.
The only thing that can change women status in a positive manner without any unseen hurdle
that is better policy making process. It will help to promote better and equal distribution of
resources between men and women in a fair way. If the policies regarding gender can be change
than those can change women status as well. And, women try to get chance for equal or better
place as men in all sectors. And, their needs and priorities can be draw attention to as an
important factor.
Those policy-makers recommend following amendments init for equal or fair distribution of
resources at all level and its division and allocation process will be impartiality.
All the departments (Finance, Human Resource, Marketing, Teaching…etc) where men and
women have a chance to get job. These policies seek to improve equal chance of participation for
men and women at same level. They try to make possible fair and equal participation of both
without any discrimination and biasness.
152
If we take any positive step towards gender equity than we know well it will also helpful for
good governance because gender equity directly lead towards governance and the good
governance is the process of improving the delivery of goods and services to women, men, girls
and boys in a fair, just and responsible way has to be considered as an integral part of the
definition of good governance.
It requires a participatory approach to the policy making process, so that the different
perspectives of different groups of citizens from all levels (lower to upper), including women,
are represented.
Women are mostly highlighting as less valued because generally their needs doesn’t highlight in
front of government than how they get better position in life as men. However, if women
priorities give no importance and people try to disclose their needs and interests from various
ways than it will create a problem for them and might be it can destroy our society.
And of-course if women get raise voice for the fight against their unequal position. Than policymakers can take a positive step to improve their condition as men than it will positively influence
on the view point of the whole society. Obviously they can give value of women roles and
responsibilities according to their requirements and highlight in front of higher authorities.
Those policies will be addressing both women and men at all levels of policy-making in an equal
position. It can help to promote good governance in all institutes that works (Financial,
Economical, Social and Cultural). Those policy- makers also seek to highlight those differences
that make hurdle between women and men unequal and unfair status through different ways of
policy-making process.
The process of policy-making in a better way with little-bit amendments on the basis of gender
equity for the good governance with the help of process of developing those policies than
towards implementation with policy-makers. Who try to explain and construct new and equal
policies that can address the equally needs and priorities of both men and women and determine
their all needs and priorities in a meaningful way.
Many documents have discussed about this important issue of Gender Equity/Equality and how
that leads towards stable governance at all levels of life.
International Agreement:
Furthermore, Article3 of CEDAW imposes the requirements to ensure equality between women
and men in relation to all human rights in particular in the political, social, economic and cultural
fields. Basically CEDAW requires that states achieve both substantial and formal equality and
recognizes that formal equality alone is insufficient for a state to meet its affirmative obligation
to achieve substantive equality between women and men (CEDAW general recommendation 25,
Para 8).
A few governments have tried to promote greater equality in the gender distribution of
expenditure on poverty alleviation and rural development programmes through the use of quotas;
153
i.e. Indian 9th plan (1995-2000) has women’s components requiring 30% of expenditure of a
variety of poverty alleviation programmes to go to women.
Constitutional Provision:
The constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973 contains the following articles relating to
women rights:
Article 34: clearly shows that “women have a full right of participation at all spheres of national
life”.
Article 37: mentioned the provision for securing just and humane conditions of work, ensuring
that children and women are not employed in vocations unsuited to their age or sex, and for
maternity benefits for women in employment.
Article 38: provide basic necessities of life, irrespective of sex (men or women).
Articles 25, 26, 27: “Other important sections that support women rights are “all citizens are
equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law”.
“There shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone (Exceptions: the state can make
special provisions for the protection of women and children)”.
“No discrimination on any basis in access to public places, except those specifically reserved for
religious purposes (Exceptions: the state can make special provisions for women and children)”.
According to our country 30 percent seats are allocated for women in local government. In
Article 32: “special representation shall be given to women in local government institutions (i.e.,
local bodies).
If we look towards our political scenario: than we observe women have 33 percent seats, “Only a
Muslim could be qualified for election as President (male or female) and Prime Minister (male or
female). No restriction as to religion or gender on any other post, up to and including provincial
governor and Chief Minister”. Now they highlight their interests from various ways as a
representative of different areas and contribute their views as a minority on all political aspects
that will be under discussion in Assembly with under Speaker of National assembly.
That change is highly appreciated because it mentioned in our constitution as any area in a
province from which he seeks membership for election to a seat reserved for women it’s a
positive step towards promotion of gender equity and good governance at grass-root level.
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CONCLUSION
At last, this connectivity clearly shows that gender equity and governance have a strong
connection and are inner-related. Without their harmony it cannot works properly for the purpose
of betterment and development of the society. Inequality at all spheres of life might be creating
some other problems that can cling our communities.
We know well we need to get start a strong debate on two important influencing factor gender
equity and governance local community members in the light of international agreements and
constitutional provisions.
Equal distribution of resources at all segments can make progress for the purpose of gender
equity and its further growth towards the chain of equality at all levels of life between women
and men can promote good governance and for the development of society in a right fashion.
Good governance is a great source of development without any discrimination and
dissemination. All the communities can work jointly and can try to make possible the
enhancement of resources for production and fulfillment of their needs. The men and women
collective effort for any constructive development of the society is therefore extremely essential.
Promotion of gender equity therefore is awfully desirable for good governance as well. If men
and women priorities are equally addressed than they can mutually work to make a progress in a
participatory manner to achieve their goals without any cultural barrier.
If we want to change the condition of the society than we also need to change the common
perceptive of all the stakeholders in order to enhance their abilities which will otherwise not be
possible without the promotion of participatory approach where men and women equally or
jointly work for fulfillment of their needs at same level without any discrimination.
Sometimes culture influence badly or made a hurdle for men and women work at same place as
well as same level of women job as men because of some ritual, norms or values mentioning that
men have a higher position than women. The better awareness at higher levels can contribute a
lot towards creation of an appropriate environment where both the genders can contribute
according to their potential.
They address them if we cannot involve both genders for the purpose of development it will not
possible because women consists 52 percent of our population (Pakistan) If they work together at
all sphere of life with men at equal level than they should be try to finish those discriminatory
complex and division of resources in life.
In our society women also try to get their desires that they normally didn’t get because of their
low decision making power and some cultural boundaries. If they work together in a proper and
effective way than it will effect positively for their development at national level.
Gender Equity can’t work without gender equality which gives same level of allocation and
division of resources between women, men, girls and boy’s in all sphere of life. If both of them
155
works together and their needs, interests and priorities can be addressed at same level than it will
helps to promote good governance from gross-root level. Now, if everyone has an opportunity to
participate at equal level to express their interests without any hesitation or a concept of glass
ceiling (i.e. imposing barrier to limit women access to certain field and traits).
Sometimes men express their interests easily than women because they have chance to go outside they have no problem of mobility as women. So, those positive movements who tried to
change the situation and status of women in society they also try to change their family mindset
regarding their mobility problem. Without their family support women can never get any
progress in their daily routine life and they cannot get that level in life that they want as an aim to
achieve.
In our society, women are just considered as a home-maker and men and women roles and
responsibilities are divided according to societal and cultural norms/values.
The participatory approach is a positive source for any improvement and elimination and
eradication of hurdles in all development sectors that we facing since centuries.
RECOMMENDATIONS
1. The societal cultural mind-set need to be changed through awareness raising endeavors
that deals separately men and women for their equal right.
2. Women may be given equal opportunities at all levels (Health, Sports, and Education) as
men in order to promote gender equity and good governance.
3. Women participation at all higher levels of formal sectors may be ensured through
appropriate regulations and incentives in order to make best use of women talent at right
occasion and place.
4. The environment of the working women may be improved keeping in view their
requirements and responsibilities.
156
Dr. S.Manzoor Hussain Shah
DECENTRALIZATION IN EDUCATION AND THE
PERFORMANCE OF THE
EXECUTIVE DISTRICT OFFICERS (EDUCATION)
IN PAKISTAN
ABSTRACT
Since its very inception, the education system of Pakistan remained centralized at the federal and
provincial level. Pakistan inherited this centralized educational administrative setup from the
British in 1947. The system had been improved to some extent through a number of
administrative reforms but revamping of administrative structures did not take place. It has been
continuously realized that centralized system of education has been hampering the efficiency and
effectiveness of delivery service at the grass root level. Different educational policies of the
government of Pakistan had acknowledged the desirability of decentralization of responsibility
and authority in the education sector and occasionally recommended specific strategies and
structure to achieve this goal. Keeping in view the need of the day, the government of Pakistan
launched devolution plan in 1999 through local government ordinance. The present study was
designed to analyze the impact of decentralization on the performance of the Executive District
Officers (EDOs) at district basis in Pakistan. The objectives of the study were to identify the
nature and extent to which the EDOs were empowered under the devolution system, to analyze
the impact of the decentralization and devolution on the performance of the EDOs and to identify
the problems/difficulties faced by the EDOs in the implementation of the devolution plan.
For this study both qualitative and quantitative approaches were used. The sample of the study
comprised 87 EDOs working in Pakistan. The data was collected by different research assistants
through self made questionnaire. The study concluded that the EDOs in various districts of
Pakistan need independent role for good delivery of their services and training in various areas
i.e. administrative, financial, academic school mapping, making ADP, budgeting etc. and with
proper delegation of financial powers. A comprehensive training program for EDOs has been
proposed by involving AEPAM and EPPSL AIOU Islamabad.
Key words: Decentralization, Executive District Officer, Education, Policy, Government, School
157
INTRODUCTION
Decentralization may be defined as “the transfer of decision-making authority, responsibility,
and tasks from higher to lower organizational levels or between organizations” (Hanson, 1998,
p.112). According to Paqueo and Lammert (2000), “deconcentration involves shifting
management responsibilities from the central to regional or other lower levels so that the center
retains control”. Winkler states that (as cited in Mitchell, 2008) decentralization is of the
following three types:
Devolution
Devolution is a type of decentralization where the decision making power lies in the hands of the
local government.
Deconcentration
Deconcentration is a type of decentralization when the decision making power is given to the
lower level representatives of the selected local government.
Delegation
Delegation is the type of decentralization when the decision making power is assigned to the
public or the private agencies. (http://www.worldbank.org/)
Decentralization provide good training to the working people, improves their morale and so on.
Decentralization in general provides better gross roots participation and coordination of any
social system. It caused development and work speed without wastage of time and resources. It
provides flexibility to the implementing officials or department by prompt working.
Comparatively it has proven to be better in services delivery, enhancing retention of students at
different level and particularly to improve quality of education. Under decentralization in
education, teachers and staff problems have also been minimized. In the year 2000 Pakistan
introduced devolution of power program with due legislative support. Under the devolution
program the district management and community has been empowered at the grassroots level in
planning, management, resource mobilization, utilization, implementation, monitoring and
evaluation of the education system. Decentralization of educational administration in Pakistan is
a major innovation and reform in the political and education system. The purpose was to
improve administrative and implementation processes by entrusting those closer to the field to
increase the participation and to make the appropriate decisions.
Advantages of Decentralization
The decentralization in education is actually the transfer of school policy making authority from
federal to district level. The decentralization allows the educational managers to involve
themselves in decision making process. There are several grounds and motives for
decentralization. Recent constitutional and legislative changes in several countries particularly
in the third world have obviously been primarily motivated by the desire for a more efficient
administration of development tasks as the past has shown that central governments were often
unable to proficiently implement development programs. The decentralization in many
countries has afforded better government. A decentralized form of government may also
158
guarantee greater freedom and democracy because it introduces a type of control over central
government. The distribution of powers to different level of government and the competition
between these levels allow for a system of check and balance which is likely to set limits on the
central government if it attempts to overstep or abuse its powers. The decentralized government
constitutes a specific and extended expression of the basic constitutional principles of the
separation of powers. Decentralization is of extreme importance for an organization from
several aspects. As far as the participation of the general masses in decentralization is
concerned, the people at grass root level participate in decision making as well as in the
implementation process. The quality of decisions is also improved under decentralized system.
Decentralization is commonly followed by different countries either in developed or developing
blocks. Comparatively it has brought good results. Decentralization also aims at an economic
and political system that responds more closely to people’s preferences and requirements. By
bridging the gap between implementers and beneficiaries, decentralization measures are
expected to achieve the following three major objectives:
1. Improved efficiency in the provision of services
2. More transparency of managers
3. Better accountability to beneficiaries
Disadvantages of Decentralization
Decentralization having many advantages has some limitations also. According to Fred (1998,
p.34) “in spite of all its desirable attributes decentralization is subject to certain limitations
which, if ignored or exceeded, will seriously interfere with its usefulness”. Decentralization has
its disadvantages too. According to Dale (2000), unsuccessful decentralization can cause:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Lack of uniformity of decisions
Failure to use the advice of the available specialist
Possibility of duplication of efforts
Difficulty for executives to accept decentralization which is traced to tradition, expense,
power and prestige
Carevell (1998) looks at the disadvantages of decentralization as follows:
o A decentralized approach requires that all managers and supervisors possess an
understanding of the goals and procedures used in an organization. If all this is not
provided adequately, the decentralization may result in many unforeseen troubles.
o The operation or several decision making units may also contribute to inter group rivalry
which may result in inconsistency in the decision reached.
o In a decentralized system cost may be high than in a centralized organization because of
increased duplication of manpower. Each decision making unit may need its own
technical as well as ministerial staff which is certainly going to create financial
problems.
o Decentralized system further creates problems of coordination between separate
organizational units.
159
Premature or excessive decentralization can also be harmful and wasteful, although its effects
are usually difficult to distinguish from those of poor administration generally. The form and
degree of decentralization must be adapted to circumstances, including in so far as devolution is
concerned, the readiness of people to accept and discharge responsibility. The discussion on
disadvantages of decentralization can be concluded with the remarks by Dasgis, that,
decentralization should be halted before right orders go to the wrong subordinators and right
subordinates report to the wrong superiors. In general decentralization has the following
limitations;



It may be possible that at the local level institutional heads may take decisions without
comprehensive understanding of the situation. While top level officials may have more
information about the institutions as a whole and may have better understanding of the
institutional strategy.
In truly decentralized organization, there may be lack of coordination among
autonomous institutions and their heads. This problem can be reduced by clearly
defining the strategies and communicating it effectively throughout the organization.
Lower level managers may have such objectives which may be different from the
objectives of the entire organization.
Decentralization and School Effectiveness
Decentralization improves school effectiveness in many ways. The under mentioned
improvements through decentralization are based on a number of reforms in developing
countries.
1. Decentralization increases the ratio of inputs to school.
2. It improves the quality of inputs to school.
3. Increases the relevance of programs or matching program content to local interests.
4. Increases the innovativeness of programs.
5. Increases the range of options available to students.
6. Reduces inequalities in access to education of quality.
7. Enhances learning outcomes.
8. Increases the efficiency in allocation of resources.
9. Increases efficiency in the utilization of resources.
10. Increases match of programs to employers requirements.
11. Increases use of information about issues, problems or innovations.
According to Fiske (1996 p.13), “Education decentralization is a complex process that deals
with changes in the way schools systems go about making policy, generating revenues,
spending funds, and training teachers, designing curricula, and managing local schools”. Shami
and Waqar (2007) have also mentioned that districts governments are now involved in taking
different decisions under the decentralization. The decision making process has been shifted
from the centre to the local level. The purpose is to achieve the objectives of education
effectively and efficiently through good governance by local bodies. Decentralization in
education has permitted the community and its representatives to involve themselves in
160
decision-making and implementation process for improvement of schools under the new
system.
Decentralization of Education in Pakistan
In Pakistan, decentralization is not new. It has been provided in different educational policies and
documents. However decentralization in its true spirit took place in the year 2001.There were
many crucial problems which led to the process of recent decentralization. These problems were
very common and reported by different national and international donor agencies and bodies at
different stages. The problems of students’ absenteeism, their dropout, low retention rate, low
participation rate of female in Baluchistan and FATA, lack of provision of physical facilities in
schools, non availability of trained science teachers, in-service training of teachers and heads etc.
Under the recent decentralization, all educational matters and their decisions i.e. appointment
and transfer of the teaching staff and non teaching staff, their service matters, evaluation of
students, payment of monthly salaries to staff, implementation of educational plans, their
coordination and monitoring etc. were shifted to the district level by giving key position to the
EDOs. However, designing the curriculum, setting of teacher salary level, policy of
evaluation of the students are still with the federal government. As the process of
decentralization has been launched in full swing very recently it will not be possible to assess
its complete successes and failures. However, many problems have been noted through
different studies and researches. These include uncertainty about the fiscal powers, lack of
delegation of financial authority, insignificant role of School Management Committees and
Citizen Community Boards in school management and fund allocation, political pressure
and involvement in the educational activities etc. There are. However, some achievements
which include improvement in retention rate of students, resolution of teacher’s problems
at the district and tehsil level, and reducing students’ dropout especially in Punjab and
NWFP (http://www.worldbank.org/).
Decentralization Efforts in Pakistan
Since independence, attempts were made to relate the education system to the needs and
inspirations of the country. The first Educational Conference held in 1947 provided basic
guidelines for future development of education. The National Education Commission, 1959
holds a peculiar position in the history of educational reforms. The Commission proposed the
creation of separate sections with considerable autonomy within their spheres of responsibility.
