WP7 HU Report
Young people from a public care background:
pathways to further and higher education in
Hungary
A Case Study
Andrea Rácz, Róbert Csák, Márta Korintus
Institute for Social Policy and Labour
2010
1
Executive Summary
Research question and methods
The aim of the national study was to identify and track the progress of 19-21 year-olds from a
public care background who were still in care at the age of 16 and had some evidence of
‘educational promise’ through either having passed the secondary school leaving exams (the
certificate being criteria for entering higher education) or taking one of the alternative
pathways through the education system to pursue studies, and showed the motivation to
continue in further and higher education.
Following a state of the art literature review, the research consisted of secondary analysis of
national statistics on children in care and their educational attainment, a survey of all 20
County Child Protection Agencies (TEGYESZ) authorities in the country, and in depth
interviews with 35 young people and adults nominated by them. In the secondary analyses we
to used three data sources: the “Statistical Yearbook of Education 2007/2008”, the “Child
Protection Statistical Guide 2007”, and the “Competence assessments (2008).”
Case study areas
Four TEGYESZ agencies were chosen for the study. The selection was based upon the
country's territorial and developmental characteristics, and the number of children and young
people in care. One county from the country's Western region (Vas), one from the Northern
region (Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén), one from the Eastern region (Hajdú-Bihar) and Budapest,
the capital were included in the sample. In terms of economic development, Borsod-AbaújZemplén County is a disadvantaged area of Hungary, Vas County has more affluent areas,
while Budapest has the best attributes in all aspects. The number of children in care is the
highest in the capital, while Vas County has the lowest rates. In the four counties, the
TEGYESZ agencies helped identifying interviewees.
Young people’s lives
At the time of the first interview, all the selected young people studied. A third of them
attended higher-education institutions. Twelve had already obtained a secondary-school
leaving-certificate but attended only some kind of professional courses. Six studied to obtain
a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and five attended lower level vocational school. Apart
from studying, many of them also worked either regularly or occasionally.
2
The follow-up interview one year later clearly showed that the higher qualifications they had
aimed for at the time of the first interview and, therefore, the more schooling they had
intended to complete, the more likely it was that one year later they were still engaged in
studying. Two important motivating factors were discovered during the interviews: the desire
for building a good career, or achieving the best possible position in the labour market, and
the wish to achieve more than their own families, through attaining higher levels of
education.
As the interviewed young people were in after-care provision, most of them lived in some
form of accommodation provided by the child protection system: either with foster-parents; in
after-care places provided within institutional care; in some kind of residential place together
with other youths with a care background; or in after-care homes.
Health is the topic discussed most briefly during the interviews. This may result from
Hungarian cultural tendencies whereby it is considered very private and one discusses illness
with closest friends and relatives only, or from the low emphasis due to the fact that the
majority did not suffer from any illness that significantly influenced their education.
The young people primarily had external friendships, and they really tried to keep it that way.
Relationships with those being brought up in care were much better described as
“camaraderie” rather than friendship.
Many of the interviewees recounted negative
experiences from school and the community of children. As a result, they developed a
particular defense mechanism: hiding their past, their family background and the living
conditions they were raised in. Many of them faced discrimination due to their care status or
their Roma origin. In the course of the research, the interviewees had no conflict with the law.
The young adults were generally thankful for the financial support they received within the
care system – such as food, clothing, monthly pocket money and for the additional costs of
studies (student dormitory accommodation, travel expenses, school supplies, extracurricular
activities). It is evident that the interviewees regard after-care provision as a good opportunity
for the continuation of studies. As for the future, they regard stabilising their financial
situation and founding a secure financial background to be important
Family and care lives
In most cases, there were complex, long-term problems in the fam8ily, including ill-treatment
and negligence originating from alcoholism. Financial problems were mentioned in almost all
of the narratives, but only very rarely were these the only problems a family had. It is also
3
clear, from the interviews, that the young adults spent long years under unsettled conditions,
being hurt physically and mentally, and lacking parental love and care. The birth-parents are,
typically, lower-educated people: many have not even managed to complete the 8 grades of
primary-school, and there are many unemployed and inactive people (living on disability
pensions) among them. The interviews indicate that there is typically no contact with the
birth-parents, or only a very eclectic one.
About half of the young people entered the system before the age of 4, and the other half
entered between the ages of 10 and 16. Based on the experience of child-care professionals,
when entering the system the latter age- group is the more endangered concerning the
continuation of studies. According to the professionals’ opinion, children who enter the
system older accumulate extensive disadvantages which the system cannot counterbalance.
The majority of interviewees made positive statements about child-care professionals
working within the institutional care system. Those who were raised by foster-parents tend to
have a close relationship with the foster-family and said that the foster-parents did not
differentiate between them and their own children and that it was easy to fit into the family.
Several young people mentioned as a positive attribute that, during their time spent within the
child welfare and after-care provision systems, they got to know a professional whose
personality, lifestyle and general views served as a good example and to whom they could
turn with their troubles. However, they believe that these professionals are not typical.
Generally, they are thankful for the support – mainly financial support – and for the help
provided in relation to their studies. It definitely should be noted, however, that the main
reason for remaining in the after-care provision system after reaching the age of legal
maturity is the fact that, in most cases, the young adult has nowhere to go, since s/he has no
stable family relationships, so the system provides the only secure place. In many cases, they
also take into account the convenience of remaining within the system – since they are
provided with accommodation, clothing and support for studies and, last but not least, it is
much more economical to stay in the system than to live independently and self-sufficiently.
Educational lives
Child-care professionals and foster-parents try to support young people raised within the
child-protection system in their further studies. However, expectations are very low and there
is more emphasis on avoiding failure than on enabling the young people to reach the highest
achievable educational level.
4
Our interviewees followed four typical educational pathways. Two lead on to highereducation, whereas two focus on obtaining a profession (see chapter 6.1 for detailed
description). The majority did not miss a longer period of time from school. Those
respondents who got into a higher-education institute typically made it to the end of
secondary-school without a significant period of absence. Obviously, we have to take into
account that, in the course of the selection process, we chose such respondents who showed a
promising prospect in terms of further study, and studying in general.
Altogether twelve young people were attending some type of vocational training provided
outside the school system. These vocational courses are very popular among those brought up
in the child protection system, because they provide the opportunity to obtain an occupational
qualification in one or two years. Some start attending such a course after an unsuccessful
entrance exam, whilst others want to supplement their original qualifications with additional
qualifications – believing that the more they have, the better their chances are in the labour
market. (National employment statistics suggest that they may be mistaken). After
successfully completing one vocational course, many continue their studies by moving on to
other vocational courses: nine young people out of 12 were still studying at the time of the
second interview.
Based on our research results, we can establish two groups of factors influencing further
study after the youth has reached the age signifying the end of compulsory schooling:
“endogenous” and “exogenous” factors. The first group of factors contains so-called
endogenous factors that can be grouped into the following 3 subgroups: 1) will, perseverance,
individual commitment, a strong feeling of wanting to break out, 2) regarding knowledge as
value, good school performance, balanced school career, talent, special field of interest, 3)
desire to establish a secure future, taking responsibility for personal actions and decisions,
assessment of the labour market position, the realisation of childhood dreams and desires,
future-oriented approach. The other group contains the so-called exogenous factors that can
also be grouped into three subgroups, as follows: 1) stable place of care, emotional support,
motivation from child-care professionals, supportive person in the immediate environment
(sibling, child-care professional, foster-parent), 2) good school-atmosphere, good relationship
with fellow students, support of studies, nurturing of talent, monitoring of school career,
child-care professionals' help in career planning, 3) provision of financial support. (see
chapter 6.4 and 6.7 for details)
5
Social, leisure and informal learning lives
Concerning leisure-time activities the respondents mostly mentioned activities done alone at
home, or types of activity, like “going out with friends” that are usually characteristic of
every young person. They generally regard studying and leisure time as being opposites.
We observed that hose young people who attend higher-education institutions were brought
up in homes where several others also attended higher-education institutions. The direct
personal experience of these positive role-models greatly influenced whether or not they
dared to set tertiary education as a goal. If they have peers who are already attending a
higher-education institution, they tend to go for this opportunity more easily than those
youths who do not know what it actually means to be a university student.
An important function of the different hobbies and sports – mainly for those brought up in an
institution – is that these provide an opportunity for them to “break free” from the strict,
daily-schedule. Therefore, this is one of the most important factors contributing to the young
peoples’ desire to have some kind of hobby and leisure-time activity.
There was no professional provision or guidance regarding extra-curricular classes and sports
for those brought up by foster-parents. This is unlike in institutions where attending various
extra-curricular activities is typically supported and there are no restrictions concerning the
choice of activities. Therefore, in foster care the particular family’s traditions and lifestyle
decided what opportunities a young person had and what sorts of activities the family
supported.
