HELLENIC REPUBLIC
MINISTRY OF INTERIOR
PRESS OFFICE
Athens, January 26 2012
The Minister of Interior, Tassos Giannitsis’ interview in “Athens Voice”
weekly magazine with the journalist E. Pallikari
1. The Papademos Government. Is it temporary? Is it a
special purpose government? What do you think on the
government’s progress?
The
Papademos
Government
took
office
under
dramatic
circumstances, being aware of the national challenges it had to
overcome while the chances of success remained unknown.
However the Government accepted, considering that they had no
right to refuse. There was only one main objective: how to avoid
a bankruptcy that would destroy national dreams, would wound
national self-confidence and would open doors to politically
irresponsible and anti- EU oriented forces and ideas. After its
term has been completed, the government will have served as a
bridge, a better starting point for the next government. Its
success will be judged by these achievements. For the time
being the government has been fighting a long battle, which is of
great importance for the country.
2. Should we go for elections? Is it necessary to extend the
government’s
mandate
together
with
a
more
effective
operation scheme?
What really matters politically, before or after the elections, is not
to be once again the losers. Whether the mandate of the
government should be extended I can not tell, no one can tell. Only
reality will tell.
Now, whether, by the time of elections, we will keep ourselves busy
with addressing these tragic events and the question of elections or
whether we will deal with our tragic condition after elections
is a
decadent dilemma.
3. Was the Memorandum a sheet anchor or a curse for the
country?
When crisis strikes, you must have a warship design. You have to
prepare your plans for the next 4-5 years in relation to the main
problems:
finance,
employment-
unemployment,
investment,
competitiveness, and social problems. So the government and the
society may know how to move and act.
The crisis began in the autumn of 2007 and the memorandum came
in the spring of 2010. The memorandum is a plan against the crisis
with both correct points and weaknesses. Let’s have a look at the
way we implemented the memorandum. When you are not
determined to clash on the political level, you have to pay a price.
4 PSI and approval of the loan agreement – or a new
memorandum, according to some people. Notations, which
hide large tensions and potential social explosion. Could it be
another way? Would the return to the drahma be the
inevitable result of a deadlocked path?
There is always another way and you can reach a deadlock, when
powerful forces manage to manipulate naivety or ignorance to their
advantage. However, there are important social forces ready to
fight for a better future for the country – for our country. There are
also forces, which offer nightmare visions as credible perspectives.
Having resisted for decades any reform, these forces still have the
same bankrupt concepts, which brought social cohesion and
economy into their knees.
They want to go back to the drachma
and to underground political activities.
5. Reducing wages and abolishing the 13th and 14th salaries
is it a solution at this stage for the country?
I will not go into an issue which is the subject of critical
negotiations. I will only note that the debate is conducted in the
same footsteps as the debate on the insurance issue did ten years
ago. What competitiveness means, the several reductions in wages
and unemployment, as well as a large number of problems are hard
to understand for those who dogmatize about the one side or the
other.
6. Unemployment is growing and liquidity has vanished. Tell
me if there is any hope for recovery…
Obviously, there is not. Not with frivolous practices either. It is
obvious, however, that we lack the driving forces of development
and we need to generate them. In the middle term, the success of
stabilization policies will be co-determined by our ability to create
growth.
We need
consistent and targeted policies from the part of the state
and the business sector in order to enhance productivity, expand
the manufacturing base with new products and services, introduce
organizational, institutional and qualitative changes or achieve
operational improvements in business.
I can not enter into details.
However, I would like to underline that there is one structural
reform which will determine the success of all the other ones: our
capability to change our minds, to adopt a flexible approach against
challenges and to act pragmatically.
7. You have recently stated in Parliament that “destructive
obsessions were transformed into ideologies” in the society.
Do you insist on this position?
Yes. They were transformed into ideologies, allowing an entire set
of policies supposed to serve broad social strata to be legitimized,
while these options have repeatedly turned against both ordinary
people and the country, and created increasing debts that must be
paid off.
For decades we had been taking the easy and carefree road,
choosing to postpone payment for future years, at the expense of
younger generations and of ourselves. It is about a postponed
payment, which is creating new and powerful inequalities.
In
essence, we had been living in increasing debts and incredible greed
satisfying current needs at the expense of our future having the
illusion that we are smart, capable and productive. We certainly
were, but not as much as we thought.
8. In 2001 as Minister in the Simitis Government you had
made proposals for changing the insurance system, which
were fought against and finally annulled. How would things
have been for us today if these proposals had been adopted?
The way they will be tomorrow, if we understand what we need to
do today, in order not to have the insurance issue repeated on
other critical issues.
9. What about the “black hole” in the political parties’
finance? Where does their indebtedness lead them? How can
political
parties
deep
in
debt
with
“degrees”
in
mismanagement profess the proper management of finance
and the salvation of the country? Why do they receive a
public funding – and, what is more, they got more money in
2011 than in 2010.
The issue is real but it will not be dealt with in a populist manner or
in terms of political sensationalism. Political parties are the
institutions of democracy and they are funded in all countries. Any
weaknesses, excesses, failures or pathologies should be addressed.
I asked for a process to be started in parliament and I am waiting
to see if it leads to proposals for changes. If yes, I will take
legislative action if no, the issue will be dealt with by the next
government. I can not make any amendments without the
parliamentary consensus. I shall not quarrel with anybody either, to
ingratiate myself with the public opinion. Of course I will continue to
voice my opinion.
10. Does Europe have a future? Does Greece have a future
inside Europe?
Throughout its life- decades of life- the European system has
enjoyed
considerable
success.
In
its
course
it
has
had
tremendous results as well as failures or problems, such as the
current crisis which must be addressed in a creative and
synthetic way. The success of our efforts, as well as the success
of efforts made by other countries in crisis, depends upon
ourselves, and on the strategies followed in the Euro zone. After
three years of trials and errors in an unstable environment, the
European leaders should seize the opportunity and set a new
course in the Euro zone. This will be for the benefit of Europe, of
the countries in crisis and of the world system.
Greece may choose to remain in the Europe’s core or leave.
Each choice has its own tremendous consequences. However, we
must keep in mind that throughout our history, we moved on
when we joined Europe,
not when we were isolated. Concerning
the country’s current plight, this should not be examined within
the framework of Europe. Let us look for once in the mirror. The
truth is painful. Yet it offers catharsis, empowering us to follow a
different way.