This introduced a concept of devolution of authority that has not received much application in
educational administration. National Education policy 1970 also proposed the introduction of
decentralization of educational administration to ensure academic freedom and financial
autonomy for effective growth of educational institutions at various levels. National Education
policy 1979 stated that educational administration would be decentralized for effective
supervision and management of education through providing more powers and facilities to
educational management at lower level. National Education policy 1992 emphasized that the
process of decision-making will be decentralized. Educational development plans shall be
effectively coordinated and monitored. Management of district level education will be improved
by associating the local community.
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As per recommendation of different polices, the educational administration was decentralized in
1973 in the province of Punjab and Sindh whereas the decentralization was implemented in the
province of NWFP during 1979. For decentralization of educational administration, each
province was divided into divisions comprising four to six districts. Each divisional office was
headed by a Divisional Director (separate for schools and colleges). The division was further
divided into districts and the Education Department at district level was headed by District
Education Officer who was assisted by Deputy Education Officers/ Assistant Education Officer/
Sub Divisional Education Officers. All the primary, middle, secondary and high secondary
schools were under the administrative control of District Education Officer. The colleges at
district level were under the administrative control of Directorate of Colleges.
In the year 2000 Pakistan introduced devolution of power program with due legislative support.
Under the devolution program the district management and community has been empowered at
the grassroots level in planning, management, resource mobilization, utilization,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the education system. Decentralization of
educational administration in Pakistan is a major innovation and reform in the political and
education system. The purpose was to improve administrative and implementation processes by
entrusting those closer to the field to increase the participation and to make the appropriate
decisions. Federal government under devolution plan is now responsible for national policy
formulation addressing issues such as:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Easy access to education;
Equity and quality of education;
Setting teacher pay level;
Defining required teacher’s qualification;
Setting the norms for national curriculum; and
Assessing student’s performance through national assessment system
Under the devolution plan responsibilities of the provincial government now include matters
related to the implementation of national education policy provisions. The district governments
are responsible for planning, monitoring and evaluation of education system at their level. They
are also responsible to develop organizational structure for educational programs. The district
has to generate its own funds in addition to the funds allocated by the federal and provincial
governments. However, it is a challenging task. To support the education system under
decentralization short term and long term plans have been drawn to facilitate and provide them
opportunities to address the implications of decentralization. These areas pertain to the
development of framework for district based planning, management, supervision, monitoring
community mobilization, participation and capacity building. District educational management
plays a vital role in monitoring the performance of secondary schools in their respective
districts. Therefore effective management is pre-requisite for quantitative expansion as well as
qualitative improvement of education system particularly after devolving powers at district
level. District management coordinates and integrates network activities so that education
system may try to achieve maximum internal efficiency through management, allocation and
use of resources available for increasing the quantity and improving the quality of education.
162
Role of EDOs and DEOs under Devolution Plan
EDO education is a new position at the district level that is responsible for the entire education
sector at district level. He is assisted by District Education Officer Elementary (Male, Female),
Secondary, Special Education, District Supports Officer, Assistant Director (Planning and
Budget) and Deputy DEO. However, there is variation in district management structure among
provinces. The main functions of EDOs (Education) include implementation of government
policies, supervision, coordination of the entire sub sectors of education at district level,
formulation of district Annual Development Plan and its implementation, collection and
compilation of education data. Now the EDO is authorized to allocate resources for any
developmental or non-developmental activity in education sector. However, in the changed
scenario the role of the Head of the Secondary and Higher Secondary School has remained
unchanged. He has to discharge his duties in the same spirit under EDO. The new system has
not devolved any more powers to Heads of schools as the process of the devolution of powers at
the institution and village level still needs to be decided by the government. The systems hold
the DCO responsible to coordinate and supervise activities of EDO. In this way EDO are now
accountable to DCO at the district level but their service matters like their appointment and
transfer are still being dealt by the provincial government. Under the devolution plan the district
educational management and its entire supporting staff i.e. teaching and non-teaching staff is
the liability of the provincial government. This was the reason that in the coming year after
devolution they were paid salaries by the provincial governments. (Local Government Plan,
2000)
The major changes in the education sector for evolving a mechanism for transferring
responsibilities for recruitment, salaries and management of teachers and administrators from
province to district level have been introduced. Under the new system, the existing functional
offices in the education sector at the district level have been regrouped and placed under the
authoritative control of EDO. Similarly creation of some new offices was proposed to deal with
the changing need of the community. The main focus is to make the education system and its
managerial set up so strong that it can provide efficient and quick services to the community
through close coordination with the community and its representatives.
In the Devolution Plan all the educational managerial issues and accountability has been
discussed for providing guidelines to the implementing officials and bodies. However, the role
of EDO has specially been focused being the head of education system at the district level.
Under the devolution plan, the educational management working at tehsil level has been
empowered to decide financial and managerial matters; particularly, salary matters, budgets of
the schools, appointment of the staff etc. EDOs not only supervise and coordinate all these
activities at the district level but also supervise the execution of the above activities by his
supporting staff at tehsil level (World Bank, Report 2004).
According to MSU (2001), some important functions of EDOs (Executive District Officer) as
reported in the report are:
163
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Implementation of government policies, directives, and orders
Supervision and coordination of functioning of all wings of education in the district
Distribution of budgetary grants
Internal audit and supervision of settlement of external audit paras
Supervision of curricular and co-curricular activities, expansion, extension of services,
increase enrollment and decrease drop-outs
Supervision of proper working of school councils and mobilization of the community
Sanctioning all kind of leaves, pension and retirement notifications of officer BS-18 and
BS-19
Provision of information to the monitoring committees of the District, Tehsil, Union
Councils and Citizen Community Boards.
Taking appropriate corrective action based on the information received from Monitoring
Committees and Citizen Community Boards.
The district educational authorities have a crucial role. The devolution plan has considerably
categorized all roles of the Executive District Officer, District Education Officer and other
responsible officials. The purpose behind this is to empower EDOs as well as DEOs in all the
educational matters at the district level. But political involvement has a negative impact on the
working of these officials. There is a need to minimize the political interference and to improve
the working of the district educational officials.
Problem Statement
The study was aimed to analyze the impact of decentralization on the performance of the
executive district officers (education) in Pakistan
Research Objectives
The aim of the research was to identify the nature and extent to which the EDOs were
empowered under the devolution system. To analyze the impact of the decentralization and
devolution on the performance of the EDOs. To explore the perceptions of the educational
managers about devolution plan. To identify the problems/difficulties faced by the EDOs in the
implementation of the devolution plan.
Research Questions
Replies to the following questions will be sought through the study:
 How far the EDOs understand their new roles and responsibilities?
 To what extent the EDOs at district level can exercise all the vested powers without any
political interference?
 Are the EDOs skilled to deal with the devolution plan at district level?
Methodology
Descriptive design of the research was used. For the purpose of collection of data survey method
was used. The population of the study comprised 109 EDOs. The sample of the study was 87
164
EDOs. For the purpose of collecting data, questionnaire was used as data collection tool. The
questionnaires covered various aspects of the devolution plan in Education Sector as well as
roles and responsibilities of EDOs. The Questionnaire used for the EDOs has two parts i.e. part
one comprised of the EDOs profile whereas the part two comprised different aspects and roles of
the EDOs under devolution plan. The questionnaire has 20 items and was based on five point
rating scale. The questionnaire was improved in consultation with experts in the field and the
EDOs not included in the sample. After getting their feedback and views, questionnaires were
improved. Data was collected through M.A and M.Phil students in Pakistan. They collected data
from the concerned Executive District Officers (E) through their personal visits.
Analysis/Interpretation of Data
The data obtained through questionnaires were tabulated, interpreted and analyzed by using
percentage and chi square. Statement wise analysis of all the aspects of the working of the EDOs
under the new system by using chi-square is given below:Table 1.1
Items
THE NEW SYSTEM IS PROVING TO BE MORE HELPFUL IN
FORMULATION OF EDUCATION POLICY AT DISTRICT LEVEL
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
The New System is proving to
be more helpful in formulation
of education policy at district
level.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
21.793*** 5.474 17.789*** 2.100
√
Chi square values (21.793 and 17.789) of EDOs of Punjab and Sindh for the statement i.e. “The
new system is proving to be more helpful in formulation of education policy at district level”
were significant at .001 level. The values of χ2 (2.100 and 5.474) of Baluchistan and NWFP
were not significant at .05 level. However, EDOs of these provinces reflected high positive
perception towards the statement.
Table
Items
1.2
THE NEW SYSTEM IS MORE CONDUCIVE FOR FORMULATION OF
NEED BASED EDUCATIONAL PLAN IN THE DISTRICT.
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
The new system is more
conducive for formulation of
need based educational plan in
the district.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
19.931*** 6.421* 14.00*** 0.700
√
√
Chi square values (19.931, 6.421 and 14.000) of EDOs of Punjab NWFP and Sindh for the
statement i.e. “The new System is more conducive for formulation of need based educational
plan in the district” were significant at .001 and .05 level. The values of χ2 (.700) of Baluchistan
was not significant at .05 level. However, EDOs of Baluchistan reflected positive perception
towards the statement.
165
Table
1.3
Items
YOU ARE IN A BETTER POSITION TO PLAY LEADERSHIP ROLE
MORE EFFECTIVELY.
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
You are in a better position to 9.172*
7.684* 17.789*** 0.400
√
√
Play leadership role more
effectively.
Chi square values (9.172, 7.684 and 17.789) of EDOs of Punjab, NWFP and Sindh for the
statement i.e. “You are in a better position to play leadership role more effectively” were
significant at .001 and .05 level. The value of χ2 (.400) of Baluchistan was not significant at .05
level. EDOs of Baluchistan indicated equally positive and negative perception towards the
statement.
Table 1.4
Items
NEW SYSTEM IS MORE HELPFUL IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF
EDUCATIONAL POLICY AND PLAN AT DISTRICT LEVEL
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
New system is more helpful in
the implementation of
educational policy and plan at
district level.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
10.828** 6.421* 6.421*
BALU
1.900
0.05 0.01 0.001
√
√
Chi square values (10.828 and 6.421) of EDOs of Punjab, NWFP and Sindh for the statement i.e.
“The new System is more helpful in the formulation of education policy at district level” were
significant at .001 and .05 level. The value of χ2 (1.900) of Baluchistan was not significant at .05
level However, majority of EDOs indicated positive perception towards the statement
Table 1.5
Items
MORE INDEPENDENT ADMINISTRATIVE DECISIONS CAN BE
TAKEN BY YOUR OFFICE UNDER THE NEW SYSTEM
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
More independent administrative
decisions can be taken by your
office under the new system.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
1.931
0.737
6.421*
BALU
0.100
0.05 0.01 0.001
√
Chi square value (6.241) of EDOs of Sindh for the statement i.e. “more independent
administrative decisions can be taken by your office under the new system” was significant at .05
level. The values of χ2 (1.931, .737 and .100) of Punjab, NWFP and Baluchistan were not
significant at .05 level However, majority of EDOs of Punjab and Baluchistan reflected positive
perception whereas EDOs of NWFP reflected negative perception towards the statement.
166
Table 1.6
Items
IT IS CONVENIENT FOR YOU TO PLAY YOUR ROLE MORE
EFFECTIVELY AT DISTRICT LEVEL
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
It is convenient for you to play
your role more effectively at
district level.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
9.586*
2.000
2.000
BALU
4.300
0.05 0.01 0.001
√
Chi square value (9.586) of EDOs of Punjab for the statement i.e. “It is convenient for you to
play your role more effectively at district level is” was significant at .05 level. The values of χ2
(2.000, and 4.300) of NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan were not significant at .05 level. However,
majority of EDOs of these provinces reflected positive perception towards the statement.
Table 1.7
Items
SUFFICIENT MANPOWER HAS BEEN MADE AVAILABLE IN THE
EDO’S OFFICE FOR THE EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTATION OF
DEVOLUTION PLAN
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
Sufficient manpower has been
made available in EDOs office
for the effective implementation
of devolution plan.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
.069
3.895
2.000
BALU
1.900
0.05 0.01 0.001
-
Chi square values (.069, 3.895, 2.000 1.900) of EDOs of all provinces for the statement i.e.
“Sufficient manpower has been made available in EDOs office for the effective implementation
of devolution plan” were not significant at .05 level. However, majority of EDOs of NWFP,
Sindh and Baluchistan reflected high positive perception whereas EDOs of Punjab indicated
equally positive and negative perception towards the statement.
Table 1.8
Items
PREPARATION OF ANNUAL DEVELOPMENT
DISTRICT LEVEL HAS BECOME EASIER
χ2 (calculated)
Preparation of annual
development program at district
level has become easier.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
32.345*** .737
9.579**
PROGRAM
AT
Significance level
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
4.900
√
√
Chi square values (32.345 and 9.579) of EDOs of Punjab and Sindh for the statement i.e.
“Preparation of annual development program at district level has become easier” were significant
at .001 and .01 level. The values of χ2 (.737 and 4.900) of NWFP and Baluchistan were not
significant at .05 level. However, majority of EDOs of these provinces indicated positive
perception towards the statement.
167
Table 1.9
Items
YOU ARE MORE INDEPENDENT IN MAKING DECISIONS
REGARDING ALLOCATION OF DEVELOPMENT FUNDS TO
DIFFERENT SCHOOLS
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
You are more independent in
making decisions regarding
allocation of development funds
to different schools.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
5.241
6.421* 2.947
BALU
0.400
0.05 0.01 0.001
√
Chi square value (6.421 of EDOs of NWFP for the statement i.e. “You are more independent in
making decisions regarding allocation of development funds to different schools” was significant
at .05 level. The values of χ2 (5.241, 2.97, .400.) of Sindh, Punjab and Baluchistan were not
significant at .05 level. However, majority of EDOs of Sindh and Punjab reflected high positive
perception and EDOs of Baluchistan indicated negative perception towards the statement.
Table 1.10
Items
YOU ARE MORE INDEPENDENT IN MAKING DECISIONS
REGARDING RE-APPROPRIATION OF DEVELOPMENTAL /NON
DEVELOPMENTAL FUNDS TO DIFFERENT SCHOOLS.
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
You are more independent in
Making decisions regarding re
appropriation of developmental
/non developmental funds to
different schools.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
5.241
1.368
1.368
BALU
3.700
0.05 0.01 0.001
-
Chi square values of EDOs of four provinces of Pakistan for the statement i.e. “You are more
independent in making decisions regarding re-appropriation of developmental/non
developmental funds to different schools” were 5.241, 1.368, 1.368 and 3.700. These were not
significant at 0.05 level. However, majority of EDOs of Punjab, NWFP and Sindh reflected
positive perception whereas EDOs of Baluchistan reflected negative perception towards the
statement.
Table 1.11
Items
THE PROCUREMENT OF GOODS FOR SCHOOLS HAS BECOME
SPEEDILY
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
The procurement of goods for
schools has become speedily
PUNJAB NWFP
SIND
13.724** 10.526** 7.684*
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
0.400 √
√
√
Chi square values Sindh (13.724, 10.526 and 7.684.) of EDOs of Punjab, NWFP and for the
statement i.e. “The procurement of goods for schools has become speedily” were significant at
.001 and .05 level. The value of χ2 of Baluchistan (.400) was not significant at .05 level.
However, majority of EDOs of Baluchistan reflected negative perception towards the statement.
168
Table 1.12
Items
THE NEW SYSTEM IS PROVING TO BE MORE HELPFUL IN
UNDERTAKING SCHOOL MAPPING IN YOUR DISTRICT
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
The new system is proving to be
more helpful in undertaking
school mapping in your district.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
23.655*** 0.737 1.117
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
1.300
√
Chi square value (23.655) of EDOs of Punjab for the statement i.e. “The new system is proving
to be more helpful in undertaking school mapping in your district” was significant at .001 level.
The values of χ2 (.737, 1.117 and 1.300) of NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan were not significant at
.05 level; However, majority of EDOs of these provinces reflected positive perception towards
the statement.
Table 1.13
Items
YOU HAVE AUTHORITY TO APPOINT TEACHERS UP TO BPS- 15.
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
You have authority to appoint
teachers up to bps- 15.
PUNJAB
6.276*
NWFP
2.632
SIND
1.684
BALU
1.300
0.05 0.01
√
0.001
-
Chi square value (6.276) of EDOs of Punjab for the statement i.e. “You have authority to
appoint teacher up to BPS-15” was significant at .05 level. The values of χ2 (2.632, 1.684, and
1.300) of NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan were not significant at .05 level. However, majority of
EDOs of Sindh and Baluchistan reflected positive perception whereas EDOs of NWFP equally
reflected positive and negative perception towards the statement
Table 1.14
Items
DECISION-MAKING
HAS
BECOME
REGARDING TRANSFER OF TEACHERS
χ2 (calculated)
Decision-making has become
more independent regarding
transfer of teachers
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
.897
2.000
7.684*
MORE
INDEPENDENT
Significance level
BALU
0.700
0.05 0.01 0.001
√
Chi square value (7.684) of EDOs of Sindh for the statement i.e. “Decision making has become
more independent regarding transfer of teachers” was significant at .05 level. The values of χ2 of
Punjab, NWFP and Baluchistan (.897, 2.000 and .700) were not significant at 0.05 level.
However, majority of EDOs of three provinces reflected negative perception towards the
statement
169
Table 1.15
Items
NEW SYSTEM HAS NECESSITATED THE PROVISION OF TRAINING
TO HEADS OF SCHOOLS IN SOME NEW TECHNIQUES OF
PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
New system has necessitated the
provision of training to heads of
schools in some new techniques
of planning and management
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
6.690*
7.684* 10.842** 6.100* √
√
Chi square values of EDOs of all provinces for the statement i.e. “New system has necessitated
the provision of training to the head of schools in some new techniques of planning and
management” were 6.690, 7.684, 10.842 and 6.100 which were significant at .01 and .05 level.