Hopes and aspirations
The most dominant argument in support of the importance of studies was that studying is
important in order to be better than their birth-families. They believe that further studies offer
the chance to break away from their pasts, and ensure better, more financially-stable lives.
The strong feeling of wanting to break out and consciously separate from the past has been an
important motivational force in their lives. They mostly associated positive characteristics
(appreciated, respected, having a high-prestige job and a good salary) with the image of an
educated person.
Short-term plans related to studies were organised around three alternatives: 1) to continue
studies beyond a year, 2) to start further studies after finishing the current studies, and 3) to
find a job, after finishing the current studies. For those who were attending a higher-education
institution, the short-term plans also included scholarship-applications to study abroad,
6
finding a job, and the further development of language-skills. Generally they intended to stay
in after-care provision beyond a year. Those who continue their studies can stay in after-care
provision until the age of 24/25. Young people regarded this as a very important time period
in the preparation for a self-sufficient life and establishing their financial situation.
Following the completion of studies, their mid-range plans mainly focused on work.
Therefore, the plans included the concern of finding a good job after they obtain their degree
or their professional qualifications. Considering life ten years later, the young adults’ plans
were basically focused on family life. They imagined that, by that time, they will have secure
accommodation and work, and they will be living in a stable, intimate relationship in which
they can also have children.
Barriers and facilitators to study beyond compulsory schooling
Young adults, as they tend to consider learning, and obtaining suitable, competitive
qualifications as important, most often highlighted personal ambition, perseverance, and
willpower as helping them in their studies. However, in their view, a supportive background
was essential. Several people stressed the importance of external control, a person around the
young adult with whom they can share their problems, who provides advice and gives career
guidance through his or her expertise. The young people highlighted their financial situations
as the most inhibiting factor, many having to contribute to financing their studies – which
strains their savings and makes starting an independent life more difficult.
The key persons, named by the young adults, also stressed the importance of personality, and
intrinsic motivation as being extremely important in determining what level of education the
young people can reach. In the series of factors complicating further studies, in accordance
with the young peoples’ opinion, securing financial means was highlighted, as this is the
biggest problem in the opinion of educators working in the institutions, as well as foster
parents. Institutions, in many cases, try to improve this situation by establishing foundations
that can support young people in further education.
The surveyed staff of TEGYESZ did not analyze supportive and inhibitory factors along the
life course of a young adult, so their opinions more tangibly represent criticism of the childprotection and educational systems. In general, poor academic performance and low
educational level are the reasons that those in care do not continue their studies after 18 years
of age.
Many of them enter the child-care system at around 12-14 years of age, as
adolescents – so many years of growing up in an unsettled family environment has a
7
significant impact on academic performance – and those raised in care have already
accumulated significant backlogs at primary school. It is a problem that, usually, there is no
named, responsible person in the child’s life who would help him or her, and child-care
institutions have no strategic plans to follow and motivate the child in their studies. In the
lives of these children, there are no appointed persons who are responsible for their school
careers. A consequence is that these children have no real prospects for the future, and they
experience difficulties in the course of career-planning and future orientation. It is important
to note, however, that the children’s – in many cases unrealistic – ideas about the future
come from the fact that the professionals themselves have no vision of the child's future, and
they typically think within tight limits, and support obtaining a profession, or maybe
secondary school graduation for the children in their care. It is typical, therefore, that they
think in stereotypes, rather than considering individual characteristics.
Conclusions
Our results show that most of those raised in care wish to learn some kind of profession. one
factor playing a role in this is that for many young people raised in child-protection starting
an independent life as soon as possible is a priority. Educators and foster parents also
consider this to be important, and often consider a secondary certificate as realistically
achievable by these young people.
Young adults, as they tend to consider learning, and obtaining suitable, competitive
qualifications as important, most often highlighted personal ambition, perseverance, and
willpower as helping them in their studies. However, in the young adults view, a supportive
background was essential. The young people highlighted their financial situations as the most
inhibiting factor, many having to contribute to financing their studies – which strains their
savings and makes starting an independent life more difficult. Another problem that, usually,
there is no named, responsible person in the child’s life who would help him or her, and
child-care institutions have no strategic plans to follow and motivate the child in their studies.
In the lives of these children, there are no appointed persons who are responsible for their
school careers, from their admittance until they leave the system forever. A consequence of
this is that these children have no real prospects for the future, and they experience
difficulties in the course of career-planning and future orientation.
It is important to note that significant differences can be found between the academic careers
of those studying at graduate and secondary levels. Generally, the majority of our
interviewees in higher education had never taken long breaks from their studies – they went
8
straight through secondary-school and obtained a certificate. Among secondary students,
however, repeating classes, or changing schools, was not uncommon. Generally, their
experiences with the school system, teachers and peers, were shaped by this: secondary
students never faced prejudices because of their child-protection background, and had a good
relationship with their teachers and peers. In contrast, many of those with a less smooth
academic career reported negative experiences because of their child-protection background,
and ethnic Roma more often meet prejudices.
In summary we can say that the young adults consider the possibility of using care services to
be important, particularly so that they can study and have extra time for laying the
foundations of their futures. TEGYESZ staff and key persons also reported that if a young
adult would like to obtain higher education – based on previous school performance,
individual ability and motivation – the care provider and the local TEGYESZ agency tries to
provide every material and moral support. However, it is important to note that TEGYESZ
agencies, care providers, and forms of care (institutional care, foster parents), also show
significant differences in their financial position and, hence, in the support they can give to
young adults. Generally, after-care recipients in the capital, or those who make use of
institutional care, have better financial conditions.
We have to note, however, that the provisions of the Child Protection Act, effective as of 1st
January, 2010, have significantly transformed the after-care provision system. Those unable
to sustain themselves (whether working or unemployed) may stay within the system until 21
years of age. Lowering the upper age limit of care to 21 years, without strengthening earlier
pedagogical work, poses the danger that precisely those who cannot start an independent life,
because of low income or having no income, will leave the system earlier. Only those who
study can stay in after-care provision until 24 years of age. ,
Recommendations for action
1. Evidence from our study that academic performance is affected by a number of factors
– in addition to individual capabilities, traumas, and educational disadvantages
accumulated before the time of entry into the child-care system. Child protection has a
huge responsibility of ensuring to ensure that children find stable care locations, and
that the principle of aiming for final location (permanency planning) is kept in mind
during the selection of care locations. In addition, children should be directed to the
various forms of care, such as institutional and foster care, according to personality
and individual needs, rather than based on available capacity.
9
2. It is an important requirement that the child's school performance should be
documented and followed in a standardised format from the first day of special care.
There should be a written plan regarding academic career, and there should be a
person who takes responsibility for shaping the child’s life, and who, thereby, can
monitor changes in his or her academic career. This means a shift in approach within
the child-protection services, creating a focus on planned assistance in academic
progress, and preparation for a conscious career choice, in order to lay the foundations
of the child's future.
3. Professionals should support qualifications that are suited to the individual’s ideas and
skills, and the foreseeable labour market demands. It might be useful to set higher
expectations (e.g. vocational secondary school and secondary certificate, instead of
vocational school), because experience has shown that aiming for a higher level of
education, one reaches further in the educational system.
4. Support for extensive statistical surveys and child protection-related research is
necessary in order to gain a deeper insight into the situation of the target group. The
present child protection statistics contain a minimum number of data on the
educational participation of children of compulsory school age within the childprotection system. We have no information, whatsoever, regarding the level and scope
of studies of those who have reached their legal maturity and who are still receiving
after-care provision. Regarding studies in higher-education, we only have estimates. A
further problem is that data-collection is performed at an institutional level, so we do
not have child protection data available at the individual level. Furthermore, the
collected data on the education of the base population does not contain a breakdown
for those living within the child-protection system.
5. Children should be presented with stories of reference so the life stories of former
child-care recipients who have successfully integrated into society can serve as a
model for those currently being raised within the system. It is very important to set a
personal example; so face-to-face meetings with former child-care recipients who
10
have successfully integrated into society can be useful means of sharing experiences
concerning further education.
6. It is important to keep in touch with the family, as an ever-present, emotional support
from parents can act as a motivating force in both the child’s development, and their
pursuit of studies.
7. Continuation of studies after the age of compulsory education is largely determined by
whether the children at risk in their families receive all the necessary assistance from
child care to overcome their disadvantages, and compensate for failures at school, and
whether children who are taken out of their families have access, within the child care
system, to the support necessary to help them deal with the separation from their
families and their familiar environment, and live down any traumas they have
experienced.
8. According to the provisions of the Child Protection Law, effective as of 1 January,
2010 (concerning that those who cannot independently finance themselves may
receive care until the age of 21), professional work must rely on firm bases, because
of concerns that these young people will appear in the social welfare system when
they leave child care, due to their low levels of education and weak labour market
position.
9. It is necessary to strengthen the basic education system, and to prepare teachers. It is
recommended to build child protection and child welfare modules into teacher
training. Basic competences should be developed more, and practical education
should be emphasised over lexical knowledge within the educational system.
11
Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................ 2
Chapter 1: Introduction - Study context ............................................................................................... 17
1.1. Aims and objectives of the Yippee study ................................................................................... 17
1.2. The Hungarian context of education and care .......................................................................... 19
1.3. Policy context ............................................................................................................................. 25
1.4. Gaps in research......................................................................................................................... 27
Chapter 2: Approach adopted to studying young people’s pathways ................................................. 28
2. 1 The research question, and how it was investigated ................................................................. 28
2. 2 Methods ..................................................................................................................................... 29
2.2.1 WP2 – litaerature review ..................................................................................................... 29
2.2.2 WP3 - secondary analysis of national data sets ................................................................... 29
2.2.3 WP4 - Survey of child protection agencies .......................................................................... 29
2.2.4 WP9 – Case studies .............................................................................................................. 30
2. 3 Data sources ............................................................................................................................... 32
2.3.1 Data sources used in secondary analysis ............................................................................. 32
2.3.2 Our own data collections ..................................................................................................... 32
2. 4 Limitations of data sources ........................................................................................................ 34
2. 5 The sample of young people and their characteristics, including age/sex/ethnicity/
immigration status ............................................................................................................................ 35
2.6 Analytic approach adopted in the case study ............................................................................. 40
Chapter 3: Case study areas – coherence and diversity ....................................................................... 42
Chapter 3: Case study areas – coherence and diversity ....................................................................... 42
3. 1 The four areas and the features of the economic and social context for young people; to
include educational and employment and housing opportunities/constraints ............................... 42
3. 2 Local policies regarding care and education for young people who are in care. Evaluations of
the study participants of local policies and practices ....................................................................... 45
3.3 Numbers of young people in care in local areas and any local issues ........................................ 49
3.4 The numbers of young people from public care in education/employment etc and explanations
for this ............................................................................................................................................... 56
12
Chapter 4. Young people’s lives now .................................................................................................... 59
4.1 What are the young people doing at time one (in depth interview) and time two (follow up)?59
4.1.1. Youths studying at a higher-education institution ............................................................. 61
4.1.2. Youths attending a vocational course................................................................................. 61
4.1.3. Youths obtaining a secondary-school leaving-certificate ................................................... 62
4.1.4. Youths obtaining a profession (attending vocational training school) ............................... 63
4.2 Educational engagement at time one and time two .................................................................. 63
4.3 Employment/unemployment, finance ........................................................................................ 66
4.3.1 Housework, self-sufficiency ................................................................................................. 66
4.3.2 Paid employment ................................................................................................................. 69
4.3.3 Financial situation ................................................................................................................ 70
4.4 Housing ....................................................................................................................................... 73
4.5 Health .......................................................................................................................................... 76
4.6 Social relations with family, friends, carers and professionals, created family .......................... 77
4.6.1 Social relations with family .................................................................................................. 77
4.6.2 Social relations with friends ................................................................................................. 79
4.6.3 Social relations with carers and professionals ..................................................................... 81
4.6.4 Social relations with created family ..................................................................................... 84
4. 7 Leisure time................................................................................................................................ 85
4. 8 Contact with criminal justice system ......................................................................................... 86
4.9 Portrait ........................................................................................................................................ 87
Chapter 5. The family and care lives of young people in and from public care ................................... 90
5.1 What was the family structure of birth families? The proportion taken into care at young ages
(under 14) and older teenagers (14 and older). Who or what were the major family influences on
the young people as they were growing up?.................................................................................... 90
5.2 What was life like as children? What were the disruptions and difficulties? ............................. 92
5.2.1. Alcohol problems ................................................................................................................ 93
5.2.2. Ill-treatment, negligence..................................................................................................... 93
13
5.2.3. Financial problems .............................................................................................................. 94
5.2.4. Other problems ................................................................................................................... 95
5.3 The place of parents and step parents, siblings and wider family in their lives ......................... 96
5.3.1 The place of parents in the lives of the young people ......................................................... 96
5.3.2 The place of foster-parents in the lives of the young people .............................................. 99
5.3.3 The place of siblings and other family members in the lives of the young people ........... 101
5.4 Parents jobs, educational qualifications and outlooks on/values expressed about education.
What is their social class? ............................................................................................................... 103
5.5 Placements and types of placement; duration of placements ................................................. 105
5.6 Foster carers/residential care workers educational qualifications and outlooks on education
........................................................................................................................................................ 108
5.7 Portrait ...................................................................................................................................... 111
Chapter 6. The educational lives of young people in and from public care ....................................... 114
6.1 What are the educational careers of this group of young people? .......................................... 114
6. 2 School/college non/attendance. Pattern of attendance, number of schools/colleges,
proportion of time missing from school/college. Were there differences by minority status? (e.g.,
asylum seeker, migrant, ethnic group) or gender?......................................................................... 117
6.3 How was the school/college experience described? Relations with teachers, other pupils
including bullying/friendships. ........................................................................................................ 118
6.4 Support for school/college non/attendance, including advice and support for homework,
attendance at events and for decision making about qualifications and post school careers. ..... 121
6.5 Early leaving from courses, colleges and schools – both drifting off and being locked out ..... 125
6.6 Educational qualifications gained at 16 and post compulsory ................................................. 126
6.7 What are the values expressed about education and learning in general, in the past, present
and future? Who has influenced them? parents/carers/teachers/others ..................................... 128
6.8 Portrait ...................................................................................................................................... 131
Chapter 7. The social, leisure and informal learning lives of young people in and from public care . 133
7.1 What is life like outside of school, work and home? What, if any, pursuits, skills do they have?
Do they define these in terms of not being learning/work or being opportunities to add to
learning? ......................................................................................................................................... 133
7. 2 Who supports these activities? Friends, family, carers, professionals/ welfare services? ...... 134
14
7. 3 The place of friends and friendships in the past in supporting (or not) education and other
goals ................................................................................................................................................ 135
7. 4 What are the barriers and facilitators to doing things outside school/work/family? ............. 136
7.5 How does the social and leisure time/activities, and/or informal learning, contribute or not to
seeing themselves as learners? ...................................................................................................... 137
7.6 Portrait ...................................................................................................................................... 138
Chapter 8. The hopes and aspirations of young people in and from public care ............................... 140
8.1 Where do they see themselves in one and five year’s time? - at time one and time two ....... 140
8.1.1. One-year-plans .................................................................................................................. 140
8.1.2. Five-year-plans .................................................................................................................. 143
8.1.3. Ten-year-plans .................................................................................................................. 144
8.2 How does the initial ambition compare to the change over the study period? ....................... 146
8.3 What gets in the way of achieving plans, hopes and dreams? Domains to include: Education
(barriers and facilitators), employment, housing, partner/children, leisure time/personal
development ................................................................................................................................... 151
8.3.1. Continuation of studies ..................................................................................................... 151
8.3.2. Employment ...................................................................................................................... 153
8.3.3. Accommodation ................................................................................................................ 155
8.3.4. Intimate relationship......................................................................................................... 155
8.3.5. Hobbies and personal development ................................................................................. 155
8.4 Portrait ...................................................................................................................................... 157
Chapter 9: Connecting lives and themes ............................................................................................ 160
9. 1 Emergent themes and concepts .............................................................................................. 160
Chapter 10: Barriers and facilitators to study beyond compulsory schooling.................................... 165
Obstacles/barriers which may prevent young people in care from participating in further and higher
education ............................................................................................................................................. 167
Facilitators/opportunities which may help young people in care to increase their participation in
further and higher education ............................................................................................................... 167
Chapter 11: Recommendations for action.......................................................................................... 168
11.1 What needs to change to help more young people go to post compulsory education? ....... 168
15
References .......................................................................................................................................... 171
http://www.mtapti.hu/pdf/mtracza.pdf ................................................................................................ 173
16
Chapter 1: Introduction - Study context
1.1. Aims and objectives of the Yippee study
This is the third national report from the research study, Young People from a Public Care
Background: Pathways to Education in Europe (YiPPEE). Young men and women from a
public care background are among the most economically and socially excluded groups in
European nations, yet the pathways by which they might overcome their childhood
disadvantages through further and higher education have been, until now, virtually unknown
(Eurydice 2005; Jackson 2007). The overall aim of the project is to investigate the
educational pathways of young men and women from a public care background in five EU
countries, and to examine how more of these young people can be retained in education after
the end of compulsory education.
The work is funded by the European Commission (EC) as part of its Seventh Framework
Programme (Socioeconomic Societies and Humanities), and the specific activity area of
youth and social exclusion, where the aim is to achieve, through research, a ‘comprehensive
and integrated approach and provide policy recommendations to dealing effectively with the
social exclusion of young people in terms of causes, processes, changes and prospects’ (EU
2007).