EDOs of NWFP and Sindh reflected high positive perception and EDOs of Punjab and
Baluchistan reflected equally high positive perception towards the statement
Table 1.16
Items
YOU ARE MORE INDEPENDENT IN MAKING DECISIONS
REGARDING THE WRITING OF PERFORMANCE EVALUATION
REPORTS (ACRS) OF YOUR STAFF
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
You are more independent in
making decisions regarding the
writing of performance
evaluation reports (ACRs) of
your staff.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU 0.05 0.01 0.001
27.586*** 4.263 10.842** 9.100* √
√
√
Chi square values (27.586, 10.842 and 9.199) of EDOs of Punjab, Sindh and Baluchistan for the
statement i.e. “You are more independent in writing of ACRS of your staff” were significant at
.001, .01 and .05 level. The value of χ2 (4.263) of NWFP was not significant at .05 level.
However, majority of EDOs of NWFP reflected highest perception towards the statement.
Table 1.17
Items
YOU HAVE MUCH MORE FREE TIME TO PROVIDE MANAGERIAL
GUIDANCE TO HEADS OF SCHOOLS
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
You have much more free time to
provide managerial guidance to
heads of schools.
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
5.448
2.632
5.159
BALU
2.500
0.05 0.01 0.001
-
Chi square values of EDOs of four provinces of Pakistan for the statement i.e. “You have much
more free time to provide managerial guidance to Heads of schools” were 5.448, 2.632, 5.159
and 2.500 which were not significant at.05 level. However, majority of three provinces i.e.
Punjab, Sindh and Baluchistan reflected high positive perception whereas EDOs of NWFP
reflected equally positive and negative perception towards the statement.
170
Table 1.18
Items
MEETINGS OF HEADS OF SCHOOLS ARE CONVENED BY YOUR
OFFICE TO DISCUSS IMPORTANT MATTERS
χ2 (calculated)
Significance level
Meetings of heads of schools
are convened by your office to
Discuss important matters.
0.05 0.01 0.001
PUNJAB NWFP SIND
BALU
36.690*** 7.684* 10.526** 12.400** √
√
√
Chi square values of EDOs of four provinces of Pakistan for the statement i.e. “Meeting of
Heads of schools is convened by your office to discuss important matters” were 6.690, 7.684,
10.526 and 12.400 which were significant at .001, .01 and .05 level
171
CONCLUSIONS
1. According to the responses of EDOs of Sindh and Punjab, the new system was more
helpful in formulation of education policy and need based educational plan at district
level. The position in NWFP and Baluchistan was weak.
2.
In three provinces i.e. NWFP, Sindh and Punjab, EDOs have an effective leadership role
to play but in Baluchistan they reported lack of the leadership role. There were variations
in the perception of EDOs of all Provinces.
3. In three provinces i.e. NWFP, Sindh and Punjab, the present system was more helpful in
the implementation of education policy and plan at district level. However, in
Baluchistan the position was week.
4. Comparatively EDOs of Sindh were independent in taking administrative decisions under
the new system. However, in NWFP, Punjab and Baluchistan they were not so
independent in taking such decisions.
5. Except Punjab, the new system has not been convenient for EDOs to play their role more
effective at district level.
6. Adequate manpower was not provided in EDOs offices for effective implementation of
devolution plan.
7. Responses of EDOs of NWFP and Baluchistan showed that preparation of annual
development program has not become easier. However, in Punjab and Sindh EDOs felt
that it was easier to prepare ADP.
8. EDOs of NWFP were more independent in making decisions regarding allocation of
development funds to different schools whereas EDOs of Sindh, Punjab and Baluchistan
were not so independent in making decisions regarding allocation of funds to schools.
9. EDOs were not more independent in making decisions regarding re-appropriation of
developmental /non developmental funds to different schools.
10. EDOs of Punjab, NWFP and Sindh were more independent in making decisions
regarding speedily procurement of goods for schools. EDOs of Baluchistan were not
independent in making such decisions.
11. In Punjab the new system has proved to be more helpful in undertaking school mapping
in respective district, whereas in NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan the new system was not
so effective in school mapping at district level.
12. EDOs of Punjab had authority of appointing and transferring teachers up to BPS-15.
Whereas EDOs of other provinces cannot make such appointments and transfer of
teachers.
172
13. According to overall responses of EDOs of four provinces the devolution plan system has
necessitated the provision of training to Heads of schools in some new techniques of
planning and management.
14. EDOs of all provinces except for NWFP were more independent in making decisions
regarding the writing of Performance Evaluation Reports (ACRs) of their staff.
15. EDOs of all provinces did not find more free time to provide managerial guidance to
Heads of schools.
16. In all the provinces EDOs convened meetings with Heads of schools to discuss important
matters and in all the provinces management information system was set up for education
at district level.
17. As a nutshell EDOs of four provinces viewed that, the efficiency of the educational
system at district level has improved under the new set-up.
RECOMMENDATIONS
1. The EDOs of NWFP and Baluchistan may be authorized to come up with need based
planning in their respective districts. Moreover they may be motivated to play their
leadership role effectively.
2. The EDOs of NWFP, Punjab and Baluchistan may be authorized to take administrative
decisions independently in their respective districts so that they can contribute effectively
under the new system.
3. The EDOs of three provinces i.e. NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan may be given the powers
of appointing and transferring the teaching and non teaching staff (from BPS 1-15).
Moreover, the EDOs of all the provinces may be given an independent atmosphere to
play their role more effective under the new system.
4. The EDOs of Baluchistan may be imparted training in implementing education policy
and playing their leadership role to improve overall efficiency of education in the
province. For this purpose, they may be sensitized about the need and importance of
involving local community. The training may be given by some federal educational
institution preferably by Academy of Educational Planning and Management, Islamabad
or Educational Planning Policy Studies and Leadership AIOU.
5. Adequate manpower may be given to all the EDOs for their effective working under the
new system. For this purpose, the government may follow some appropriate criteria.
6. Training to the EDOs of all Provinces may be given in all the administrative, financial,
academic matters and school mapping, etc. This may be mandatory for all EDOs.
173
7. The Federal or Provincial governments may put more funds at the disposal of EDOs and
DEOs for the provision of adequate manpower in all the districts of Pakistan enabling
them to perform effectively under the new system. Moreover, the district level set-ups
may be authorized to generate more funds for this purpose.
8. Apart from training as proposed above, the EDOs of different provinces may also be
provided training in the following areas:




The EDOs of NWFP and Baluchistan may be given training in preparing annual
development programs themselves.
Similarly, EDOs of Punjab, Sindh and Baluchistan may be imparted training to
understand their role in allocating developmental funds to the schools and authority
for re-appropriating funds. EDOs of all the provinces need to understand their role in
making re-appropriation of developmental/non developmental funds.
The EDOs of NWFP in the methods and techniques of evaluating the performance of
their staff.
EDOs of NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan in techniques of management and making
decisions while appointing and transferring their teaching and non teaching staff up to
BPS-15.
Parallel to that, the political figures in these areas may be sensitized about their roles
and responsibilities and may be trained in extending their cooperation to EDOs in the
management of personnel.
9. In all the provinces, EDOs may allocate much more time for the managerial guidance to
Heads of Higher secondary and Secondary Schools so that they may perform their duties
in a better way.
174
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carevell, J. (1998). Devolution and Choice in Education. Buckingham: Open University Press, DS Shelf mark
Fred Luthans (1998). Organizational Behavior. New York: McGraw – Hill.
Fiske, E. B. (1996). Decentralization of Education: Politics and Consensus. Directions in forest Resources
Management, Asia-Pacific Region.
Shami, P.A, & Waqar, A. (2007). Educational Management. Islamabad: Academy of Educational Planning and
Management, Ministry of Education.
Government of Pakistan. (1959). Commission on National Education. Karachi: Ministry of Education.
Government of Pakistan. (1979). National Education policy 1979. Islamabad: Ministry of Education.
Government of Pakistan. (1992). The National Education policy 1990-92. Islamabad: Ministry of Education.
Government of Pakistan. (1998). National Education policy 1998-2010. Islamabad: Ministry of Education.
Government of Pakistan. (2000). Local Government Plan 2000. Islamabad: Chief Executive Secretariat, National
Reconstruction Bureau.
Government of Pakistan. (2001). The Local Govt. System 2001. Islamabad:
Ministry of
Local Govt.
Government of Pakistan. (2002). Education Sector Reforms Action Plan (2001-2004).
Islamabad: Ministry of Education.
Hanson, E.M. (1998). Strategies of Educational Decentralization: Key questions and core issues.
Journal of Educational Administration, Vol. 36, No. 2, 111-128.
Multi-Donor Support Unit (MSU) (2001). Devolution and Decentralization: Implications for the Education Sector.
Islamabad: National Technical Group Meeting, Pakistan
Paqueo V. and Lammert J. (2000). Decentralization & School-Based Management Resource Kit. World Bank.
http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/Feb2004Course/Background%20materials/Winkler2.doc
(www.worldbank.org)
175
176
Ms. Adeela Rehman*
GENDERED STRUCTURE OF GOVERNANCE WITHIN
FAMILY IN PAKISTAN
A RADICAL FEMINIST ANALYSIS
ABSTRACT
Governance is one of the key concepts in current development debate across the globe.
Governance starts from the issues of family up to the highest level of policy formulation at state
level. Both men and women equal participation in the process of governance is crucial for
achieving gender equality and empowerment. The paper is focusing the issues of governance in a
family institution with respect to gender. Family is considered a crucial actor of social
institutions and one of the foundation stone of governance. Family plays an important role in the
socialization process in which both men and women participation is necessary to strength the
family structure. Although the conventional public/private dichotomy of men and women’s roles
respectively is going to be change at current epoch, but the Gender analysis in family issues like
marriage, religion, education, economic and health indicates that women lack authority in the
process of governance.
Women are generally excluded from the governance structure of family because she is
considered ignorant of the important matters and lack capabilities to participate in it. Women
faced many social and cultural constraints into way of holding an authority to make important
decisions, in which patriarchal structure of the Pakistani society reinforce these impediments.
Despite the fact that at present day, women have access to the education, mobility and have
financial resources but due to patriarchy, women are often degraded and disseminated in the
decision making process as well as recognition of their work.
Women’s different needs and priorities are not taking into account while making an
implementing decision within family which leads to gender inequality and disruption in family
structure. For the better understanding of the phenomenon, this paper is going to depict the
current issues in the light of sociological perspective and analyze it in the theoretical framework
of radical feminists and thoughts of great sociological thinkers Robert Cox and radical feminism.
* Lecturer, Department of Gender Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University Rawalpindi.
177
INTRODUCTION
What greater thing is there for human souls than to feel that they are joined
for life - to be with each other in silent unspeakable memories.
(George Eliot)
The family is one of nature's works of genius. All the greatest virtues of human society are
created, strengthened and maintained by family. Family is one of the most important social
institution exist in all cultures and society. Family is the composition of kinship pattern and
relation which have its universal existence (Srivasrava, 2008). William F. Ogburn described that
family plays six function: reproduction, protection, socialization, regulation of sexual behavior,
affection and provision of social status.
Family is a primary social group in any society, naturally consisting of two individuals (man and
a woman) who devote their lives to each other (Maskanian, 2009). If we observe our universe, it
manifests that the Almighty Allah has created almost everything in pairs. Both member of a pair
harmonize one another and there exists a spectacular fellow feeling between the two. The
harmony between the two individual form a structure of family as an institution. To regulate this
institution, one member plays a vigorous and dominant role and the other a reflexive and
yielding role.
Institutions are the one of the key element of governance structure provide the foundations for
the process to compel governance and play a crucial role for change. They have their own
hierarchal structure and process which mechanize the system according to the set patterns of
society, which may replicate and promote gender inequalities at many levels (Goetz, 1997).
Inequalities within class, race and gender can be manifested by institutions which are in the
position power and authority (Goetz, 2000). A British gender theorist Stevi Jakson (2006) gender
creates structural inequalities within the social institutions which promote power inequality at all
spheres of life. Gender is one of the social dimension of contain power, which manifested by
patterned inequalities in distribution of resources, access and control on these resources as well
as hierarchy of division of labor (Marrios & Rao, 2009).
“Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s
perspectives in all levels of decision- making, the goals of equality,
development and peace cannot be achieved.”.
(Beijing Platform for Action)
“Until gender parity is reached in governance, women cannot reach full
equality with men in any sphere. The absence of women’s voices in shaping
the most fundamental political instruments has ensured the preservation of
gender inequality.”.
(Banerjee and Oquist, 2000)
Governance is defined as power, authority or control which influences the daily life. When we
talk about gender, governance is one the major concern to achieve gender equality in all spheres
of life starting form family matters to state level. Good governance and gender equality one of
178
the hallmark of today’s development in the world. Gender equity is the approach to consider
women as an equal partner of life with men and their point of view and roles may consider
valued. Gender equity is one of the key milestones to have equality in the governance structure
of family (Smith, 2007).
The governance structure in household’s revolve around the decision making power and control
over the resources. Karl marx, a great sociologist considered family is the basic source of social
inequality because of its role of power, property and privilege. Due to structural and institutional
power on which male has privilege creates gender differences regarding the access and control of
resources. Eagly & Wood (1999) explained that due to these powerful roles creates the traits of
aggressiveness and assertiveness among men, while having less access to powerful roles, the
traits of submissiveness and cooperativeness build in women personality. This indicates that
stereotypical male traits are more powerful than feminine traits.
Gender and Governance within Family: Situation in Pakistan
Women comprise 49% of total population of Pakistan. But they are placed and secondary status
in the society. Many socially constructed gender discriminatory practices put women lives at
inferior level as compare to men. The women’s contribution in production and reproduction of
society neither considers a value nor recognized as work. Women in Pakistan have lack of
access to decision making roles and responsibilities, which influence the identity of her life
tremendously. It reflects that inequality exists in every social institution and family is one of the
important and basic social institution generates gender inequality in society.
Gender and Public/Private Dichotomy:
The most important aspect of gender imbalance in governance is public/private dichotomy which
hinders the women’s access to decision making. Due to which women’s role are confined to the
household chores and men’s roles are associated with outside realm of day to day affairs of life (
Tambiah, 2003,
Panda, 2008 & Walyen, 2008). Although today’s women are working
outside the home for fulfilling their economic roles, but the male/ female division of labor within
home has not change so much. Having a role and responsibility of rearing and bearing of
children, women are usually confined within the private sphere of home, while being a bread
earner, male roles and responsibilities are associated to the outside home, a public sphere.
Having this ideology man is considered to fulfill the mechanical and hard work and women have
traditionally fulfilled the role of nurturing and care giving to the family (Commuri et al, 2003).
The decision making roles are also divided between men and women, the decision regarding
housing, buying things, insurance etc are handle by men and women take the decision on
purchasing grocery items, food etc (Green & Cunningham, 1974). This division of
public/private spheres of men and women are accepted by the partners, families, community and
also by women themselves as it is the set pattern of stereotypical functions of the society (Rai,
2008).
This discrimination started at household level may leads to women’s lack of access to
governance at formal governance institutions and process (Ashworth, 1996 & Baden, 2000). The
role that has been assigned to women in our society is one of lopsided exploitation due to which
179
male considers having supremacy over the female to suppress them. This division of labor is
created to hold the power and authority within the family matter economically or socially rather
than traditionally or religiously (Bahlkani, 2009). A research conducted on women decision
making role at household in Pakistan indicated that 90.8% women consult their husband to take
part to hold any decision regarding household matters including marriage, education and rearing
of children (Bano, et al, 2005).
Patriarchy, Gender and Governance:
Pakistan is basically a patriarchal society where socio-cultural traditions assign specific roles and
attributes for both male and female. It is the patriarchal structure of our society who creates
genders division of labor and generates discrimination between men and women in family
matters and power structure of household concerns. As patriarchy is defined as the rule or control
of father or men over the women of family, women are subjugated in decision making process of
household (Ali, 2009).
Although women are working outside the home in economic field but their role and power
within household is very restrictive and submissive. Within patriarchal structure, local customs,
traditions and tribal laws play a role in determining the women low involvement in the process of
governance in even very minor issues of family. A study conducted by Ahmed et al (2009) on
gender role in decision making indicated that in rural areas specifically women performs the
works outside the home including agriculture, wood collection, fetch water, livestock production
etc. But the participation of these women in the process of taking any decision regarding social
and economic matters of household is very few and not encouraged. Male have the authority to
take any decision regarding financial matters and deal with the public life.
It is a Patriarchy which established such system of control by which men’s position within the
family gain power and authority over the women’s position. Patriarchy in family institutions is
structured in a way to govern the rule and control of male over the resources and decision
making process. On the other hand, it socializes women in way to accept this hierarchy and other
structures of power and control by men and not to raise their voice against the system (Ali,
2009).
Gender based violence is another manifestation of gender imbalance power structure within the
family institution. The gendered specific behavior, attitude and sharing responsibilities lead to
gender violence within household and society at many levels. In household establishment,
violence may emerge due to not fulfilling the roles and responsibilities assign to male and
female, but most of the time women are blame for this disruption with the family relationship
(Morris, 2008). The gendered imbalance between responsibility and power is the major cause of
domestic violence having little appreciation of power and gender (Burke 1999). This is also the
manifestation of Patriarchy to adopt the violent behavior in order to maintain its hold on power.