The study involves collaboration between research partners in five European countries:
•
Danish School of Education, University of Aarhus, Denmark
•
Institute for Social Policy and Labour, Budapest, Hungary
•
Research Institute on Quality of Life, University of Girona, Spain
•
Göteborg University, Sweden
17
•
Thomas Coram Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London, United
Kingdom.
This report introduces the national study in Hungary of the educational plans and pathways of
19-21 year-olds from a public care background. The aim was to identify and track the
progress of such a group of young people who, still in care at the age of 16, had some
evidence of ‘educational promise’ through either having passed the secondary school leaving
exams (the certificate being criteria for entering higher education), or taking one of the
alternative pathways through the education system to pursue studies (see Chapter 6 for
details) and showed the motivation to continue in further and higher education.
These young people were drawn from 5 regional child protection agency (TEGYESZ) areas,
each of which were used as a case study in policy and practice in respect of the continuing
education of young people from public care backgrounds. The intention was to: identify the
conditions within the care and education system that facilitated or inhibited entry to, and
continuation in, post-compulsory education; explore the ways in which young people
construct educational identities and pursue educational pathways in terms of class, gender,
ethnicity and citizenship status; and to gather perspectives on such constructions from carers
and professionals nominated by young people as having made a difference to their
educational life. The fieldwork for the Hungarian study took place between 2008 and 2010
and drew on a wide range of sources, detailed in Chapter 2. This national report will be
synthesised along with those from YiPPEE partners and available as a comparative
consolidated report, together with earlier reports from the YiPPEE project from
http://tcru.ioe.ac.uk/yippee/.
18
1.2. The Hungarian context of education and care
Education
At the time of the study, responsibilities for the Hungarian education system were shared. The
Ministry of Education was responsible for public and higher education, whereas the Ministry
of Labour and Social Affairs was responsible for vocational training, the Ministry of Finance
for financing, and since local authorities come under the Ministry of Local Government and
Regional Development, this Ministry was responsible for maintaining local schools. After the
national elections in May 2010, there was a re-shuffle of Ministries but the division of
responsibilities remained. Administrative control is decentralized and the managing
responsibility is shared among central (national) and the local (and/or regional) levels.
Education in Hungary is compulsory between the ages of 5 and 18. Generally, kindergarten is
compulsory at age 5; primary school lasts eight years from age 6 to 14 (1st cycle: age 6-10,
2nd: age10-14), which are ISCED 1+2 level; and secondary education lasts four years from
age 14 to 18 (ISCED 2+3). The number of the children of compulsory school age is around
1.4 million. To enter tertiary education a secondary school leaving certificate (“érettségi”)
has to be obtained. There are three main types of school on secondary level: “gimnázium”
(secondary school), which is part of the normative pathway to tertiary education,
“szakközépiskola” (vocational secondary school), which also could provide the school leaving
certificate beside a profession, and “szakmunkásképző” (vocational training school) provides
a vocational qualification but not school leaving certificate. Higher education institutions are
public and private/denominational universities and colleges that are accredited and formally
recognised by the state.
Most pupils attend public schools, which are administrated and organized by the local
authorities. The classes are co-educated and are made up of pupils of the same age. From
2003 on, integrated education (for children who have special educational needs) is
compulsory in all public educational institutions and mixed ability groups are set up in all
schools.
19
Educational dropout is high: 2,4% in primary school, 8,5% in general secondary school, 3%
in vocational secondary school and it is nearly 32% in vocational training school.
The number of the pupils - who are full-time students between 18-22 years of age - is more
than 300 thousand. Around 92 thousand pupils apply for higher education. The rate of
acceptance is around 56%. In every type of school English is the most common foreign
language. The number of the pupils in non-school-based vocational training is 146 000.
In 1993, the three Acts passed, on public education, higher education, and vocational training
re-structured the education system and formulated the principles of education on all levels.
Among the resulting modifications in the public education Act, some of the most important
ones introduced in 2003, were the prohibition of all kinds of discrimination, and the rights of
children with special educational needs. Modifications to end segregation within the schools
became effective in 2005, and schools have been required to admit all special needs children
from their school district, and children with multiply disadvantages from another zones have
to have a priority since 2007/2008.
Educational policy remains a priority field with the government that regards educational
policy as an essential tool for economic development, social cohesion and well-being. The
main priorities are the improvement of quality, and ensuring equal opportunities for everyone
through education, because education is seen as a capital asset in a knowledge-based society
and economy, and therefore, as one of the major prerequisites to economic development.
Total expenditure on education is 5.6% of GDP, close to the EU average of 5.5%.
There have been measures and programs introduced to create a comprehensive system from
kindergarten to university, to make sure that disadvantaged children and young people will
have equal opportunities to attain a diploma or degree. Among these are the “Utravaló
Ösztöndíjprogram”, which aims to help young people from poor/disadvantaged backgrounds
to get prepared for continuing their studies in secondary schools (the “socially disadvantaged”
target group defined, includes those also who grow up in public care); and the “Mentor”
program, which makes it possible for disadvantaged young people admitted into higher
education to have a mentor/tutor. Since 2005, the state covers the tuition of those
20
disadvantaged young people who pass the entrance examination and are admitted to a higher
education institution, but only to fee-paying places1.
However, it became evident soon that with the widening of social differences within society,
the school system has not been able to diminish the cultural disadvantages brought from
home. It is also indicated by the data from international PISA surveys, that the Hungarian
education system is not capable of ensuring equal opportunities for children from all strata of
society in order to provide them with the cultural knowledge obtainable in schools necessary
for social integration. In fact, the PISA studies have verified that differences between
Hungarian schools based on the social status of parents are among the most marked of all the
OECD countries. Today, the education system still does not diminish, but rather increases
social differences. Children who come from disadvantaged families will very likely remain
disadvantaged in school as well. Children from a public care background have multiple
disadvantage, they would require complex support within the education system.
Children in care
The socialist state assumed responsibility for children who lost their parents or were taken out
of their families long before the transition. The ideology of socialism claiming that the state
can solve and eliminate all social/societal problems also meant that children in public care
were not considered to be disadvantaged, since the state provided them with secure and
suitable care in adequate circumstances. By the 1980’s, however, it became evident that the
socialist state cannot eliminate situations and factors interfering with children’s healthy
development. Consequently, many changes became possible and took place in the Hungarian
child protection system because the attitude of politics to child protection became more
permissive (Domszky, 1999). As a response to emerging signs of social crises, a research
project called “Complex study of disturbed social integration” was commissioned in 1979. Its
results were of great importance in relation to the efforts aimed to reform the child protection
system even before the political changes of 1990.
The Act 31 of 1997 on the protection of children and guardianship, passed by the Parliament
on 22th of April 1997, is based on the Constitution and the Convention on the Rights of the
Child (signed by Hungary in 1990) and sets out the civil, political, economic, social and
1
Universities offer a number of free places and a number of places for a fee. Competition is stronger for the free
places. Those who achieve lower averages on the entrance exams can get the places which are for a tuition fee.
21
cultural rights of children. The legislation defines the rules to guarantee the protection of
children’s rights, defines the aims and describes the organisation of child protection services.
It aims to ensure the best interests of the child and states that every child has certain basic
rights, including the right to his or her own name and identity, to be raised by his or her
parents within a family, to his or her own culture, and to maintain a relationship with his or
her parents, even if they are separated.
The Hungarian child protection system includes child welfare services (child welfare,
childcare and respite care) and long term care for children and adolescents in children’s
homes and foster families. TEGYESZ, the Regional Child Protection Agencies coordinate
child protection actions, support people working within the system and provide the guardians
for children. Before the termination of the short- or long-term care, after-care support (a
consultation and personal advice in everyday matters) is granted to children or young people
for a minimum of one year, provided that they request it. Upon the request of the young adult,
after-care provision (in residential home or in foster care plus consultation) is granted if s/he
cannot support herself (himself), or is in full-time education, or is waiting for admittance to a
social welfare institution. Since January 1, 2010, young people can apply for after-care
provision up to the age of 21 if they work or are seeking work, or up to the age of 24 if they
study, and until the age of 25 if they take part in full-time post-secondary education. Financial
support is available towards buying a home when they leave the system. Since Hungarian
young people in general, leave their families to start and independent life at 25 and a half, the
age of becoming independent is roughly the same for the two groups.
The percentage of children in care is about 0.8% of the general population of children. Childprotection statistics show that the total number of children and young people placed in care
was 20988 nationally. About half of them are in residential homes and half of them in foster
families. The distribution of those who are in after-care provision follows the same pattern.
The majority (85%) of those placed in foster care are with traditional foster parents, since the
number of professional foster parents is very low. Since 1996 the rate of young people in
after-care homes has grown by 28%.
It has been shown that the care and services provided by the present child protection system
(Racz, 2009 PhD) are not optimal for the 14-18 year-olds. Most of the children are taken into
care when they are 15-16 and Those who enter care at an older age live in their family with
22
serious problems and can accumulate disadvantages that the child-protection system cannot
counteract.
One of the characteristics of structural stability can be the way those working within the child
protection system see their role. A positive, consistent and holistic approach to supporting
children and young adults in care contributes greatly to providing the stability needed for
their emotional security and the motivation needed for continued studies e.g. in higher
education. Büki (1999), writing about the workers at risk in residential homes, emphasizes the
role of the child protection system in protecting and supporting the personality of those
professionals who work with children in care. In his opinion, the system cannot produce good
results if the workers are not suitable for the task. The guidance (published in 1999) related to
residential care also stresses the need for the workers to be motivated professionally and
ethically as well. They need to be mature, communicative, consequent and unprejudiced, and
be able to work in teams with colleagues. Support is to be provided for them in the forms of
case study discussions and supervision to prevent burnout.
Nevertheless, in a qualitative study of people working in residential homes for children, Rácz
(2006) found that there is extensive talk about an identity crisis of these professionals. They
complain about the low prestige of their status, the lack of attention they experience to
children and young adults in care on the part of decision makers and the society in general.
They raise the question if they are considered to be pedagogues or social workers. Often, the
jobs of different professionals (such as pedagogues, care workers, family and after-care
workers) are not well defined, therefore overlap, which can lead to conflicts. Supporting
children and young adults to continue studies after elementary and secondary school, is seen
as an important element of their work, which they think to be able to fulfill by showing
personal examples. However, they could not report the existence of a coherent pedagogical
approach and coherent pedagogical goals that would guide their work. Racz points out that
the elements of professionalism, such as reflection about the work, adapting theoretical
knowledge in practice, clear definition of tasks, describing the necessary skills and abilities,
etc. are missing from their thinking.
Education of children in care
Based on data from “Ifjúság 2008”i, we can establish that acquisition of a secondary school
leaving certificate does not provide protection against unemployment. In the youth age group
of the general population (15-29 years), the majority of the unemployed are graduates of
23
primary school (35% unemployed), while 29% of vocational school graduates, and 28% of
secondary school graduates are unemployed. Unemployment among university graduates is
8%.
Students with a care background are characterised by lower qualifications and poorer
performance at school than the general population of their age-groups. There is evidence
showing that only a small number of those in care who engage in further studies do so at
secondary school or a vocational secondary school that could pave the way to higher
education. Children in care under 18 are more likely than their counterparts living in their
families to be studying in vocational schools and are three times more likely to have multiple
disadvantages in life, according to the National Competence Study. Some of these might be
due to years of living in unsettled, deprived families not recognising the values of education.
Thus, many children in care have already accumulated shortcomings during primary school.
A typical problem is the lack of motivation of children in care. It has been stated, many times,
that those living in foster care are more motivated, since personalised education and attention
is more effective, and since foster parents also provide a stronger role model. It has also been
pointed out that many children prefer work over study, in order to start a self-sufficient life,
become independent, and to escape from the care system as soon as possible. However,
childcare agencies are not required to collect information about the educational careers of
children and young people in care, so more detailed information is not available. According
to estimates, about 6% of those raised in care study at higher education, whereas the same
figure is 21% for the general population.
Szikulai (2004) found in his research with young adults in after-care provision that most of
them stayed within the child protection system because they wanted to continue to study.
They realized that education is the means to get (better) jobs, which are the prerequisite of
leading an independent life.
Numerous international research studies draw attention to the social exclusion of people
raised by the child-protection system and their failure to overcome their childhood
disadvantages. In the labour market and in social integration in general, the greatest obstacles
for young people living in and leaving the child-protection system is their interrupted studies.
Leaving school many times is a consequence of being placed into a new home; the series of
school changes and associated the integration into new communities makes their situation
more difficult, and damages the ability of children to connect; therefore, upon receiving a
24
new foster parent, it is quite often not possible to find a suitable school for them straight
away. (RA Babes_B)
1.3. Policy context
Two major tendencies characterized the changes in child protection in Hungary during the
1980’s. First of all, there were the efforts of the workers within the system to change the
attitudes of focusing on child protection as a special provision, to one that considers the
protection of all children in general. “They aimed to bring about a holistic and coordinated
professional approach - besides the pedagogical and legal approaches – that is able to
address the different levels and complexity of the problems, and which serves the interests of
clients after a gradual transformation of the whole child protection system” (Domszky,
1999). Secondly, the client-centered thinking became more and more widespread (for
instance, the idea of family social work emerged). These initiatives did not change the
institutional focus of the child protection system but we can say that the transformation of the
child protection system started earlier than the political changes. The Act 31 of 1997 on the
protection of children and guardianship is basically the result of the social historical events of
transition. It is the first complex and separate legislation governing children’s affairs.
During the transition years after 1989, practically all policies related to education, and the
protection and support of children and young people have been changed and modernized. The
Act 31 of 1997 on the protection of children and guardianship (Child Protection Act) was
accepted by the Hungarian Parliament in April 1997. Its importance is highlighted by the fact
that this is the first comprehensive, independent legislation concerning child protection in the
history of legislation in Hungary. It re-structured, improved and organized the system of
protection for children into a comprehensive whole.
Children’s rights and interests are prioritized therefore the aim is to bring up children in their
family. The Act is the relevant piece of legislation for all services for children, such as
childcare, respite care, residential care and foster care. The two main objectives in relation to
children in public care are 1) to help children to get back to their own families as soon as
possible, and 2) if this is not possible, to help their integration into society, and to help them
achieve an independent life.
25
Among the Hungarian strategic documents, the most comprehensive document in terms of
reducing child poverty and increasing their opportunities is the “Better life for children” 25
Year National Strategy (2007). Provision of services to reduce inequalities in terms of
healthcare, education, social welfare, child protection benefits and institutions, and to
modernise institutions dealing with and providing services to children are key objectives
within the National Strategy. According to the Government, children living in and leaving
institutions of the child-protection system are considered to be disadvantaged in terms of
labour market participation and employment opportunities, along with groups facing specific
disadvantages such as the homeless, prisoners serving their sentence or people entering and
leaving the criminal justice system, addicts and people suffering from mental illnesses
(TÁMOP, 2007). The National Youth Strategy (2009) outlines a complex solution for
implementing public tasks relating to young age groups. It formulates young-age-grouprelated social objectives and tasks over a fifteen-year time scale. It considers the facilitation
of children being brought up in a family environment as one of the most important tasks;
furthermore it prescribes the further development of the child-protection provision system in
order to ensure more successful social integration of those at risk and those leaving care.
The National Strategy is to attain three comprehensive goals:

To reduce the poverty rate among children and their families to a fraction of the
current one, and in the process to close the gap in children’s chances of continuing
their educations, and in their future prospects

To put an end to the exclusion and segregation of children as well as to the extreme
forms of deep poverty; to reduce the occurrence of deviances that destroy prospects of
a decent life

To fundamentally transform the operations and outlooks of institutions and services
which today contribute to the reproduction of poverty and exclusion. These
institutions must make a greater contribution to recognizing and developing the talents
and abilities of children.
Even though the National Strategy does not specifically addresses the educational career of
young children and adults in public care, there are at least two groups of targets which
influence their studies. The ones related to schooling include:
26

Seeing to it that the vast majority of special needs children continue their educations
in an integrated environment and with the professional support enabling them to
advance to the maximum of their abilities

Reducing the number of significantly overage children in a given school class to a
minimum through pedagogy within the schools and extracurricular supports

Eliminating all forms of school segregation

Radically reducing the number of secondary school dropouts by carefully considered
choices of careers

Seeing to it that all young people finish school with marketable knowledge they can
use to a maximum
1.4. Gaps in research
Overall, there has been only a limited number of research related to children and young adults
in care or leaving care since 1990. Research focusing on their continued education after the
age of 18, motivation to study, or participation in higher education is practically non-existent.
Research done since the transition years, mostly deal with the working and the structural
transformation of the child protection system. It would be high time now to analyze the
situations, problems, and the possibilities of beginning autonomous lives of children and
young adults in public care, especially focusing on continued education, and labor marketand societal integration. The importance of studying and further education is acknowledged
by the existence of after-care homes, where young people can stay between the ages of 18 and
24 if they study or work. The YIPPEE research is the first effort to study the motivations,
opportunities and educational pathways of this group.
27
Chapter 2: Approach adopted to studying young people’s
pathways
2. 1 The research question, and how it was investigated
The issues examined in the research fall into two major themes:
1. What is the participation in the education system of those raised within the childprotection system like, when compared to the total population, and what do we know
about this and what kind of data do we have on this?
2. What further education opportunities are there for young people raised within the
child-protection system, which paths do they take within the education system and
what are their characteristics in this area?
We started examining the first question through a review of literature in Hungary, in order to
assess our knowledge in this area. Subsequently, a secondary analysis was made of relevant
national databases. Three such databases were analyzed: “Statistical Yearbook of Education
2007/2008”, “Child Protection Statistical Guide 2007”, and “Competence assessments
(2008)” (for more information on these databases, see Sections 2.2 and 2.3).