The family structure within patriarchy structure of Pakistan treats women as secondary entities
and put certain limits to their freedom and exercise of the limited freedom. Due to lack of
freedom of their voice women are inferior in position at the level of governance in family
(Chugtai, 2007).
180
Theoretical Analysis: Sociologist and Feminist Perspective
For better understanding of the power of patriarchal structure in Pakistan, it is necessary to put
the issue under discussion in a theoretical framework. I am going to analyze the current issue
with the help of the contributions of Robert Cox a sociologist and radical feminism.
It is over common belief that all the stereotypical roles and gendered division of labour are
created by the society and in most of time the male members of the society. Men produce the
knowledge according to their own interests which subjugate women in all areas of life. As family
is one of the basic and vital social institutions based on that society or structure in which male
has power to dominate, it is the byproduct of patriarchal system. I analyzed this patriarchal
power with the help of the ideas of Robert Cox, a great critical theorist in the field of sociology,
of subjective knowledge, that all the ideas and values have no objectivity as they produce by the
interests of people who have the power to produce it. Patriarchy also presents the subjectivity of
knowledge in which men have power to make the decision which best meets the interests of man
and control over women. Women’s lack of power is influenced by the patriarchy, where male
domination is built into the social, political and economic institutions of society.
Radical feminism highlights the patriarchal roots of inequality between men and women. It is the
patriarchal structure of the society by which men have privilege over women which may oppress
women in different spheres of life starting from family to highest level of governance.
Patriarchal oppression is one of the obligatory oppression faced by women in any society based
on patriarchal system by which men are authorized to use it power and hold decisions and
consider women may not necessary to be part of decision making process.
Men do not like to have women’s involvement in the governance structure of family and
household matters and when this unlikeness grows up men started hatering or subordinating
women. When this subordination is legitimized by the patriarchy, men feel free to express their
hatred against women in the form of violence through, battering, sexual harassment, rape,
murder etc. The attitudes of men must be changed and a state of equality made manifest in the
power dynamic between men and women. the radical feminist view as one in which “almost
every man/woman encounter has sexual overtones and typically is designed to reinforce the
sexual dominance of men
181
CONCLUSION
Gender is one of the systematize code of Pakistani society. Patriarchal value rooted in all
traditional and cultural practice which determines the social value of gender. An artificial created
role of production and reproduction of men and women has place women in private spheres of
life and men in public arena. This decision contributes to women’s lack of participation in
governance of family matters.
RECOMMENDATION
Women’s role and status should given recognition and their work need to be acknowledged by
conducting more researches on gender and family issues. Families as a social institution is
backed up by laws which should be gender neutral to enhance gender equity within family
structure. It is necessary to transport grassroots level changes in the policies and programs to
increase the women’s involvement in governance within family matters.
182
REFERENCES
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184
Nadeem Ahmed, Principal Economist and
Ayesha Khan, Consultant
Social Policy and Development Centre, Karachi
NEO-LIBERAL GOVERNANCE AND POVERTY
IN PAKISTAN
SUMMARY
I.
Introduction
II.
Disciplinary Neoliberalism, A New Phase of Capitalism
III.
Mechanisms of Accumulation by Dispossession in Pakistan
Under the Umbrella of Globalized Neo-Liberal Governance
IV.
Social Restructuring
V.
Resistance against Neoliberal Doctrine
VI.
New Paradigm or New Beginning for Pakistan
VII.
Conclusion
Bibliography
185
INTRODUCTION
Historically in Pakistan, the causes of poverty and inequality have been deep rooted in the
process of colonialism. Independence, as in many other developing states of Asia and Africa was
just a shift from the status of ‘colony’ to ‘neo-colony.’ Oppression and looting under the colonial
policy was typical of ‘accumulation by dispossession’ through which the wealth of the natives
was robbed and appropriated in imperial centres. Those processes of looting have not
disappeared with the end of colonial rule, but these processes are revived and fine-tuned in the
contemporary world under ‘new imperialism’ that reinforced poverty in the nation-states.
Pakistan’s economy due to its vulnerability and unpredictability remains under the clinches of
imperialist interests of developed capitalist block, predominantly led by the U.S. In the
contemporary neo-liberal globalized world, Pakistan has been driven to depend more and more
on foreign direct investments, concessionary loans, grants, and trade (forced and unjust) with the
centers of global capitalism. Local ruling elite provides the domestic basis to implement
neoliberal economic agenda that augmented the processes of accumulation. Pakistan’s inability
to realize its economic potential has resulted in overwhelming dependence on external
assistance. This foreign assistance is granted with some unpopular conditionalities that is
gradually usurping the government’s powers. In Pakistan, recent sharp increase in poverty is
associated with two trends i.e., unprecedented food inflation and international energy price
increase that are also linked with the global processes of accumulation by dispossession.
Disciplinary Neoliberalism: A New Phase of Capitalism
Classical socialist theorists such as Marx, Engel, Weber and Lenin explain how the capitalist
mode of production leads to widening the gap between rich and poor. Marx asserts that the
existing internal contradictions of capitalism will eventually doomed with the appropriation of
wealth to a particular class i.e. bourgeoisie. This class further extends its control over ‘the State’
to safeguard their interests. Capitalism passed different phases through-out the history ranging
from mercantilism to industrialization. Contemporary phase of capitalism is called ‘neoliberalism’ that became a vital policy instrument of major capitalist states after 1970 oil crisis. It
was a theoretical alternative of Keynesian welfare state model that shifted the major capitalist
states of Western Europe and North America into Schumpeterian workfare states.
The crisis of over-accumulation in 1970s is defined by contemporary socialist theorist David
Harvey as a historical event that dragged the major capitalist states into a situation where ‘capital
and labor lie idle without any profitable venture.’ To overcome the crisis of over-accumulation, a
new phase of capitalism (commonly known as neo-liberal doctrine) adopts number of processes
that Harvey (2003) termed as ‘processes of accumulation by dispossession.’
Capitalism as Harvey (2003) argues ‘experienced a chronic problem of ‘over-accumulation’
since 1970s, a condition where capital and labor lie idle without any profitable venture. To solve
over accumulation crisis, a new phase of capitalism (neo-liberalism) adopts a number of
processes that Harvey termed as ‘processes of accumulation by dispossession’ (p. 145). Bond
(2005) has taken Harvey assertion to explain South-African case in which various processes of
accumulation by dispossession contributed to South-African sub-imperialism. Referring Harvey,
186
Bond (2005) explains “accumulation by dispossession intensifies as a result of the onset of
capitalist crisis and the widespread adoption of neoliberalism, as the system seeks to mitigate and
displace (through never fully resolved) crisis tendencies, Harvey interprets these reactions as
‘spatial and temporal fixes’ for over-accumulated capital, because they also serve as crisis
management tools” (p. 221). Cotemporary socialist theorists such as Sam (2004), Panitch (2004),
Bakker & Gill (2003) and including Harvey (2003) support the theory of capitalist imperialist
state in which the U.S. being imperialist state safeguard its interest through other nation-states.
Ajaz (2004) argues that “U.S. fought ‘a war of position’ and achieved dominance over its
capitalist rivals” (p. 48). It is clearly evident from the history that uninterrupted accumulation of
capital was constantly backed by accumulation of political power in the case of the U.S. In the
post world war II era, the U.S. successfully managed to be the head of all economic and political
alliance with advanced capitalist states. Hence, at the time of over-accumulation crisis of 1973,
U.S. along with advance capitalist block possess every tool to forcefully sell neoliberal doctrine
to every (client) state in order to find profitable venture for its over-accumulated capital not only
protecting the interest of the ruling elites of the U.S. but international bourgeoisie.
Harvey believes that the U.S.-led advance capitalist block managed to enforce disciplinary
neoliberal doctrine to each and every polity of the world. The process was orchestrated by the
International financial institutions (IFIs). As a result of contemporary neo-liberal economic and
political restructuring, the existing gap among north-south nation-states has widened. Within
nation-states, the social fabric has altered significantly with increasing poverty and inequality.
Various measures for security of capital pushed a great number of people into insecurity and
poverty. The role of nation-state has shifted from Keynesian welfare state to Schumpeterian
workfare state. Although, accumulation of capital and political power has always been a prime
objective of the bourgeoisie class since World War-II, Major structural shifts in world economic
system caused irreparable damage to the economies of LDCs and developing states in last thirty
five years. As Hardt and Negri (2005) put it “the qualitative changes that have blurred the
economic and political landscapes of the new millennium are structural and irreversible
superseding the effectiveness of national juridical structures” (p. 336).
Neo-liberalism has globalized human insecurity and poverty and Pakistan is no exception that
presents worst case of ‘incidence of chronic poverty.’ The neoliberal doctrine was introduced in
Pakistan by IFIs through the elected government after a decade of military dictatorship since
1988 with the promise of development and poverty alleviation. Whereas, it actually “aims at
socializing costs, privatizing profits, and defending the perks and privileges of increasingly
reduced rich minority [national/international], all with the increase in more sinister consequences
for the majorities and for the planet itself1”. Hence, it is very important to understand the
‘processes of accumulation by dispossession’ under neoliberal governance in Pakistan as a
contributing factor in the incidence of poverty and inequality in the society. The paper also
covers some core following questions regarding neoliberal governance, poverty and equality in
Pakistan.
a. Explain ‘accumulation by dispossession’ under neoliberal governance in the context of
Pakistan?
b. How these processes augment the existing level of poverty and inequality?
1Chomsky,
N. (2009), ‘Neo-liberalism, The Common Root of Current Crisis’
187
-. How the resistance against the neoliberal philosophy has paved the way of new social
movement in Pakistan?
Lenin, Luxumberg and others presented different interpretations of Marx’s primitive
accumulation. Fundamentally, it describes the patterns of separation between people and means
of production. Labor is dispossessed by the means of production to release a pool of
(unemployed) labor to be exploited by the bourgeoisie for profit maximization. In this context
Harvey asserts that“a closer look at Marx’s description of primitive accumulation reveals a wide
range of processes. These include the commodification and privatization of
land and the forceful expulsion of peasant population; conversion of various
forms of property rights (common, collective, state etc.) into exclusive private
property rights; the suppression of rights to the commons; the
commodification of labor power and suppression of alternative (indigenous)
forms of production and consumption; colonial, neocolonial and imperial
processes of appropriation of assets (including natural resources); the
monetization of exchange and taxation, particularly of land; the slave trade;
the usury, the national debt, and ultimately the credit system as radical means
of primitive accumulation. The state with its monopoly of violence and
definition of legality plays a crucial role in both backing and promoting these
processes.”.
(Harvey, 2003, p. 145)
Harvey also believes that all these process ‘remain powerfully presents within the capitalism’s
historical geography up until now’ (p. 145). He termed these existing practices of primitive
accumulation as “processes of accumulation by dispossession”.
Harvey argued that the ‘inability’ of the US and advance capitalist states (as it has been viewed
in case of 1973’s over-accumulation crisis) to accumulate capital through expanded reproduction
on a sustained basis has been paralleled by a rise in attempts to ‘accumulate by dispossession.’
His work exceptionally reveals the role and influence of IFIs (under the advance capitalist block
headed by the U.S.) in maintaining these processes in the neo-liberal era of capitalism. Growth,
prosperity, and liberty were the manifestation of the prescribed philosophy of disciplinary neoliberalism which is entirely contradictory with the consequences it accrues in the client states.
It posed a fundamental question that how Pakistan as one of the client states adopted neoliberal
mantra of privatization, liberalization and deregulation (integral processes of accumulation by
dispossession) influence the socio-economic structure of the society. In addition, the role of the
state as a “facilitator” of these processes is explored further.
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Mechanisms of Accumulation by Dispossession in Pakistan
Under the Umbrella of Globalized Neo-Liberal Governance
After 1973, accumulation by dispossession become increasingly more salient in advance
capitalist block to fix the chronic problem of over-accumulation arising within expanded
reproduction. Deindustrialization in these states was one of the major structural shift that
enhance the capital mobility. As a consequence, integration and financialization among major
capitalist states become possible that led to greater concentration of capital.
“The primary vehicle for this development was financialization . . . For all of this to occur
required not only financialization and freer trade, but a radically different approach to how state
power, always a major player in accumulation by dispossession, should be deployed” (Harvey,
2003, p.156). International financial institutions serve as basic architecture to deploy ‘processes
of accumulation by dispossession’ i.e., forced privatization, liberalization and deregulation, part
and parcel of the loan deals with the client states.
Liberalization
Giving up domestic control over essential sectors such as trade and
finance, permitting foreign companies to own key enterprises such
as national banks, easing controls on foreign investment and capital,
reducing trade tariffs, duties, restrictions and barriers, etc.
Privatization
Increased role of the private sector in providing all types of goods
and services, transfer of ownership and management of public
enterprises to private companies, change in operational aspects of
public/state companies with increased stress on full cost recovery,
efficiency, etc.
Deregulation
A general withdrawal of the state from providing control or
oversight over economic and financial transactions, the removal of
all government/public “interventions" that might affect the free
functioning of the market, e.g., removal of price controls on goods
and services, dismantling of public subsidies, etc.
Since 1988, eleven loan arrangements by IMF and World Bank have been taken place in
Pakistan after financial crisis. The elected government of Pakistan People Party’s was forced to
take dictation from IMF that virtually opened the doors for neoliberal economic doctrine. In
1990s, the economic slump drove the country to adopt Structural Adjustment Program (SAP).
Under SAP Pakistan took the policy of privatization, liberalization and deregulation. There were
six arrangements in Benazir’s era, two each in Nawaz’s and Musharraf’s tenures, and one in
2008 taken by Zardari’s government. Pakistan acquired the loan facility under different terms
and conditions, such as removal of price control, and subsidies, elimination of tariff protection,
privatization of government enterprises, forced deregulation to minimize the role of the state in
social sector including environmental standards. Loans are provided to Pakistan under different
programs of IMF including Stand By Arrangements (SBA), Structural Adjustment Program
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(SAP), Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF), and Extended SAP. Each one of them
has different implications on the socio-economic development in Pakistan.
Although privatization is not a new policy in Pakistan but the momentum it has gained since the
end of1980’s till today is particularly a part of the neo-liberal project carried out by the U.S.-led
capitalist states through IFI’s. Government plays a role of facilitator in order to provide the legal
protection to the process of privatization and of private property. Privatization is essentially ‘the
transfer of productive public assets from the state to private companies. Productive assets include
natural resources. Earth, forest, water, air. These are assets that state holds in trust of the people
it represents. . . . To snatch these away and sell them as a stock to private companies is process of
barbaric dispossession on a scale that has no parallel in the history’ (Harvey, 2003, p.161).
Government of Pakistan in different phases was forced to comply with IMF and World Bank
reform initiatives that involved the privatization of social services without considering how
dreadful it is for the people, particularly, for marginalized and vulnerable communities.
The underlying aim of all privatization process was to release the public, state-owned assets to
the market on throwaway prices. So, the foreign companies can thrust on them their overaccumulated capital for profit making while depriving the people from the cheap or free public
goods and services. Most recently, the IMF attaches the release of the Poverty Reduction and
Growth Facility (PRGF) program with the privatization of the KESC. Regular increase in the
tariffs and removal of the subsidies imposed by IMF in different phases would remain an
ineffective tool for total cost recovery. Inefficiency, wastages, power theft and arrears on the part
of influential individuals were the reason behind the privatization of the KESC. Hence, even
after KESC was privatized in 2005, there was no improvement in the services or the efficiency of
the unit. Whereas, there are many folds increase in the price of electricity for the consumer and
the use of electricity is becoming increasingly unaffordable for the common man.
Similarly, privatization of the PTCL in 2006 is the most controversial of all. PTCL was one of
the major revenue contributors in Pakistan which was sold in a ‘secret deal’ for only 2.6 billion
dollars, ruthlessly underpriced. It has been reported that “by far the PTCL has been the highest
profit earning state-owned company with real estate assets of worth billion of rupees across the
country including commercial plaza, residential colonies and exchange” (The News, November
06, 2006). Harvey explains this process as release of devalued public assets for foreign
companies to thrust with their over-accumulated capital and maximize their profit by total cost
recovery.
Ironically, under the facility of the PRGF program in 1997-2000 or 2001-04, the privatization of
valuable public assets was pledged in order to achieve the debt repayments and poverty reduction
as was mentioned by Pakistan Privatization Commission in 2000. The arrangements for poverty
reduction (as visible from its title) were devoid of any pro-poor strategy of poverty alleviation,
instead it aimed to contribute in establishing conditions for higher growth to provide a room for
public spending. In the same way, the famous document, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
(PRSP) that the government was assigned to prepare by the IMF, carried the same growthoriented strategy. Research reports such as “Combating poverty: Is growth sufficient” by SPDC
(2004) provide clear evidence that there is no relationship between poverty reduction and
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growth. It further aggravates the problem of inequality when the fruits of the growth are
restricted to the rich in the absence of any pro-poor policies of distribution. It apparently seemed
that a few indicators improved due to the flow of remittances after 9/11 as a result of an overall
improvement in the economy but the poor were not the beneficiaries’ of enhanced growth.