We used several methods to answer the second question. First, in-depth interviews were
conducted with 35 young people raised within the child-protection system (they were in the
system at the age of 16, and at the beginning of the research they were between 19 and 21
years of age) who had some chance of a promising academic career. (The young people were
selected from four counties. Selection criteria are described in more detail in Chapter 2.2.)
These young people were contacted one year after the in-depth interview, when a shorter
interview took place. We examined how life had turned out for them, and to what degree they
had been able to implement the plans they had told us about during the first interview. An
adult of their choice was also interviewed – to gain a better insight into their lives, academic
careers, and motivations.
In the course of studying the second question, interviews with professionals and data
collection were added. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of
Regional Child-Protection Agencies (TEGYESZ) in the four selected counties on how they
view the chances of those raised within the child-protection system in further education, and
28
what circumstances make it more difficult or easier for these young people to obtain a further
education. The semi-structured interview questions were sent, in the form of a questionnaire,
to all TEGYESZ agencies in the country; thus, a national survey was added to the research.
2. 2 Methods
2.2.1 WP2 – litaerature review
To map our knowledge about children raised within the child protection system in Hungary, a
comprehensive literature review was prepared. In the overview, we studied the topics of
children and young people raised within the child-protection system, workers within the
system, education, and regulations relating to child protection. In the literature review, we
looked at each relevant research study conducted in Hungary since 1990, and assessed what
knowledge we gain related to the topics in question, particularly the educational pathways of
those young people who have been raised within the child-protection system.
2.2.2 WP3 - secondary analysis of national data sets
Among the available national surveys, we found three that relate to the topic: “Statistical
Yearbook of Education 2007/2008”, “Child Protection Statistical Guide 2007”, and
“Competence assessments (2008)” (for more information on data sources and their
limitations, see Section 2.3). It was not possible to link these three data sources together, as
data were collected from different sources, and various reporting units were used (for
instance, “institution” is the basic unit of data collection for child protection, whereas
“student” is the unit for competency tests).
2.2.3 WP4 - Survey of child protection agencies
To complement the insufficient data of the national datasets, a survey of child protection
agencies responsible for this group was carried out. In Hungary, it is the child protection
agencies, not local authorities, that have responsibility for children in care and young adults
in after care provision, and whose duties are – among others - to keep a register of children in
care and young people in after care provision, and to support children under 18 in care and
young people who stay in after care provision (19-24/25 year-olds) in their county. There are
20 such agencies in Hugnary: one in each of the 19 counties, and one in Budapest, which
cover 100% of all those living in care, and about 90% of young people in after care provision.
29
In order to be able to identify what statistics are and are not collected about children and
young people in care, the questionnaire designed by the international team was divided into
two parts: a questionnaire related to statistics and an interview guide related to background
information about the agencies. The questionnaire on statistics was sent to all County Child
Protection Agencies (TEGYESZ). Out of the 20, four were selected to assist in the sample
selection for the subsequent case study. An interview was conducted with a representative of
those selected child protection agencies.
The selection of the four TEGYESZ agencies was based upon the country's geographical and
economic characteristics, and the number of young people being raised within their authority..
One county from Hungary’s Western region (Vas County), one from the Northern region
(Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County), one from the Eastern region (Hajdú-Bihar County), and
Budapest, the capital were included in the sample. In terms of economic development,
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county is located in a disadvantaged part of the country, Vas County
belongs to the more affluent areas, while Budapest is considered to be a region with the best
attributes, in all aspects. The number of those raised within the child protection system is the
highest in the capital, while Vas County shows one of the lowest figures.
Table 1. The number of children living within the child protection system in the selected
counties (2007)
The number of children (in children’s
homes and foster families)
Budapest
3347
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
2090
Hajdú-Bihar
1510
Vas
Forrás: Child Protection Statistical Guide, 2007
398
2.2.4 WP9 – Case studies
Three aspects were considered in selecting the interviewees:
-
s/he to be between 19 and 21 year of age,
-
s/he to have lived under the child-protection system at the age of 16,
-
and s/he to “shows educational promise”
30
In the four selected counties, we asked the local TEGYESZ agencies for help in finding
interviewees and to hand out a screening questionnaire to those who meet the above criteria.
“Educational promise”, at this point, was only defined as a determination to study, or a plan
for further study, and we did not impose criteria on the level of studies. Filling in the
questionnaire was voluntary; however, it should be noted that all of the young people we
questioned received after-care, i.e. at the age of 18 they chose to remain within the system
until the age of 24 (the majority of young people raised within the child-protection system
remain in the system after age 18).
An SPSS database was created from the returned questionnaires. First of all, we selected
those respondents who had indicated, in the questionnaire, that they would like to participate
in the qualitative research phase. After this, we selected those who proved to be educationally
promising. To do this, the following steps were used during the selection process, using
questions in the questionnaire:
1. s/he participates in higher education
2. s/he has secondary school leaving certificate (i.e. has completed the studies necessary
for higher education), and wants to study further
3. s/he has secondary school leaving certificate (i.e. has completed the studies necessary
for higher education)
4. s/he is getting a secondary school leaving certificate, and wants to study further
5. s/he has no secondary school leaving certificate, but wants to study further
The above steps were performed in that order, extending the circle, until we had a range of
potential interviewees.
The interviewees were first contacted by telephone, during which conversation we summed
up the research topic and asked them if they wished to participate. The interviews were
conducted in person, at the time and place designated by the interviewees (interviews being
tape-recorded, in all cases, with their consent).
We asked for the name of the nominated adult (and contact information) at the time of the
telephone call. There were practical reasons for this, it being especially important when
dealing with interviewees living in the countryside, as we were able to make appointments, in
advance, with the nominated adult, as well. The nominated adult is usually a teacher, a foster
31
parent or an after-care provider; the main reason for this may be that these young people still
participate in the system, and still receive after-care. The second interview with the young
people (a follow-up, one year later) – was conducted via a telephone interview, given that, in
this case, a shorter and more structured conversation was necessary.
2. 3 Data sources
2.3.1 Data sources used in secondary analysis
Statistical Yearbook of Education 2007/2008 – presents the changes that have occurred in the
education system, and ensures a basis for international comparison by the adoption of
international categories. The basic unit of the investigation is the institution, so this database
contains aggregated data.
Child Protection Statistical Guide 2007 – contains data from national data collection carried
out by the Hungarian Central Statistical Office; these data cover basic child welfare
provisions, children's homes, foster parent networks, Regional Child-Protection Agencies
(TEGYESZ) and the guardianship office (or in the case of a special ministry request,
reformatory institutions). It is a characteristic of these statistics that the basic unit of the
investigation is the institution, and data concerning the clients and their families are present in
aggregated form, only.
Competence assessments (2008) – a national study, that not only investigates the text
comprehension and mathematical skills of students in three grades (6th, 8th and 10th grades)
but also contains questions targeting the family background and previous school career of
students, so providing an overview of students living in different, other-than-average life
situations, including those living in children's homes.
2.3.2 Our own data collections
Screening questionnaire – The questionnaire developed by an international research team was
handed out, with the help of child-protection services in the four selected counties (BorsodAbaúj-Zemplén, Budapest, Hajdú-Bihar and Vas), to young people between 19 and 21 years
of age, who at the age of 16 were also in the system, and who had a chance of undertaking
further education, or who planned to undertake it. Filling in the questionnaire was voluntary,
and 133 young people did so, and returned it to us. The main purpose of the survey was to
32
provide assistance in the selection of potential interviewees, so it was not meant to be
comprehensive.
In-depth interviews with YP – We conducted in-depth interviews with 35 young people (for
their demography, see Section 2.5.) between November, 2008 and January, 2009. The
interviews were conducted in person, tape-recorded and, later, word-for-word transcribed.
The transcribed interviews were analyzed, in NVIVO, using codes (nodes) developed by the
research team. One year later, we contacted the interviewees, by telephone, for a second,
follow-up interview. The telephone interviews were also recorded, and transcribed verbatim.
We could not reach two young people for the second interview, so 33 interviews took place.
In-depth interviews with the nominated adults – When making appointments for the personal
interviews, the young people were asked to name a person who is important in their lives,
with whom they discuss their important decisions, and whom they can ask for advice. Only
one person identified their biological mother, one named a brother, another their coach, while
the others identified a child-care specialist as a key person.
In-depth interviews with 4 TEGYESZ heads - The first survey of the research, a semistructured interview, was conducted with the help of the Regional Child-Protection Services
operating in the four selected counties. The interview was based upon questions compiled by
the research group. These four interviews were used in case studies of the counties
(complementing data on each county from the above-mentioned Child Protection Statistical
Guide).