Another prong of IMF prescribed neoliberal strategy is liberalization. Liberalized trade can
benefit poor only when it is just and fair otherwise it exacerbates poverty and inequality.
Industrialization in Pakistan was initiated in 1960s and was under protectionist policies until
1988. In 1988, World Bank and IMF forced Pakistan to liberalize economy and trade. Trade
liberalization is a part of the strategy sold by IFIs to mitigate poverty and foster development in
client states. Trade liberalization when introduced at a particular level of industrial development
accrues positive out-comes such as in China and India, which were both closed economies until
early 1990s. But early liberalization in Pakistan flooded domestic markets with cheaper imports,
which made it impossible for the domestic producers to compete and forced them to shut down
their businesses or industries. Similarly, removal of agricultural subsidies by the government
under the WTO and IMF regimes ruined the domestic farmers, particularly the small farmers
who were negatively affected and dragged into chronic poverty. It also paved the way for
corporate farming and buying of the agricultural land by the transnational companies. By
dispossessing the local farmer/industrialist/entrepreneur, the bigger economies accumulate
wealth by capturing the markets. Furthermore, as tariffs are reduced, it is likely that government
revenue will be lost. Alternative sources of revenue adopted by the governments are additional
burden for the poor population. Shrinking of the revenue base also cuts back government’s
expenditures. The historical experience of some developing countries, including Pakistan,
suggests that when there is a pressure to cut public spending, it is the development expenditures
– the most productive and pro poor kind – that offer the line of least resistance (SPDC Annual
Review 2005-6, p.40).
Privatization and economic liberalization is a perpetual call of deregulation or hollowing-out of
nation-state. Under SAP, government’s regulatory powers were greatly seized and it drastically
decreased the support to agricultural sector and almost stopped support through subsidies. Debt
trap further put a downward pressure on budgetary allocation for agriculture in annual
development plan. On the other hand, the growing power of the capital and increasing influence
of transnational companies pushed state back from its welfare state role. The Protection Reform
Act, 1992 is the most important development in this sphere. It was not only about the favoritism
for privatization but also provided an edge to corporate sector over the government. Among
many other provisions it affirms that the privatized unit cannot be taken back for any reason.
Marx’s general theory of capital accumulation in accordance with classical political economy
assumes that it can only occurred under some pre-set conditions. The conditions include free
functioning competitive markets with institutional arrangements of private property, juridical
individualism, freedom of contract, and appropriate structures of law and governance guaranteed
by the a ‘facilitative state’ (Harvey, 2003, p.143). Role of this ‘facilitative state’ is not in favor of
people but in favor of capitalist class interest. Therefore, Harvey following Marx and
Luxumberg, emphasized that doctrine of neoliberalism does not produce “a harmonious state in
which everyone is better off” (Harvey 2003). It will produce ever greater levels of social
inequality. This trend of growing inequality can be observed in each and every state where
neoliberal doctrine is enforced as a road to prosperity. In Pakistan, the governments (without any
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exceptions of democracy or military rule) are at the service of private business. Moreover,
pressures from advanced capitalist states and IFIs, loan conditionality and repayments further
confine the role of the state for public policy-making and spending. It has been expected that the
global financial turmoil may change the role of IFI’s, but these institutions have managed to
survive, surprisingly, enabling them to set another round of ‘accumulation by dispossession’.
Social Restructuring
Policies of liberalization and privatization are not only injurious to domestic economy but
completely alter the social fabric or class structure in the society. These policies open up a terrain
of human insecurity that has many dimensions, such as health and educational insecurity; job
insecurity; environmental insecurity; food insecurity etc. “Capitalist market forces penetrate into
the spheres of society previously shielded with from commodification. When capital enters into
basic social and human institution it produces destabilizing consequences for social
reproduction” (Bakker & Gill, 2003, p.20). For instance, the foremost condition of the IFIs is that
social expenditure be cut down, such as health, education, pension, child care, etc. Increased cost
of living, unaffordable education and medical care aggravate the problems of illiteracy,
mortality, health risks, and added fuel to the cycle of poverty. Social restructuring as a result of
neoliberal economic policies have produced a new class division in society as discussed in the
following table.
Elites, ruling class
and plutocrat
(super-rich
billionaires)
Very small proportion of the population; highly mobile along
different jurisdiction; possess range of assets, property, bank account
some of which may be off shore. They are the ‘facilitators’ of global
corporate capitalism.
The culture of
contentment
Protected labor aristocracy; work directly or indirectly for
transnational corporations; relatively secure workers and global brand
users. They emerged and strengthened their position as a result of
ruthless corporate downsizing of the middle management and skilled
labors, a part of economic restructuring under neoliberal policies.
Vulnerable or
insecure people
Highly unprotected, proletarianized, marginalized people, have
unequal representation, unequal treatment before law. They are used
as a disposable commodity by the corporate employer. Their ability to
enjoy the fruits of consumerism is subjected to income fluctuations.
Marginalized and
poor people
Large pool of people, neither significantly articulated into the
productive systems and exchange circuits of the capitalism nor
outside the framework of consciousness and action due to the flow of
information through electric media. Highly subordinated and
dispossessed by economic and political opportunities.
Source: Power, Production and Social reproduction, Bakker & Gill, 2003 p.191-196
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As discussed earlier, privatization has been prescribed to Pakistan by the IFI’s and other local
economic gurus as source of equity and economic justice. In Pakistan, two major objectives of
privatization in Pakistan were supposed to be debt servicing and poverty alleviation. None of
these have been achieved yet but it has caused social development to slow down. “The preprivatization period (1981-1991) witnessed an annual average growth rate of 6.7 % of GDP
while it went down to 4.4 % during privatization period (1991-2001)” (Karim, 2008: p.1). Once
privatized the social goods are turned into entities that are simply judged by the profit criteria
and no longer provided on the basis of human needs. The natives are dispossessed by the asset
they used to enjoy in the form of common property rights and TNC/ruling elite of the country are
provided the way of accumulation of wealth through them. Large pool of jobless people as a
result of the downsizing, golden hand shakes in privatization process increased socio-economic
vulnerability of Pakistani society. For instance, in case PTCL’s privatization, many employees
were expelled from their jobs under ‘voluntary separation scheme’ (VSS). These jobless people
and their family have to bear the grim future in harsh economic realities of the country.
Privatization of the education and health sectors along with inflated food prices will further push
these people to vulnerable group. On the other hand, it can be observed that expropriation of
wealth to privileged class has increased many folds. Inequality, therefore, is the crudest outcome
of neoliberal policies not only within the states but also globally. Despite poverty, the poor of the
country pay more tax than the rich as poorest 10% contributes 16% of its income in taxes
compared to 12% of their income by richest 10%. This is the case of a country where the poor is
paying more to maintain the rich (SPDC Annual Review 2004, p.94).
Government spending, restricted with debt repayment, is decreasing with the passage of time.
Despite the importance of the public services for the poor, Pakistan’s combined federal and
provincial current expenditure is dominated by three non- public service heads: debt servicing,
defense and general management. Similarly, the annual growth in expenditure on social services,
including education, health, public health, and social security, halved from 10.4 percent during
1973-91 to 5.4 percent during 1992-97 and to less than one percent during 1998-2003 (SPDC
Annual Review 2004, p.94). Hence, in an invisible way, the larger segment of society was
deprived of the services and their share in national wealth. “The finance ministry released only
70 billion rupees for development projects in July-December against an expected 200 billion
rupees. The government has been left with no option to meet the budget deficit target of 4.2% by
the end June, as agreed with the IMF” (Dawn, 2009).
Interestingly, most of the contemporary IMF loan agreements in contrast to previous agreements,
include the clauses of social safety nets and social development. But crisis ridden economies of
the borrowers are now unable to survive without cuts to public services and social protection.
Resistance against Neoliberal Doctrine
After three decades of enforcement neoliberalism doctrine in each and every corner of the world,
it has been declared ‘an unsustainable blue print for governance in a globalized world’ (Brodie,
2003, p.48). Like many other polities of the world including Pakistan, neoliberal governance
“took a heavy toll on individuals, families, and communities, intensifying the desperation of
poverty, opening a yawning gulf between rich and poor, fuelling political alienation insecurity
and violence every where” (Brodie, 2003, p.49). So, it is important to figure out what would be
193
an alternative system to it? There are number of contesting ideas regarding the question. Some
entirely reject the idea of any change as possible, whereas, others support ‘a return’ to Keynesian
welfare model, i.e., more government spending in public sector such as education, health and
other physical infrastructures which would generate more employment activity and emphasize
the human face of development.
Change role of the IFIs is another idea gaining popularity among different schools of thoughts. A
revival and transformation of the roles of the IFIs are needed in order to make the world a better
and secure place. It is important to consider the developmental needs of different states. These
institutions may help these countries to evolve a developmental model appropriate for that
particular state without imposing a ‘one size fit for all’ strategy. Harvey asserts that, “a new state
financial architecture is required. I don’t think that all existing institutions like the Bank of
International Settlements and even the IMF should be abolished; I think we will need them but
they have to be revolutionarily transformed. The big question is who will control them and what
their architecture will be. We will need people, experts with some sort of understanding of how
those institutions do work and can work” (Harvey Interview, 2009). Consensus building in the
world community to adopt the path of sustainable development is the most crucial attempt in this
regard. Our survival is inextricably linked with the survival of the planet.
New Paradigm or New Beginning for Pakistan
Fortunately, Pakistan has not met the same fate as that of South Africa or Argentina and there are
few underlying reasons that cast a shield against financial or military crush over Pakistan. The
processes of dispossessions are provoking widespread resistance and this now forms what is the
core of the anti-globalization movements. In Pakistan, the dismissal of Supreme Court Chief
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry that paved the way to neo-social movement by lawyers, was also
constructed around the privatization process i.e., privatization of ‘Pakistan Steel Mill’. Beside
other reasons, the fraudulent privatization of Steel Mill was the seed bed of the struggles that
eventually moved the whole country and successfully dismantled Musharraf’s regime. This
movement was not only the emblem of the need and desire of independent and free judiciary but
also the power of popular opinion. The role played by the media in the success of the lawyer’s
movement was unprecedented. Electronic and print media in Pakistan has already achieved a
high level of freedom since Musharraf’s tenure. Free media played a central role in educating
common man and consolidating popular opinion during this movement. Hence, the movement
gained an impetus with the coordination of public, lawyers and politicians through media. The
victory of the movement depicts that Pakistan is now entering into a new phase of history where
prerequisites for change have already been set, i.e., free media, free judiciary and popular
support for change. Being an ideological state, Pakistan, with its great geopolitical importance,
remains pivotal to international politics. It has been used to fight proxy war during Cold War era
and War on Terrorism in post Cold War era. Parallel to this, Pakistan’s regional security
concerns legitimize its launch as a nuclear state. Pakistan has been considered as a nucleus for
Islamic world as was strongly demonstrated in the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto era. The second Islamic
Conference in 1974 was perceived as a great threat of unification of Islamic world and which
was considered as one of the decisive factors in shaping international political scene afterwards.
Similarly, the Pakistan’s nuclear test on 28th May, 1998 is also seen as ‘Islamic bomb’ and that is
owned by the whole Islamic state. Hence, nuclear capability might be a reason for which IFIs
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could not orchestrate the financial crisis as it was in Argentina, Japan, South Africa. There is
always a fear on the part of world community that economic decline to the level of financial
crisis (specific to IMF showcase studies of neoliberalism) may lead to any irrational, prompt and
irresponsible use of weapons of mass destruction.
Since its independence Pakistan has been an ally of the U.S. Despite having good relations with
socialist China, Pakistan’s economy has always tilted towards capitalist governance. During
Cold War, it had been given the responsibility to fight proxy war against communist Russia.
Since late 1970’s, Pakistan was showered with unconditional American support and gigantic
military aid for Afghan-Russia war which enabled it to carry on its nuclear program.
‘Mujhaddin’ fighting against the evil of communism made the word ‘jihad’ a most sacred one. In
the post Cold War era, particularly after 9/11, all these ‘jihadi’ turned into terrorists for
Americans. Once again, Pakistan emerged as a territory with great geostrategic significance for
America’s War on Terrorism. The theory ‘poverty leads to terrorism’ made Pakistan eligible for
American social and military aid. The recent Kerry-Lugar bill is a case in point. Though, the aid
aims at poverty reduction, it cannot meet the socio-economic needs of people because of the
continued drone attacks on innocent people, military operations in the borders of Pakistan, and
neoliberal remedies (energy price increase, removal of subsidies). Pakistan’s support to the War
on Terror has resulted in a number of security issues which further strengthened the regime of
privatization. For instance, there is a growing trend of private security agencies and increase
imports of security equipments from western world. Currently, there are over 600 private
security agencies working all over the Pakistan. This is another way of dispossessing people
from the collective security, conventionally provided by the state to a new arrangement under
private domain to benefit private business for accumulation.
CONCLUSION
Governance structure in Pakistan has been greatly influenced from the neo-liberal economic
philosophy that increased the poverty and inequality. Government policies of liberalization and
privatization of the economy is proving to be fatal as economy is going down and due to profitmaximization behavior the sufferings of common man has increased many-folds. However, the
people of Pakistan has shown immense resilience towards the various processes of accumulation
by dispossession that has minimized the damage and saved Pakistan from complete collapse due
to poverty and inequality.
195
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahmed, A. (2004). Imperialism of Our Time. The Socialist Register 2004. London: Monthly Review Press. 40, 4362.
Bakker, I.& Gill, S. (2003). Global Political Economy and Social Reproduction. In I. Bakker & S. Gill (Ed.), Power,
Production and Social Reproduction (pp.3-16). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Bond, P. (2005). US. Empire and South African Subimperialism. The Socialist Register 2005. London: Monthly
Review Press. 41, 218-238.
Brodie, J. (2003). Globalization, In/security, the paradoxes of the social. In I. Bakker & S. Gill (Ed.), Power,
Production and Social Reproduction (pp. 47-64). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Brooks, D. (2009). Translated, Neo-liberalism, the common root of current crisis:
http://www.cubanow.net/pages/loader.php?sec=19&t=2&item=7550, Retrieved on Sep. 15, 2009.
Chomsky
Fasih-uddin (2008). Pakistan under IMF shadow. Islamabad: Institute of Policy studies.
Gill, S. (2003). Social Reproduction of Affluence and Human In/security. In I. Bakker & S. Gill (Ed.), Power,
Production and Social Reproduction (pp. 191-207). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Harvey, D. (2003). The New Imperialism. New York: Oxford University Press.
Harvey, D. (2009), Is this really the end of neo-liberalism? http://www.counterpunch.org/harvey03132009.html,
Retrieved on October 4th, 2009.
Karim, U.(2008),Senseless Privatization in Pakistan. http://forums.opendemocracy.net/node/47241, Retrieved on
October 3rd, 2009.
Social Development in Pakistan, Annual Review 2004, Combating Poverty: Is Growth Sufficient?
Social Development in Pakistan, Annual Review 2005-06, Trade Liberalization, Growth and Poverty.
196
Asif Saeed and Junaid Noor 1
GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS, INSTITUTIONS
AND EMERGING ROLE OF THE STATE:
EVIDENCE FROM PAKISTAN
INTRODUCTION
Global economic and financial crisis has raised all sorts of debates for analytical purposes
ranging from the regulatory failures of the monetary authorities to the crippling debts of the
financial institutions which accumulated because of imprudent lending practices. It also calls into
question the role of the state and its strategy to deal with the threats and challenges of global
economic stability.
The crisis has affected almost every facet of human life across the developing and developed
world. The scope and magnitude of the crisis affected different economies according to their size
and scope. The crisis which started off in the USA and appeared in European financial markets
traveled to other parts of the world like Asia and Africa as the level of integration of the financial
and capital markets deepens with each passing day.
This crisis is different from the contagion of the late 1990s which erupted in the capital markets
of Asia and traveled to other parts of the world. Its effect in terms of size and scope was narrow
as compared to the current financial crisis which calls for reviewing and redefining the role of
the state, its institutions and their ability to respond to such crises in future in both advanced
economies and the developing world.
This study investigates role and response of the state institutions in the light of prevailing
economic thinking at the national and global level in order to identify factors which created
shocks and battered the economy of Pakistan in the last two years. Pakistan’s economy which
grew at the rate of 9% in the year 2005 has registered an abysmal growth of 2% in 2009. This
study examines institutional and pubic policy framework which is currently in place in dealing
with the recent financial crisis and to what extent external factors like global financial crisis has
deepened it.
This is important to find out in the context of Pakistan where the detractors of the economy have
started questioning the sustainability of the growth process even before the symptoms of the
crisis appeared but the debate on it got bogged down because of lack of strong institutional
framework and desire of the policy makers to reconcile to the principles of political economy.
Thus the comments of the commentators were taken more in the spirit of criticism and less in the
spirit of contribution.
1
The authors teach at the Department of Economics and Sustainable Development Study Centre, GC University Lahore.
197
The objective of the study is evaluate the current institutional framework and apparatus of the
state in order to discuss and analyze the role of the state in the crisis and identify factors which
will shape future reform agenda, frame public policy debate and emerging role of the state in the
coming years. The study is based on the discussion/interviews with experts, consultation in the
seminars and critical analysis of the researches conducted on the subject. The rest of the paper
unfolds as follows: Section 2 presents the review of the literature on the role of institutions,
state’s role in the management of economy and businesses and emerging role of the state.
Section 3 explains the methodology. Section 4 presents the discussion held with the experts in
meetings and seminars and presents the analysis in the light of the discussion. The last section
concludes the study with policy recommendations.
Review of Literature
This section presents the brief review of literature on the economic role of political institutions,
dynamics of the state business relations and emerging role of the state in the wake of the
financial crisis. These three elements are important as they have received attention of
researchers2 over the past two decades in defining and discussing the role of the state and how it
responded when the chips are down in the different economies of the world.
North (1990) explains that institutions are the set of laws which govern a society and are based
on the characteristics that shape human interaction. As a result they structure incentives in
human exchange and they can be political, social, or economic. It is the nature of the exchange
that occurs between different economic entities that determine the effective of rules and laws and
efficacy of state institutions. Glaeser et al. (2004) highlights the significance of the political
institutions and focus on the role of democracy and other checks and constraints on the
government. There are also studies which have made a distinction between political and
economic institutions in order to extend the debate to the role of the state and state business
relations (Acemoglu et al. 2004). Economic institutions underlie the principles of economic
management and determine goals and constraints of the economic managers whereas political
institutions are responsible for creating an enabling environment in order to build the capacity of
the state for maximum political welfare. (Ibid)
The role of institutions is very important in explaining state–business relations which, in turn,
can be seen as a set of rules and regulations through which state and different business and
economic entities interact with each other. The literature on state–business relations highlights
and identifies the elements as essential characteristics of effective state–business relations
(Maxfield and Schneider, 1997: Chapter 1).
These elements include transparency which is referred to as the flow of correct and complete
information, both ways, between business and the government. The second element is reciprocity
which is defined as the ability and autonomy of state procedures to secure improved performance
in return for state subsidies and other forms of financial support mechanisms. The third element
is credibility which means that people across country with different interests and objectives are
See Johnson (1987), North (1990), Glaeser, E., La Porta, R. and Lopez-de-Silanes, F. (2004) and K. Sen and D.W. te Velde (2009) for more
details.
2
198
able to believe what state officials say. It is against this backdrop that the foundations of statebusiness relations are established and only those that are most institutionalized (in the formal or
informal sense) may continue to act in an effective way.
The growth of the markets is dependent not only on well defined economic principles but
political institutions aimed at securing strong political foundations of the state. The role of state
in terms of its scale and scope is very important in this regard as an entity responsible for the
protection of economic and political rights in the country. The concept of the limited government
which arose in the west has played a critical role for the development and consolidation of
markets and the economy in both the United States and United Kingdom (Weingast, 1995). The
growth experiences of the USA and UK point out that federalism has emerged as a key
determinant in the process of economic development in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. The
story of the China’s growth process in the 1990s also shows that federalism is a major
contributor in the economic development of the country. There is no denying the fact that the
stability of the state ensures the stability of the economy. The debate on the role of the state in its
limited form or acting as an interventionist will be seen in this perspective. In Pakistan, many
studies have been conducted on the role of the state and economy, but there is a dearth of studies
analyzing the changed and changing role of the state in the wake of current financial crisis and
collapse of the prevailing economic thing based on the orthodoxy free market economy. This
study is an attempt to re-visit the role of the state in the current financial crisis and its apparatus
and activities in getting to grips with the financial and economic challenges in the coming years
and critically evaluate the contours of existing public policy framework in order set the stage for
future policy dialogue and formulate a reform program to stem the crisis.
Methodology
This is a review paper which attempts to examine the economic role of political institutions,
factors affecting the state business relations and discuss the emerging role of the state in the
wake of the financial crisis in order to address similar challenges in future. For this purpose, the
paper reviews the studies conducted on the role of institutions in economic growth and
development, relationship between the businesses and economic institutions of the state and
responsibilities and character of the state in grappling with financial crisis. It also incorporates
the opinion of the experts on the subject and their perceptions about the role of the state in times
of financial and economic distress. It also relies on the information collected from various
research reports of the Overseas Development Institute, Congressional Research Services,
Economic Surveys of Pakistan and Annual Reports of the State Bank of Pakistan.
Discussion/Analysis on the Crisis, Role of the State and Lessons for Pakistan
According to information collected from experts, it has been observed that the global financial
meltdown should be seen in the light of the prevailing economic philosophy of mixed capitalist
system in the world. All types of mixed capitalist systems -Washington consensus,
Thechernomics or Reagonomics- have received direct or indirect shocks of the global financial
crisis. At the global level there is much heated debate on how to mend these systems as the
proponents of the capitalist system see this financial crisis as a big advantage to strengthen and
199
shore up the system by introducing measures which were missing in the past. There is also much
debate going on how the role of the state be redefined in all the capitalist systems.
As regards the former argument, the current crisis does not indicate the philosophy that markets
are self-correcting is completely discredited (Krugman, 2009; Stiglitz, 2008). On the other hand,
“Pure” market economy as propounded by Adam Smith also requires that ethical considerations
be taken care of. It supports the contention of right regulation than to complete deregulation.
Capitalistic economies have moved towards the other extreme. They, in their drive, for
deregulation have ignored the right regulatory framework leading to the development of the
current state of the economy which is termed the “anarchic economy” (Lampe, 2008). It means
that the prevailing contradictions which have grown over the years within the mixed capitalistic
system are more responsible for current financial crisis than neo-liberal ideology itself (Panitch
and Gindin, 2008).
A cursory look at the recent economic history shows that Friedman’s school of thought
associated with the Chicago thinking has ruled the roost in the second half of the 20th century.
The adherents of this school of thought were vehemently against government intervention and
strongly held that the public policy through fiscal instruments can overcome the shortcoming of
the market and ensure full employment and high degree of economic activity in the economy. 3
The last nail in coffin of this thinking was struck by a person no less than Alan Greenspan, the
former chairman of the Federal Reserve of America who acknowledged that he committed a
mistake in over relying on the forces of market mechanisms and failed to consolidate the
economic gains achieved in the 1990s.
The second argument which is more pertinent with reference to Pakistan points out the role of
the state in addressing economic challenges. The opinion of the experts shows that it is high time
that the role of the state in Pakistan must be redefined. The global financial crisis has indirectly
permeated into the economy of Pakistan but the nature and consequences of the crisis in terms of
macroeconomic stability and financial crunch in the same. It was observed that the Pakistan’s
economy has been unable to register any significant increase in exports due to global recession
which resulted from the global financial crisis. [See figure 1].
Exports
Exports (billion of $)
25
20.1
20
16.4
15
11.1
12.3
16.9
14.3
9.2
Source:
Economic
Survey of Pakistan [Various Issues]
9.1
10
5
0
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Years
3
See any standard textbook on macroeconomics for more details.
200
2006
2007
2008
Table 1: Latest Export and Imports (July September Quarters)
(in millions)
2009
2008
CHANGE
JULY-SEPTEMBER
VALUE
EXPORTS
4,493
5,216
(723)
IMPORTS
7,587
10,814
(3,228)
BALANCE
(3,094)
(5,599)
2,505
However due to the financial crisis the consumerism in the economy was slowed down due to the
decrease in the imported products. There was a significant decrease in imports of Pakistan
mainly due to the oil prices which came down to the lowest level in the international markets.
Another reason for the fall in the imports is the global recession which has affected the growth of
the world economies. Table 1 shows that though Pakistan’s imports have fallen, but they remain
higher than exports creating the trade deficit. Thus, as a consequence of financial crisis and
consequent the import trends, the booming sectors of banking, insurance, consumer durables
faced low demand and lay offs were prevalent in the market. [See figure 2].
Imports (billion of $)
Imports
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
35.5
28.5
30.5
Source: Economic Survey of Pakistan [Various Issues]
20.5
15.5
10.2
10.3
2001
2002
12.2
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
Years
On the other hand, Pakistan faced its own internal problems which also contributed to the impact
of the financial crisis in Pakistan. The IMF package which was adopted in the year 2008 has
started showing its adverse impacts. IMF recipes which were given to Pakistan did not work in
other economies of the world. The three pronged agenda of stabilization, privatization and
liberalization has not been well received in other parts of the world, but in Pakistan privatization
commission is still working and the government is trying to sell commodities to the foreigners.
When there is a credit crunch in the foreign market, it is difficult for investors to come to
Pakistan. The government of Pakistan approached IMF for monetary support in order provide
temporary relief to the Balance of Payment but in total disregard of the past experiences and
without consulting the key state institutions like the parliament and other trade and economic
organizations representing business interests. This is one factor which requires serious debate in
the context of public policy.
The discussion on the role of the state also reveals that privatization of public utilities must be
evaluated in terms of gains and losses so that the picture of privatization must be shown to the
public. Pakistani experience in electricity generation sector clearly shows that Independent
201
Power Producer’s were invited in the sector and there was a single buyer with monopsony
power. But the situation in Pakistan is that the single buyer does not dictate its terms, but is being
dictated by the power generation companies. The privatization of the KESC was a disaster as the
private sector could not handle the power generation and now there are thoughts of nationalizing
the company. There was also attempt of privatization of WAPDA, but it only added to the non
development cost of the company.
There were three aborted attempts to privatize railways but in the end there was only the sale of
land. The privatization of the irrigation network didn’t ensure the desired result. Privatization
cannot be the panacea of economic ills and the government cannot pass on the responsibility of
the management of public utilities merely on the pretext of inefficiency of the public sector. The
privatized sectors which are not performing and are not giving their desired results must be
rolled back and government should run them. This again provides an additional ingredient and
food for thought to re-visit the role of the state in order to evaluate the effectiveness of state
policies.
In Pakistan, Tax to GDP ratio is extremely low and the state has failed on this front quite
miserably {See figure 3]. If we look at the tax to GDP ratio and growth in the various sectors of
the economy, we will find that the overall tax to GDP ratio is almost stagnant though the
different sectors of the economy have grown in different years. It clearly points out the inability
of the state to raise revenues in the wake of growth in various economic sectors. This is another
priority public policy item for debate in the coming years and requires active state support.
Tax to GDP ratio & Growth in Economic Sectors
20
15
Tax to GDP Ratio
10
Agriculture
Manufacturig
5
Services
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
-5
years
Source: Figures taken from Economic Survey of Pakistan but analyzed by the authors
As regards the future, it was observed the structural weaknesses in the system must be corrected
as these are the same weaknesses which have been in the international market. Strong regulation
of the private sector is the need of hour. The emergence of the cartel in the presence of the
Competition and anti monopoly laws asks for the state intervention in the spirit of right
regulation at the right time. Strengthening of institutions for the consumer rights is the need of
202
the hour. The west has done considerable improvements in the consumer rights, proprietary
rights, arbitration and for closure laws, but these laws are still in infancy in Pakistan. Thus the
government must strengthen laws to protect consumer rights. The development of the consumer
courts must be improved in this regard. Private investment in the social sector must be
encouraged as a counterpart to government investment, but the government must not tradeoff the
private investment with public sector investment. All this requires that the role of regulators must
be redefined in order to improve the economic outcomes.
The preceding discussion has raised several issues for consideration. Where the various
governments were when greed was flourishing at the cost of transparency and imprudent lending
was being aggressively encouraged at the cost of financial stability. What in any case should be
the proper role of the state and the governments in management of the economy? Does the
current global crisis signal an end to the mixed capitalistic system in the world?
The evidence of minimal state role is very hard to find. In conservative developed countries,
state functions extend beyond the intermediate stage and not only provide social support to the
people but also help promote key areas such as technology, energy, exports –often termed as
external economies. On the other hand, in the developing countries, however, though the
privatization has occurred in many industries and utilities, the state is still engaged in providing
goods and commercial services especially in transport and utilities (Hassan, 2007). This leads
one to the question that what is the emerging role of the state in the coming years and how can
developing countries like Pakistan can re-visit and redefine this role.
The growth stories of most of East Asian Countries show that proactive patronage of the state in
the economic activities, policies and programs guided by clear strategic directions are key factors
in transforming these economies into rapidly growing industrialized economies.4
In case of Pakistan, coherence and consistency have seldom been the abiding features of the
government with regard to the regime of economic growth and development.5 Most of the
policies introduced by the governments lose their fanfare and enthusiasm even before they come
of age. Hassan (2007) has clearly mentioned that Pakistan lacks a strong, coherent and clear
economic vision about its economic development and as a result fairly distinct national economic
programs and policies have been adopted in different political regimes serving in different
periods of its history.
The debate has turned a new direction recently. According to Joseph Stiglitz, Financial
regulation is required to find a remedy to the many mistakes made, and to prevent the possibility
of a new crisis in the future. In this context small adjustments are not sufficient, but it is
necessary to define new rules based on different principles, including: the need to extend the
supervisory controls to all players, the correction of the incentive mechanism, the reduction of
risks for intermediaries. [Joseph E. Stiglitz, 2009. "The international financial crisis: new rules
and future outlook," BANCARIA, Bancaria Editrice, vol. 9, pages 2-4, September].
4
5
See Hassan (2007) for details analysis of the South Korea, China and Malaysia’s success stories and the role of the state in this regard.
See Akbar, Zaidi, Issues and Problems of Pakistan’s Economy for a more detailed account of the policy regimes in different periods of history.
203
CONCLUSIONS
This paper is an attempt to critically evaluate the role of the state in the current crisis and its
future role in the light of the collapse of the mixed capitalistic system. The analysis suggests that
Pakistan should not blindly follow neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World Bank. It is
time to re-visit the role of the state and redefine it in the light of domestic priorities and national
interests.
Despite the drop in exports and large scale manufacturing registering negative growth rate due to
reduction in international demand and the domestic crises of electricity, Pakistan’s economy has
still managed to register a growth rate of 3.7%6 in the first quarter of the financial year 2009-10.
The agriculture sector played an important role in achieving these growth rates due to the
bumper crops of wheat and cotton. The government must act as a facilitator to increase the
domestic demand of the economy as this increase in demand would help the manufacturing
sector to rise again and would also help the agriculture sector to grow.
The government’s inefficiency to deal with the energy crisis has showed its drastic impacts on
every sector. Overall, power load-shedding in the industrial sector has cost the country Rs210
billion or over two percent of the GDP, over $1 billion of export earnings and potential
displacement of 400,000 workers. Costs could be even higher if impact on other sectors like
agriculture and services are allowed for, which account for almost the same share in power
consumption as industry.7 The government’s policy of generating electricity through the rental
power plants needs to be assessed as there are existing independent power generation units which
are not working to their full capacity, and if they are used to the full capacity the need for the
rental power plants remains low. The trickle down effect of these policies would lead to the
increase in inflation and lowering of domestic supply.
The policy of privatization needs a through review. The pattern of privatization followed in the
past need to be reversed. The government should regain the control of key state entities in order
provide people with the basic infrastructure. The financial crisis has clearly highlighted that
overemphasis on laissez-faire policies can prove fatal for the economies.
On the fiscal front, Tax to GDP Ratio needs to be drastically increased. Currently the tax revenue
of the country is less than the current expenditures of the country. Current account deficit should
be reduced through higher export earnings. Finding of new markets and emerging markets must
be the top priorities as it is evident form the recession that strong linkages with the developing
countries have given the developed countries a cushion against the meltdown. Fiscal deficit
should not be reduced through development cut but through higher export earnings, FDI and
workers’ Remittances. Last but not least better economic management through right regulation
can go a long way towards improving Pakistan’s economic fortunes.
On the monetary front the central bank must act timely on issues in which it is supposed to act.
The autonomy of the central bank must be observed in letter and spirit. The government must
avoid frequently approaching the central bank for deficit financing for fiscal rescue.
6
7
Economic Intelligence Unit (2009)
State of the Economy: Emerging from the Crisis – Institute of Public Policy- BNU
204
The current spate of crises in the form of sugar and wheat shortages, load shedding, privatization,
low levels of revenues, financial crunch, fall in the share businesses, economic recession and
frequent reliance of foreign aid in the form of IMF assistance and Kerry Lugar bill calls a serious
policy debate on the emerging role of the state and its effectiveness in addressing such policy
issues and challenges. This paper is an attempt to generate dialogue and discussion and hope to
encourage public policy discourse on issues national economic interests in the coming years.
205
REFERENCES
Acemoglu, D., S. Johnson, J. Robinson, P. Yared (2005), “From Education to Democracy, American Economic
Review 95(2): 44-49.
Glaeser, E., La Porta, R. and Lopez-de-Silanes, F. (2004), Do institutions cause growth? Journal of Economic
Growth, 9(3), pp. 271–303.
Hassan, Parvez, (2007), “Role of the State in Pakistan’s Economy” Economic and Political Weekly, India
te Velde, D.W. et al. (2009a) The global financial crisis and developing countries – Synthesis of the findings of 10
country, 169 Despite Ambivalence, Pakistan May Wrap Deal by Next Week, The Wall Street Journal, October 28,
2008.
Johnson, C. (1987) Political institutions and economic performance: the government-business relation in Japan,
South Korea and Taiwan, in: F. Deyo (ed.) The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialism (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press), pp. 136–164.
K. Sen and D.W. te Velde, State-Business Relations and Economic Growth in sub-Saharan Africa, Journal of
Development Studies, forthcoming.
Krugman, P. (2009), ‘Obama is too cautious’, translation of the text published in the Madrid paper El Pais,
available in Serbian at: http://www.nspm.rs/ekonomska-politika/obama-je-previseoprezan/stampa.html [accessed
4/2/2009]
Lampe, S. (2008), ‘The Global Financial Crisis and the Market Economy’, available at:
http://www.library.com.br/english/articles/global-crisis.htm [accessed 24/10/2009]
North, D.C. (1990) Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press).