Questionnaire, for all 20 regional TEGYESZ agencies (WP4) – The semi-structured interview
questions, which were prepared together with the TEGYESZ county staff, were converted
into questionnaires, and sent to all the (20) agencies in the country. The aim was to gather
information on those data collected by TEGYESZ agencies that deal with the schooling of
children and young adults living in the given region, the aims and purposes of these
datacollections, and their interpretation of the factors aiding or impeding those living under
special child welfare provisions in the continuation of their studies and enrolment in higher
education beyond their compulsory school age. Furthermore, on the basis of quantitative data
in the set of questions, we obtained national data on the further education of those raised
within the child-protection system.
33
2. 4 Limitations of data sources
During the process of gathering information about the further study wishes of students living
in the child-protection system, and the features of their participation in the higher education
system, the biggest obstacle proved to be the fact that the national educational statistics
contain very few data about students in the child-protection system and that statistical data
collection concerning child protection is not detailed enough, in the case of school career.
Regarding individual characteristics, the biggest obstacle to their examination was that the
databases mainly contain integrated data concerning institutions, so the competence
assessments provide the only database that contains data concerning individuals, and so we
only used this, although it does not contain data concerning persons studying within the
higher education system. Briefly the problem was, that Education statistics do not include
information about students' family background and the statistics on children and young
people in care collected by the National Statistical Office include very limited information
about their education, only the National Competence Study dataset has both kinds of
information available. So the secondary analysis of the three sources provides us with the
most comprehensive picture possible.
Regarding the quantitative and qualitative research phase, it is important to note that all of the
young adults involved in the research are still in the child-protection system in an after-care
status. In this research, we did not undertake to visit young people who had already left the
system but are still in after-care and are still in contact with the system, or who had
permanently left the child-protection system. According to legislation in effect during the
questionnaire and interview stages of the research, those raised under special child-protection
could remain in the system until the age of 24 years (25 years when studying at graduate
level), and could receive after-care, if they study full-time or cannot finance themselves
independently or if they are awaiting admission into a social institution. The majority of
young people raised within the child-protection system take advantage of this opportunity. It
will be important to take this into account when interpreting research data:
On the one hand, all the interviewees were still inside the system; that is, the majority lived in
the same institution, or with foster parents, until 18 years of age. This may partly explain the
facts that all the young people were able to name a person who was “important in their life
and with whom they could discuss decisions”, and that almost all of the interviewees named a
tutor or foster parent.
34
On the other hand, since the precondition to receiving after-care was being engaged in
studying, the high proportion of students in the screened sample does not necessarily indicate
a commitment to further education.
2. 5 The sample of young people and their characteristics,
including age/sex/ethnicity/ immigration status
Some 133 young people in the selected four counties filled in the questionnaire during the
screening interviews and 35 of them were chosen for the in-depth interviews. Of the 133
young people, the majority come from Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County, the least numerous
group is from Vas County, which approximately corresponds to differences between the
counties in the number of people in child protection. While selecting young people for indepth interviews, we also tried to take into account the number of young people in each
county living in child-protection (e.g. most of the interviewees are from Budapest), and the
distribution among counties corresponds to the actual proportions in the group of selectees.
Women are over-represented in both samples (screening sample and in-depth sample). This is
probably due to the fact that, since participation was voluntary, men were less willing to
participate in the research (this was observable both in the completion of the questionnaire,
and participation in in-depth interviews). In this respect, two important conclusions need be
drawn: firstly, from the higher ratio of women (screening sample: 61%, in-depth sample:
74%) it cannot be inferred that women are more likely to continue their studies. Secondly,
due to the low number of men in the interviews, only limited conclusions can be drawn
concerning gender differences. The two samples are almost identical for age. In both cases,
the average age was 20.6 years (in 2008, at the beginning of the research).
All of the 133 young people interviewed were born in Hungary and none had come as
refugees to Hungary, which corresponds to national data - in Hungary the number of
unaccompanied minors (unaccompanied asylum seekers) is very low. The proportion of
young Roma in our samples is very low, which might arise from the fact that many did not
want to answer the question, whether they belong to an officially registered minority. We
must add that, in Hungary, the Privacy Act prohibits the recording of data on ethnicity, so the
child-protection institutions cannot keep track of this and, therefore, there are no official data
on the proportions of Roma in child-protection. Only three of the 133 young people had a
35
child and, of those who gave us in-depth interviews, just one had (although, by the time of
follow-up interview, another person had had a child).
Table 2. Distribution of the sample by county
Screening sample
Budapest
Hajdú-Bihar
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
Vas
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
28
26
62
17
133
21.1
19.5
46.6
12.8
100
12
9
10
4
35
34.3
25.7
28.6
11.4
100
Table 3. Distribution of the sample by date of birth of young people interviewed
Screening sample
1986.00
1987.00
1988.00
1989.00
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
27
35
59
12
133
20.3
26.3
44.4
9.0
100
8
8
16
3
35
22.9
22.9
45.7
8.6
100
Table 4. Distribution of the sample by ethnic origin
Screening sample
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
Hungarian
108
81.2
31
88.6
Roma
24
18.0
4
11.4
NT/NV
Total
1
133
.8
100
35
100
Table 5. Distribution of the sample by having own child
Screening sample
Has own
child
Does not
have own
child
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
3
2.3
1
2.9
130
97.7
34
97.1
133
100
35
100
36
When they entered the system, the average age of the participants was, in the screening
sample, 10.3 years of age, and, in the in-depth interviews, 7.9 years of age. The majority in
the screening sample were raised in a foster home (62%); in the in-depth interview sample,
as well, more people had been raised in a foster home than not, the ratio, however, closer to
equal. The vast majority of young people (in both samples) resided in one or two places since
they had been taken into child protection, and we typically see observe a small number of
relocations. Accordingly, the duration of residence was long, 19.8 years in the screening
sample, and 17.7 years in the in-depth interviews sample being the average longest residence.
(For more details on correlations between residence and further education, see Section 5.5.)
Table 6. Distribution of the sample by age of entry into care
Screening sample
0-2 years old
3-4 years old
5-9 years old
10-13 years old
14-16 years old
NT/NV
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
32
26
24
30
16
5
133
24.1
19.6
18.0
22.6
12.0
3.8
100
8
6
5
8
8
35
22.9
17.1
14.3
22.9
22.9
100
Table 7. Distribution of the sample by type of placement
Screening sample
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
Longer in foster care
83
62.4
19
54.3
Longer in children’s homes
41
30.8
16
45.7
About same amount of time in both
2
1.5
-
-
NT/NV
7
5.3
-
-
133
100
35
100
Total
37
Table 8. Distribution of the sample by the number of placements experienced in care
Screening sample
1
2
3
4
NT/NV
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
65
46
12
5
5
133
48.9
34.6
9.0
3.8
3.8
100
16
11
4
2
2
35
45.7
31.4
11.4
5.7
5.7
100
Table 9. Distribution of the sample by the longest time spent in one placement
Screening sample
-3 years
3,1-7 years
7,1-12 years
12+
NT/NV
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
9
22
36
53
13
133
6.8
16.5
27.1
39.8
9.8
100
5
9
6
12
3
35
14.3
25.7
17.1
34.3
8.6
100
Table 10. Distribution of the sample by current place of accommodation
Screening sample
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
In rented room or apartment
5
3.8
2
5.7
With foster parents
80
60.2
15
42.9
In ffter-care home
20
15.0
10
28.6
In children’s home
26
19.5
8
22.9
NT/NV
2
1.5
-
-
133
100
35
100
Total
The majority of young people who completed the screening questionnaire attend vocational
schools, which is typical for people raised within the child-protection system. However, the
percentage of graduate students is nearly three times higher (18%) than the typical rate for
people raised within the child-protection system (it is estimated that 6% reach higher
education). The reason behind this may be that TEGYESZ staff asked young people for
whom learning and further education was already important to fill in the questionnaire for
38
whom learning and further education was already important. The proportion of graduate
students is even higher (29%) among the 35 in-depth interviewees and, compared to the
screening sample, they are more likely to hold secondary school leaving certificates (a
qualification required for higher education): 23% against 11% in the screening sample. The
cause of this difference is that we tried to interview young people who are already studying at
a graduate school, or who have a chance of gaining admission. To the question asking
respondents to evaluate their schools with scores between 1 and 10, the total sample gave an
average of 6.7 points; that is, the young interviewees have fairly good experiences of their
schools. The average score for this question among the 35 young people participating in indepth interviews was 7.5. The discrepancy between averages obtained in the two samples is
due to the fact that those young people who studied at a higher level gave a higher average
value (i.e. had better school experiences), as did those whose most important daily activity is
studying. So the higher average value, in the in-depth interview sample, results from the fact
that such young people were selected for whom learning is important, who plan to study
further, or who already receive higher education.