Panitch, L. and S. Gindin (2008), ‘The Current Crisis: A Socialist Perspective’, available at:
http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/bullet142.html [accessed 24/10/2009]
Stiglitz, J. (2008), ‘Global Crisis –Made in America’, available at:
http://www.spiegel.de/international/business/0,1518,590028,00.html [accessed 24/10/2009]
Weingast B. R. (1995), “The Economic Role of Political Institutions: Market-Preserving, Federalism and Economic
Development”, Journal of Law, Economics and Organization, 11(1), pp.1-31.
206
Tahir Mahmood Azad
SUSTAINABLE GOVERNANCE STRATEGIES
TO COUNTER TERRORISM
COUNTER TERRORISM POLICIES:
CHALLENGES AND OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN
SUMMARY
1. Abstract
2. Introduction
3. Faces of Terrorism.
Fundamentalism or Religious Extremism/Terrorism
Political Terrorism
Ethnic Terrorism
State-sponsored Terrorism
4. Consequences on Pakistan.
Political
Economic
Social
Security threat
5. Causes of Terrorism.
Illiteracy, Unemployment & Poverty
Sectarianism
Injustice & Corruption
Weak Political System & Lack of Leadership
Foreign Elements
6. Options/ Counter Terrorism policies for Pakistan.
Development in Education Sector
Justice for All
Self-dependent Policies
Good Governance System
Good Leadership
Employment
Better Intelligence System
Responsible Media
Regional & International Cooperation
7. Conclusion.
207
ABSTRACT
Pakistan is going through a period of terrific changes politically, sociologically and
economically. The focus on religious and ethnic matters has increased significantly. The move
away from traditional to modern systems generates a degree of insecurity, eroding the existing
system’s socioeconomic and politico-psychological tenets, giving rise to counter-elites and
opposition groups and paving the way for a resurgence of racial terrorism and ethnic animosities.
Although unfamiliar with mutinies, Pakistan, long considered the “Islamic periphery” owing to
its moderate Islamic stance, pluralism and nationalism, is facing a more complex challenge. The
root causes of terrorism, both domestic and international, are varied and complex. Some factors
are essentially ideological, economical and include religious and ethno-nationalistic extremism.
An adequate response requires counter-terrorist policies to interact with broader counter
terrorism policy. To be effective, counter-terrorism demands understanding the terrorist
psychology, motivation and goals. On-going military operation in Tribal areas can create more
problems in future. So, there is a need of a proper set of peace talks and peace agreements that
should be long-lasting.
Regional Cooperation is also a necessary element. Multilateral political, social and diplomatic
efforts such as the SAARC can assist in forging substantive agreements that will enhance the
sharing of information, tightening border agreements, and strengthening the law enforcement
cooperation. For example, the SAARC joint declaration on counter-terrorism, among other goals,
pledges to share intelligence, block terrorist funds, tighten borders, and crack down on forged
travel documents.
208
INTRODUCTION
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. It has a long history and vast background. Its evolution has
resulted in many dangerous forms of terrorism. For a long time, terrorism had remained
categorized into two main variations: traditional, which is now identified as state terrorism, and
revolutionary, which developed in protest against political and social injustice, and operated as a
supplement to insurgency and rebellion in efforts to win freedom and to bring about political and
social change or as a response to state terrorism. In current academic discourse, terrorism is
widely characterized as the ‘weapon of the weak’, as ‘violence for effect’ or as ‘violence for
political purposes’.1
The use of violence to terrify and intimidate is an ancient tactic. Terrorism is defined by the
nature of the act, not by the identity of the perpetrators or the nature of the cause. Terrorism is
violence, or the threat of violence, calculated to create an atmosphere of fear and alarm. These
acts are designed to coerce others into actions they would not otherwise undertake, or refrain
from actions they desired to take. All terrorist acts are criminal in nature. Many would also be
violation of the rules of war if a state of war existed. This violence or threat of violence is
generally directed against civilian targets. The motives of all terrorists are political, and terrorist
actions are generally carried out in a way that will achieve maximum publicity. Unlike other
criminal acts, terrorists often claim credit for their acts. Finally, terrorist acts are intended to
produce effects beyond the immediate physical damage of the cause, having long-term
psychological repercussions on a particular target audience.
Paul Wilkinson argues that terrorism is a special form of political violence. It
is not a philosophy or a political movement. Terrorism is a weapon or method
that has been used throughout history by states and by sub-state
organizations for a wide variety of political causes or purposes. Some
conceptualize terrorism in the framework of symbolic communication theory,
viewing ‘terrorism as theatre’ and as a medium of communication. Hence, as
a symbolic act, terrorism can be analyzed much like other communication
processes as consisting of four basic components: transmitter (the terrorist),
intended recipient (target), message (kidnapping, bombing, ambush) and
feedback (reaction of target). The terrorist’s message necessitates a victim,
but the target or intended recipient of the communication may not be the
victim.2
For thousands of years terrorism has been evolving as a political, economic, religious and
criminal tactic. Initially, terrorists’ actions were local and un-networked, and involved only a few
people. States were very strong to control and eliminate them. However with the passage of time
the capabilities and potency of terrorist organizations have increased drastically and the very acts
that they carry out have become extremely violent, destructive and global in nature. Historically,
terrorist organizations have carried out acts of terrorism on a very small scale resulting in very
low casualties. In short, it can be firmly said that terrorism was present throughout the human
history but for last few decades it has been given a new dimension. This phenomenon should
1
2
Zafar Nawaz Jaspal,’ WMD Terrorism and Pakistan: Counterterrorism’, Defence Against Terrorism Review, Vol. 1, No. 2, Fall 2008, 103-118
Ibid.
209
always be seen in historical perspective to understand the issue properly. In the contemporary
world international analysts strongly believe that the greatest threat to human existence and
global security is that terrorists might someday attack nuclear weapons facilities or power plants
to acquire a nuclear weapon or nuclear material for use in an act of coercion or destruction which
would result in massive casualties.
Pakistan, ‘land of the pure’ was created as a new motherland for the Muslims’ of subcontinent.
Since coming into reality as a sovereign state, Pakistan is facing multi-dimensional domestic and
external threats. The challenges of threats faced are, old as well as new. The internal threats are
of serious importance to Pakistan’s well being. By placing the emphasis on internal security,
nobody can undermine the external security threats faced by Pakistan.
Most of the challenges precipitating interstate tensions and threats are produced from within, by
its geopolitics, its location, economics and history. Along with its religious identity Pakistan is
also a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural state. These characteristics have at times
created problems for her
The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks against the United States are exceptional in the history
of the world. These attacks, which have resulted in thousands of deaths and injuries, have raised
concerns that the constraints on terrorists against committing mass murder have been breached.
The terrible episode of the 9/11 not only focused the spot light on terrorism and the resultant
formation of international alliance against terrorism but it also caused the U.S led war against
Afghanistan and Iraq. After this disastrous event, the relation between U.S and Pakistan entered
in to a new dynamic and highly complicated phase in which Pakistan is fighting against terrorism
as the front line state. Pakistan’s role in “war against terrorism” gave a new turn to Pak-U.S
relations.
War on Terror (WOT) became the new era of Pakistan’s policies. Today Pakistan is surrounded
by a hulking lot of problems and all of them are either directly or indirectly connected with the
terrorism or war on terror. The presence of foreign elements in the tribal area and their support to
local militants has created lot of problems for Pakistan and resultantly the whole state is facing a
serious security challenge. Now terrorism has emerged as a global factor in the international
politics. Pakistan must tackle it with its own context and it must not blindly follow the dictation
of external forces. Although Pak Army has defeated them in Sawat and Wazeeristan but we must
identify the root causes of this phenomenon and should eliminate or resolve them.
This paper focuses primarily on analyzing the root causes of the terrorism, challenges created by
terrorism in Pakistan and the policies that should be adopted to counter the terrorism.
Faces of Terrorism:
The phenomenon of the terrorism itself is a multidimensional & complex on the whole. There is
disagreement among the scholars over the types of the terrorism unlike its definition. Precisely,
despite the understanding of various types of terrorism, a consensus on the definition of terrorism
remains absent. One researcher, in a review of writings on terrorism, found 109 discrete
210
definitions.3 Various attempts have been made to derive the most common types of terrorism.
However, the type of terrorism must be seen in socio-historic and politico economic perspective.
Terrorism is not an ideology but a strategy which may be used by individuals,
groups or states for different purposes. While the states, sub national groups
and individuals use violent means as part of their well calculated strategy, the
state authorities also use terrorism to brutalize the target audience in order to
suppress the freedom struggle. While the use of force by the state would be
viewed as legitimate, the employment of violence for intimidation purposes by
sub national group or individual often invoke strong reactions.4
Terrorists basically fight for their own benefits and motives. They can also be described on
the basis of their motivations.
Terrorists neither recognize geographical boundaries nor the value systems
of religions or humanitarianism. They tend to exploit all that is available with
a view to advance their own objectives. In their quest to attain the objectives,
the loss of innocent civilians’ lives does not invoke any remorse among them.
However one needs to distinguish between various categories of terrorists as
the motivations for each category may differ from the other.5
On the basis of motivations we can divide terrorism in following types/ faces.
(i) Fundamentalism or Religious Extremism/Terrorism
(ii) Political Terrorism
(iii)Ethnic Terrorism
(iv) State-sponsored Terrorism
(i) Fundamentalism or Religious Extremism/Terrorism
Religious terrorism comes from various major faiths, sects as well as from small cults.
This type of terrorism is growing rapidly and is discussed widely on the international
media. Religious terrorists seek to use violence to further what they see as their divinely
commanded purpose, often targeting broad categories of foes in an attempt to bring about
sweeping changes.
The religion is fast becoming the prime motivation for terrorist acts.] The late
twentieth century saw a resurgence of holy terror. The kind practiced by the
Zealots-Sicarii, the Assassins, and the Thugs. This involves all of the world's
major religions, from Christian right-wing white supremacists, radical Jews,
militant Sikhs, and Islamic fundamentalists, and has been manifested all
around the world: from Europe, North America, the South Asian
subcontinent, Northeast Asia, to the Middle East. Of these groups, those that
have been most responsible for this trend are Islamic fundamentalists; Jewish
3Ibid
4
5
Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, ‘Understanding categories of terrorists’, Pakistan Observer, Tue, Feb, 05, 2008
Ibid.
211
extremists; millenarian religious cults and Christian orientated right-wing
groups, notably in the USA. While analyzing religious terrorism Bruce
Hoffman argued, "religious terrorists have engaged in moral lethal attacks
primarily because they perceive violence to be a sacramental act, or divine
duty, executed in direct response to some theological demand or imperative.6
(ii) Political Terrorism
"So many bastions of civilization have been surrendered to the enemy without
a fight that we have almost forgotten how to arm ourselves against
barbarism. We can, in fact, do it in only one way: by stating that terrorism is
always and in every circumstance wrong; that it is not only intrinsically
wrong but the antithesis of political idealism; that it must be resisted by every
means at our disposal; and that those who practise it must not only be
punished by repudiated by those who share their political aims.”.
Paul Johnson "The Recovery of Freedom”
It is the brutal criminal behaviour designed primarily to create fear in the community, or
extensive segment of it, for political purposes. Political terrorism is a unique turmoil of
the modern world. It originated as a term and, arguably, as a practice, less than two
centuries ago and has come into the spotlight of global conflict in our lifetime. As a
political strategy, it began its course as a part of guerrilla warfare and insurgency and has
been used to overthrow governments, gain independence from colonial rule, to assert
ethnic identity and recognition, to force constitutional guarantees or to draw global
attention etc.7
(iii)Ethnic Terrorism
Ethnic violence (also known as ethnic terrorism or ethnically-motivated terrorism) refers
to violence that is predominantly framed rhetorically by causes and issues related to
ethnic hatred, though ethnic violence is more commonly related to political violence, and
often the terms are interchangeable in a local context where reference to ethnicity is
considered minimal or improper.8 Daniel O'Connell, a 19th-century Irish statesman had
once said, "bigotry has no head and cannot think; no heart and cannot feel. Her god is a
demon, her Decalogue is written in the blood of her victims" Old bigotry comes with new
concept that is now called as ethno violence. Arson, bombings, threats, assaults, acts of
vandalism and even murder have been part of Ethnic violence.9
(iv) State-sponsored Terrorism
State-sponsored terrorism is one of the most controversial types of terrorism. In this sort
the state uses hidden groups to contain anti-state or anti-government elements in the
country. State-sponsored terrorist groups are intentionally used by radical states as
foreign policy tools—as Hoffman puts it, as “a cost-effective way of waging war
covertly, through the use of surrogate warriors or ‘guns for hire”. This type of terrorism is
Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, ‘Emerging trends in terrorism’ Sep 6, 2002. Available at
http://securityinnovator.com/index.php?articleID=556&sectionID=27 Retrieved on Oct.10,2009
7 Rafiuddin Ahmed, Zafar N. Jaspal,’Terrorism’ in ‘Ipri Paper’ available at http://ipripak.org/papers/terrorism.shtml Retrieved on Dec.2008.
8 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terrorism
9 Saasia Liaqat, ‘Ethnic Terrorism in Pakistan’ available at http://www.mediamonitors.net/saadialiaqat2.html Retrieved on Oct.2009.
6
212
usually performed by autocrats to suppress the political opponents. The state sponsored
terrorist groups are more effective, efficient and active than any other group because they
enjoy moral, political and logistic support of the government or state.
Consequences on Pakistan:
Pakistan is facing the threat of terrorism in various forms. Pakistan at present is facing the most
unique, complex and horrible brands of terrorism. No other country in the world is so deeply
entangled in this problem as the Pakistan of today. Pakistan due to its geographical position in
the region has been involved in different major coalitions with big powers which inadvertently
have a trickle down affect on Pakistan’s complex internal problems. Her association with the
United States against the former Communist Soviet Union invasion in Afghanistan and then
against Taliban has added to her existing internal security problems. Terrorism has badly
affected the over all structure of Pakistan as a state and as a society. The perpetual state of fear
and a prolonged sense of being exposed to the danger have crippled the whole nation culturally,
socially, politically and economically. Categorically we can divide the effects of terrorism in the
following major forms. These are,
(i) Effects on the Economy.
(ii) Social, Political and Psychological effects.
(iii) Security Threats.
(i) Effects on the Economy:
Terrorist groups make damaging their targets’ economies a priority. Such groups may
seek to physically destroy productive assets as well as redirect resources away from
productive uses.
In the case of Pakistan, the terrorism has become one of the major challenges for the
economy. First Afghanistan’s refugees created problems for Pakistan both politically and
economically. Pakistan hosted 3 million refugees from Afghanistan during and after
soviet invasion on Afghanistan. Then War on Terror started to become a new tension for
Pakistan. It has directly affected the economy of Pakistan. Terrorism has reduced the
economic activity in the country. It has slowed down the economic growth. Trade and
tourism industries have collapsed. The level of FDI has been decreased.
Repetition of terrorist attacks on security institutions, foreign organizations and cities has
badly affected the entire peace of the country. Suicide bombing in shopping malls,
common business centers and on roads is not only affecting the economy but also social
and psychological status of every Pakistani. Pakistan, being front line partner in war
against terror, has paid much more than what she could have afforded to. Pakistan has
imported terrorism in her own territory by supporting allied forces in countering
terrorism. Operation in Sawat and Wazeeristan has also created added economic burden
on the already week economy of Pakistan. Pakistan is facing lot of problems in managing
the resulting refugees.
213
Recent attacks on security institutions like GHQ, FIA and Police training schools have
also disturbed the economic growth. Islamic International University in Islamabad was
also targeted in this streak of terrorist attacks. Schools of Provincial and Federal areas
remained closed for a long time. A series of suicide bombing in Peshawar has completely
crushed the local markets. The recent wave of terror attacks has killed over 250 people.
One of the worst attacks took place on Oct 28 when a massive bomb killed over 115
people in a crowded market of Peshawar. All these factors are adding to the destruction
of the economy of Pakistan. According Farhan Rizvi, senior analyst at JS Global Capital
Ltd in Karachi, he expected FDI to fall to $3-3.5 billion this financial year compared with
$5.15 billion in 2007/2008.10 The current account deficit widened to $2.572 billion in
July and August which is equivalent to about 1.6 percent of gross domestic product, and
compares with a full-year target of 6.0 percent of GDP.11 So government must take
concrete measures to tackle terrorism as it is affecting economic activities and the
investment climate. According to Zafar Iqbal Chaudhry, Lahore Chamber of Commerce
and Industry (LCCI) president, the poor law and order was the biggest challenge being
faced by the country. He said it was very difficult to attract investment if investors were
not protected. He expressed concerns over the poor law and order situation, saying it had
shaken the confidence of foreign investors.12
(ii) Social, Political and Psychological effects:
The sufferer of the terrorism is the general public. It is general consensus among the
social scientists that human conflict and corruption can not be done away from the
society. The human conflict results in the form of violence and terrorism. The
repercussions of the terrorism are very serious for the masses. No doubt, the terrorism not
only directly affects economic development and prosperity but has the psycho-social
repercussions and heavily damages human personality and the society. The effects of
terrorism may vary from person to persons and society to society but I would like to
discuss the general repercussions that harm individual and society cumulatively.
First of all the terrorism creates sense of fear in the minds of the people. This
fear further leads to sense of dissatisfaction and terror among the people.
Due to terrorism the sense of helplessness prevails in the human minds. This
sense of helplessness further leads to hopelessness among the people
regarding their personal and social well-being. The violent acts of terrorism
badly damage the mental growth of the human beings and put them in to
constant stressful situation. Such attacks especially, leave harmful and far
reaching effects on the minds of the children when they see dead bodies and
horrible scenes of the terrorism on the media. These days the media gives
extra ordinary coverage to the incidents of terrorism all over the world and
people find themselves involved very much which creates resentment in their
minds. Being affected by the repercussion of the terrorism the snobbish
Anonymous “Pakistan urgently needs $3-4 bln to stabilise”, available at <http://www.defence.pk/forums/economy-development/14664terrorism-state-economy.html> Retrieved on 14th Nov. 2009.
11 Ibid.
12 Anonymous “Terrorism affecting Pakistan's economy: Business leaders”, available at <http://www.prokerala.com/news/articles/a93254.html>
Retrieved on 15th Nov. 2009.
10
214
attitude develops among the masses. It further damages human and familial
relationships which ultimately affects the working performance of the
individuals. The constant terrorist acts bring about the reason of losing trust
and cohesion of the people on the government and state. It enhances anger
and resentment among the masses against the government and the state
apparatus .The people find themselves the victims of psychological diseases
such as anxiety and frustration, aggression, and deprivation. The social
relationships severely suffer from great loss in the presence of these
psychological diseases. Terrorism not only badly impacts on individual but
also the whole social system has to suffer the consequences. This split
becomes the cause of significant social division which harms the social fabric
and unity negatively. Due to the fear of terrorist attacks the people try to
escape from their social and professional responsibilities. Terrorism
promotes social segregation and isolation among the different strata of the
society. It creates distance between the supporters and suffers of the accused
terrorist attacks. That means the terrorism enhances the social disturbance
and people feel divided in the society. Terrorism definitely affects the social
progress and well-being of the people. Because of the terrorists activities the
businesses and economy of the country suffer which directly lessen the job
opportunities. As a result poverty increases which damages the society very
much.13
Terrorism has multidimensional effects. It not only affects the human life but also the
whole structure of the society. In current scenario, Pakistan is facing the phenomenon of
terrorism directly and severely as a social problem. The whole country is facing the
outrage of the terrorists. The history of terrorism started from the 1979, the first episode
of terrorism. Since 1979 after the Russian invasion in Afghanistan the society saw great
twist in the social fabric and politico-economic system. During the afghan war the huge
quantity of arms and ammunition came and as stored in Pakistan which was later used by
these groups in sectarian tribal and political violence. Meanwhile, political instability,
corruption, social injustice and economic disparity added fuel to the fire and gave rise to
the different forms of terrorism. With the collapse of Russia from the world order the
geo-political situation of Pakistan changed. In this changed scenario the terrorism
strongly gripped and swiftly spread in Pakistani society. Its most visible manifestation
was sectarianism in 1990s triggered by religious extremism. The second episode of
terrorism started from 2001. The event of 9/11 in New York became a nightmare for
Pakistan because of Afghanistan. Pakistan played its role effectively to curb terrorism
and militant groups which increased the acts of terrorism in Pakistan. The terrorism
further enhanced intolerance and unrest among the masses. These days terrorism is one of
the most dangerous social evils not only for Pakistan but also for all over the world. This
is how the phenomenon of terrorism occurred in Pakistan and negatively hit the society as
a socio-economic, psychological and political problem.
Sabir Michael, Terrorism a Socio-Economic and Political Phenomenon with Special Reference to Pakistan, Journal of Management and
Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No. 1, (Spring 2007) 35-46
13
215
The terrorists in Pakistan seek to undermine and destroy the rule of law and even a way
of life that is desirable or good. Their attacks are frequently directed against leaders,
security agencies and innocent civilians and they are designed to cause indiscriminate
causalities.14 Politically, Pakistan has also lost a great leader in December 2007. Benazir
Bhutto was murdered in an act of terrorism. This event shocked the whole country.
(iii) Security Threat:
Pakistan’s security is at high risk due to the terrorist acts in all the major cities including
federally administered tribal areas. At the end of Afghan war in 1987/1988 the militant
organizations turned to Pakistan after the failure of Afghan government and international
community to disarm those groups. It resulted in sectarianism and fight among the
terrorist groups which brought about the cause of several dangerous attacks killing many
of innocent lives.
Terrorist acts are spread throughout the globe, thereby the risks are
widespread. Some of the important trends that have direct or indirect impact
on Pakistan’s security are that terrorist groups are operating globally as part
of a worldwide network. They are integrated by transnational non-state
organizations through global networks of terrorist cells located in many
countries, including Afghanistan, involving unprecedented levels of
communication and coordination. These criminal groups’ activities have
perilous effects on Pakistan’s politics, economics and security.15
Pakistan’s decision to ally itself with the United States in its post-9/11 ‘war on terrorism’
signified a major shift in its security policy. There is no external threat which can do any
harm to us. We are capable of handling any external threat. The enemy lies within and
this element of religious and sectarianism may pull us down.16 The Lal Masjid event
created many new threats for internal security. A wave of suicide bombing started which
resulted in the form of thousands of casualties. Then Sawat operation and on going
operation in Wazeeristan are the major security concerns for Pakistan.
The recent few weeks in Pakistan have been full of terrorist activism. While the
chattering classes have been overly vocal about the perceived threats to Pakistan’s
sovereignty posed by the Kerry-Lugar Bill, the TTP activism has been directed at
concretely and incontrovertibly undermining the same sovereignty through the use of
terror.
Recent Suicide Attacks in all parts of the country have created a terrible environment in
the society.
Causes of Terrorism:
Zafar Nawaz Jaspal,’ WMD Terrorism and Pakistan: Counterterrorism’, Defence Against Terrorism Review, Vol. 1, No. 2, Fall 2008, 103-118
Ibid.
16 “President Musharraf’s Speech”, October 4, 2003. Quoted in: “Changing Global and GeoStrategic Environment: Implications for Pakistan”, Margalla Papers 2004, (Islamabad:
National Defense University, 2004).
14
15
216
To understand and explain the problem of terrorism it is essential for all to realize and identify
the causes of terrorism. The terrorism is a complex phenomenon which has several reasons such
as social, psychological, economic, religious and political etc. All these factors contribute to the
ever increasing current of the terrorist activities. This global phenomenon has various causes and
some of them are being spelled out briefly for the better understanding of the issue. This is also
notable that the causes of terrorism may be different in various societies due to its religious,
ethnic, social and political nature.
South Asia accounts for one fifth of the world population in seven distinctive
states, housing around 43 per cent of the global poverty. The per capita GNP
of the region is around $440, which is among the lowest in the world and its
share in global income remains less then 2 per cent.17
South Asia is practicing tremendous transformation politically, social, ethnically,
psychologically and economically. The root causes of terrorism, both domestic and international,
are varied and complex. Some factors are essentially ideological and include religious and ethno
nationalistic extremism. In addition, another set of factors arise from serious socioeconomic
deficits, such as poverty and unemployment resulting from a combination of poor governance
and the inability to cope with globalization processes.
The rise of extremism in South Asia is primarily the product of three factors.
First is the slow economic progress along with a fairly high population
growth rate. Second, the phenomenon of poor governance which was unable
to address the socio-economic issues confronting the people of regional
states. Third and perhaps the most significant is the foreign interference. The
operative global environment along with the incumbent international political
system is conducive to foreign interference.18
South Asian countries have weak social and economic development policies to inhibit a
resurgence of terrorism within their jurisdiction. There are many reasons behind these cruel acts
which have fuelled radical groups in all South Asian states. With such a low human
development, the region remains one of the most explosive regions of the world.
Factors motivating these groups are many and varied. Among these factors
the projection of certain cause which may include influencing the government
to concede to their demands, a response to repression, to create disorder in
the society, to redress the injustice, to undermine authority, to free jailed
colleagues and friends etc. Sometimes financial gains motivate them to
commit acts of terrorism.19
Anonymous, “Human Development in South Asia” available at <www.yespakistan.com/hdf/whywedoit/hdinsa.asp> Retrieved on 20
October 2003.
18 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, “Roots of Extremism”, The POST, Feb. 03, 2008.
19 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, “Understanding categories of terrorists”, Pakistan OBSERVER, Tue. Feb, 05, 2008.
17
217
Although Pakistan is facing the same problems which the other South Asian states have but due
to very critical political system following are the main tools which are triggering the causes of
terrorism. These are(i) Illiteracy, Unemployment & Poverty.
Lack of education, unemployment and poverty are equally responsible for the increase in
terrorist activities. The illiterate people are wrongly given the hope to go directly in to the
heaven if he/she commits terrorist act for God or religion. Jordanian Ambassador, Dr.
Saleh Jawarneh highlighted the significance of peace in Islam, saying that Pakistan, being
an Islamic country, badly needed a durable peace. He said illiteracy, poverty, injustice
and sense of deprivation were the main causes of terrorism and extremism. 20 Thus, in
circumstances where there is a sheer lack of education and basic human facilities, it
becomes easier for the master minds of the terrorist groups to launch the offences at the
cost of the socio-economic compulsions and ignorance of the poor masses. In the society
where there is illiteracy, hunger and economic disparity the terrorism flourishes rapidly.
All these factors lead to increase in poverty which itself is the mother of terrorism.
Famous philosopher Aristotle had agreed on the assertion stating that “Poverty is mother
of Terrorism and Revolution”. In Pakistan there is a colossal issue of poverty and that is
why, it becomes easier for the terrorist groups to find the interested persons due to their
poor economic conditions. Daniel Pipes (2002) says that “As long as there is poverty,
inequality, injustice and repressive political systems, militant Islamic tendencies will
grow in the world”.
(ii) Sectarianism.
Pakistan has been held captive to terrorist activities carried out by ethnic and religious
groups. The religious groups used religion as a tool and expressed that due to suppression
of not being free to actively practice religion, a reaction has occurred. The continued
critics of the pro-western policies of the regimes have been quite an irritant for these
religious groups. In reaction and to dissuade the governments to go all out for those
policies they create trouble by plying into terrorist activities. They react by bombing
innocent civilian targets and buildings.
(iii) Injustice & Corruption
Where there is no justice for poor and law and order situation is weak then it leads to a
general dissatisfaction. Helplessness which guides to hopelessness is the psychological
state that enhances terrorism in the society. The society, where the people are ignored and
they have to suffer from socio-economic and political injustice, provides a encouraging
environment for the promotion of terrorism. When the people and their problems are
neglected or kept aloof they ultimately express their resentment in the form of violent
behaviour to attract the attention of the state and the people.
The most powerful impulses are generated from the ground realities; of
recurring injustices, indignities, denials and deprivations from intolerant
societies where the majority is often even more intolerant, provoking the
Anonymous, “Poverty, injustice main causes of terrorism”, available at <http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-englishonline/Regional/Islamabad/20-Feb-2009/Poverty-injustice-main-causes-of-terrorism/1> Retrieved on 10th Nov. 2009.
20
218
victims to a response, which gradually transforms into violent resistance.
Violence breeds violence, which sets into motion a vicious cycle of terrorist
actions and state repression – a militant struggle for freedom and justice
against denials and retribution. In most cases, terrorist violence is a reaction
against persisting injustices and denials and its growth is a result of refusal to
recognize and resolve the problems.21
Corruption seems very common in every part of social and social structure of Pakistan. Majority
of the political leaders, bureaucrats, government & private employees, traders & brokers, lawyers
& judges and law enforcement agents etc. are corrupt. According to 2009 report, Pakistan is on
42nd in the list of the most corrupt states of the world.22
(iv) Weak Political System & Lack of Leadership.
The factor of democracy as an instigator or facilitator for terrorism deserves further
exploration. A democratic government is supposed to represent the people and provide
political means to voice their grievances, hence essentially providing a sphere where
terrorism has no place. One of the biggest problems of Pakistan is the weak political
system. Lack of Democracy is the main cause of terrorism. The dictators and autocratic
governments frighten opponents. They do it to create the fear among the masses to
suppress any opposition against their governments. In undemocratic circumstances the
people do not find ways to express their disagreement and as a result some of them turn
to the violent means to submit their expression. Political deprivation and alienation are
the root cause of terrorism. This leads to hopelessness, then the sense of helplessness,
which finally leads to these terrorist acts.
As Napoleon said,” Leader is a dealer in hope.” It is a big dilemma in Pakistan’s case that
she has no powerful leader from very long time. Due to lack of good leadership in the
country, the political system is very weak. And due to weak political system, terrorists’
activities are growing day by day.
(v) Foreign Elements
It is also a big problem which Pakistan is facing since 1947. Foreign powers do not want
to see Pakistan as a stable state. There are clear evidences of the involvement of RAW,
MOSAD and CIA in the current terrorists’ actions. India has always tried to destabilize
Pakistan.
Options/ Counter Terrorism policies for Pakistan:
You see things; and you say 'Why?' But I dream things that never were; and I
say 'Why not?'.
George Bernard Shaw
(i)
Development in Education Sector
21Rafiuddin
Ahmed, Zafar N. Jaspal,’Terrorism’ in ‘Ipri Paper’ available at http://ipripak.org/papers/terrorism.shtml Retrieved on Dec.2008.
‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2009’ available at http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/cpi_2009_table
Retrieved on Nov.19, 2009.
22
219
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(ix)
Justice for All
Self-dependent Policies
Good Governance System
Good Leadership
Employment
Better Intelligence System
Responsible Media
Regional & International Cooperation
(i) Development in Education Sector
Education plays very important role in the development of any society. So development
in education sector is necessary to counter the cruel face of terrorism.
(ii) Justice for All
If justice is available to the people then nobody will use wrong act. Courts should provide
justice to all without any distinction and priority. Everyone should be treated equally.
(iii)Self-dependent Policies
Pakistan should leave the policy of getting dictation from others. Now it is time that she
should depend on herself and her priority should be her own national interests.
(iv) Good Governance System
The quality of governance needs to be improved. The weak political institutions need to
be developed, in a manner that the evolutionary process of democracy takes a smooth
toll.
(v) Good Leadership
Don't tell people how to do things, tell them what to do and let them surprise
you with their results.
George S. Patton
Bold and decisive leadership that can make the hard choices between consumption and
investment, education, defence spending, economic and human development needs to be
there. Leadership that shows integrity in its personal and public dealings, and that make
policies, pure of all malpractices and corruption is the need of the hour in this terrorridden land.
(vi) Employment
Job opportunities should be available to the people because if the economic and social
condition of the people is stable then peace is maintained in the society and the people
avoid the violent activities.
(vii) Better Intelligence System
No doubt Pakistan’s intelligence system is one of the best systems in the world and we
really are proud of our ISI but there are some problems which should be solved. Other
intelligence agencies like FIA and IB should also be trained in a better way. The most
220
importantly, recruitment system should be based on merit with proper education and
training of the personnel.
(viii)Responsible Media
Although Electronic and print media overall displayed commendable role during the
current terrible situation but there is still need for some improvements and maturity.
Media should not show everything on the screen. It should maintain some secrecy and
limitations. Unfortunately some media channels are just using it for their personal
objectives. They should understand the national interests. Media should play a
responsible role.
(ix) Regional & International Cooperation
Without good relations with the other regional and international states, peace and
development is not possible in the current era. Regionally, SAARC can be very effective
for Pakistan to counter terrorism and internationally Pakistan can get help from major
players of the world like USA, UK, China, France & Russia.
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CONCLUSION
A sufficient response requires counter-terrorist policies to interact with broader counter terrorism
strategy. To be effective, counter-terrorism demands understanding the terrorist’s psychology,
motivation and goals. Pakistan needs a good system of governance, which struggles for the
building of institutions and bringing about consistency and unity within the working of these
institutions. Pakistan needs to have unity within in order to control the challenges from outside
and the remedy for that would be smooth governance.
Economic reforms should be introduced, which will be progressive for the country. Education
needs to be emphasized and made as a mean to success for the improvement and stability in the
country. Social sector reforms should be introduced. Regional and international cooperation is
also a necessary element. Multilateral political, social and diplomatic efforts such as the SAARC
assists in forging substantive agreements that will enhance the sharing of information, tighten
border agreements, and reinforce law enforcement cooperation.
To conclude, we can say that Pakistan needs to emphasize on education, which will bring out a
better society. Education will redress most of the evils faced by Pakistan. It will make people
more aware of the menace of ethnicity, sectarianism and terrorism. Over the long run, Pakistan
must change the political, social and economic environment that breeds terrorism. Specifically,
socio-economic development in the tribal areas and the restoration of law and order is necessary.
An equitable political solution to the conflicts in Balochistan, FATA and Sindh must be sought.
Internal security in Pakistan is poor. Until these capabilities are enhanced and socio-economic
deficits erased, terrorism will continue to flourish regardless of outside efforts to eradicate it. The
issue of corruption and inexpert governance would be resolved as people would elect the
leadership which would be able to deliver, as there would be no ignorance on the voter’s part as
observed previously, education will bring forth enlightenment, which further will allow them to
distinguish between the good and the bad.
“A bird doesn't sing because it has an answer, it sings because it has a son.”.
Maya Angelou
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