Table 11. Distribution of the sample by level of qualification obtainable in currently
attended school
Screening sample
Higher education degree (college,
university)
National secondary school leaving
certificate (usually obtained at age 18)
(gimnazium and szakközepiskola)
Vocational training schools
(szakiskola) diploma
National secondary school leaving
certificate and Vocational secondary
school certificate (szakközépiskola)
Vocational certificate in non-school
based courses
NT/NV
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
24
18.0
10
28.6
15
11.3
8
22.9
59
44.4
11
31.4
17
12.8
1
2.9
13
9.8
5
14.3
5
3.8
-
-
133
100
35
100y
39
Table 12. Distribution of the sample by plans to finish or continue studying
Screening sample
Yes
No
NT/NV
Total
In-depth sample
N
%
N
%
91
32
10
133
68.4
24.1
7.5
100
26
5
4
35
74.3
14.3
11.4
100
Table 13. Average points of evaluating school experience on a 10 point scale
Screening sample
N
Mean
In-depth sample
133 N
6.6992 Mean
35
7.4571
Table 14. Average points of evaluating school experience on a 10 point scale by school
type and main occupation
Qualification that can be obtained
in school attended
Higher education degree (college,
university)
National secondary school leaving
certificate (usually obtained at age
18) (gimnazium and szakközepiskola)
Vocational training schools
(szakiskola) diploma
National secondary school leaving
certificate and Vocational secondary
school certificate (szakközépiskola)
Non-school based vocational course
diploma
Átlag
Main current occupation during
the day
Átlag
7,7
School-based studies
6,9
6,8
Non-school based vocational studies
5,7
Work
5,7
Unemployed, looking for a job
5,3
6,6
6,6
5,5
2.6 Analytic approach adopted in the case study
The verbatim transcriptions of 35 in-depth interviews of young people were imported into the
NVIVO software, and given codes (tree nodes) developed by the international research team.
A total of 24 tree nodes were used, which consist of sub-codes for 7 larger themes (education,
employment, future, health, housing, leisure time, and social relations). After trial-coding a
few interviews, researchers reviewed interviews coded by others, and discussed the individual
codes, so that each sub-code refers to the same theme, no matter who coded a given
interview. An important finding during coding was that a portion of a text cannot be
40
connected to just one code (node): there are some content-heavy sections that may contain
important information on more than one subject.
During the analysis, researchers divided the themes among themselves, and worked
independently with the coded interviews. We worked with interviews in two phases, when
writing up topics/chapters. First, snippets for a given topic code were collected, with the help
of NVIVO. Reading these excerpts (which sometimes constitute hundreds of pages of
material), we were able to obtain a comprehensive picture of the important elements in a
topic, and of their characteristic and recurrent patterns. In the second step, we examined the
topic for each interviewee, and collected all the characteristic details (which were later used
when a quote was needed for illustration). Thus, in the second step, we could examine a topic
in the context of the young person's life.
For topics where this was relevant, the second interview was also examined, and the changes
summarised. The second interviews, being much shorter and more structured than the indepth interviews, were not processed in NVIVO.
41
Chapter 3: Case study areas – coherence and diversity
3. 1 The four areas and the features of the economic and social
context for young people; to include educational and employment
and housing opportunities/constraints
For our research, four Regional Child Protection Agencies were selected, covering the capital
city, and Vas, Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, and Hajdú-Bihar counties. In Hungary, TEGYESZ
agencies have a number of functions, according to Act XXXI, 1997 on the protection of
children and guardianship. The country has 19 TEGYESZ agencies in each county, and 1 in
the capital. According to the Child Protection Act, during the process of taking a child into
temporary or permanent protection, and following a provisional placement, a TEGYESZ
prepares a personality profile of the child, and has the task of issuing an expert opinion and
recommendation for placement, preparing an individual placement plan at the request of the
Guardianship Authority, and appointing foster parents, a children’s home, or a foster home,
for the child. TEGYESZ operates the foster care network. Their legal obligations include the
professional preparation of adoption, and the declaration of a child in temporary or permanent
care as adoptable. In addition, they give professional and methodological advice, and operate
a special guardian, financial guardian, and professional guardian network.
The three selected counties and the capital show significant differences in economic and
social parameters. Due to the capital-centricity of Hungary, significantly more education and
job opportunities are concentrated in Budapest than in any other region of the country, so
young adults raised in the capital city have greater opportunities, not only to choose between
forms of education, but later in the labour market, as well.
A significant difference can be observed along the east-west axis of the country, as the
western region is much more developed than the east of the country. Thus, Vas County,
although geographically a small county, offers many more jobs due to its proximity to
Austria. The other two counties, Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén and Hajdú-Bihar are located in the
east of the country, where unemployment and poverty rates are high.
However, in terms of education, the four selected areas are exceptional in the country,
because many institutes of higher education are located in each. The capital of Borsod
County, Miskolc, and the capital of Hajdú-Bihar County, Debrecen, are also university cities.
42
The number of young people in child protection, and the forms of special care, also vary in
the four selected areas. Before briefly introducing these (in Section 3.3), we shall now present
the national data.
Child-protection statistics for the year 2007 show that the number of children and young
adults placed in special care is a total of 20,988 people, nationally. The number of young
adults who receive after-care is 4068. Some 827 people received after-care this year2.
According to type of care, most of the children in special care (14,748) are in temporary
protection, the number of people in long-term care is 1,518, while 639 are placed
provisionally. Within the child welfare system, the number of authorised places in children's
homes was 11,113 in the investigated year, out of which 9,492 places were occupied. Some
11,496 people were placed with foster parents. Persons receiving after-care are placed
roughly equally in children's homes (altogether, 2,050 in various types) and with foster
parents (2,018). The majority (85%) of those placed in foster care are trusted to traditional
foster parents, i.e. only a fraction of them are placed with professional foster parents – this is
due to the low number of professional foster parents.
In 2007, a total of 953 children attended primary school, primary school for the mentally
disabled, or elementary school for workers. Most children placed with foster parents and
attending primary school (3,261 children) attend the grade that corresponds to their age, while
this ratio is exactly the opposite in the case of those living in children's homes, where the
overage constitute the majority (their number amounting to 2,490). In the 2006-2007
schoolyear, the primary aim for students leaving primary school, and planning to continue
studies, was vocational school (1,014) and, at much lower ratio, vocational secondary school
(275). The fewest children participated in vocational training outside the school system (28).
The number of those not studying is relatively low (135) and they usually do not have a
permanent job. After leaving primary school, 153 children living in children's homes attended
general secondary schools, 230 attended vocational secondary schools, 1,509 attended
2 Before the termination of the short- or long-term care, the guardianship office provides for after-care support
of children or young adults, for a minimum of one year, provided that young adults personally request this aftercare support.
Upon the request of the young adult, and – in the case of children under the age of legal maturity – taking into
account the recommendation of the guardian (public guardian), the guardianship office provides for after-care
provision, if the short- or long-term care of the child terminated upon reaching legal maturity, and s/he cannot
provide self-support, or is in full-time education, or is a full-time student in higher education, or is waiting for
admittance to a social welfare institution. After January 1, 2010, young adults can apply for after-care until the
age of 21 when they work or are seeking work, until the age of 24 when they study, and until the age of 25 when
they take part in full-time post-secondary education.
43
vocational schools and 46 participated in educational programmes accredited within the
National Record of Qualifications and provided within the school system on 31st December
of the given year. The preferred vocational schools were those providing industrial
qualifications, and the least attractive were those offering medical qualifications. The order of
school types, based on attendance, is similar for children placed with foster parents, whereas
greater differences can be observed in the case of vocational secondary schools and
vocational schools, i.e. we can state that children placed under foster care are more inclined to
continue with their studies in school types offering better chances both for further education
and entry into the labour market, than are their peers who live in children's homes.
Young adults are experiencing difficulties in obtaining housing in every region of the
country. In theory, young adults raised in child-protection receive a significant housing
benefit3 (about 1.5 million forints) but, in practice, the rules, and high housing prices and
living expenses result in this sum not actually helping, in most cases; it cannot be used
efficiently without, in addition, a considerable amount of savings. So the amount of housing
benefit is not sufficient for young adults who are without recourse to other sources to
purchase their own homes in the city. When a property is purchased in smaller communities,
employment difficulties face those young people leaving child protection. Unfortunately,
purchasing farms or houses in small townships is a common practice within our child
protection system, because it solves the long-term housing problem; nevertheless, it means
risking integration in the labour market.
Overall, in terms of secondary and higher education opportunities, young adults living in the
analysed regions are in a good position, because they may pursue studies at a number of
prestigious universities. Apart from theoretical possibilities, however, it is important to note
that, of those raised in child protection, about 6% study at an institution of higher education.
National child protection statistics, and statistics from the four selected regions, also show
that only a small number of those who engage in further studies do so at high school or a
vocational school that could pave the way to higher education. People raised in special care
3 The housing benefit will help young adults who have left the child-protection, temporary or permanent care to
obtain a place to live, and find long-term solutions housing. Eligibility for, the extent of support, the options for
use, and the obligations for cooperation and accounting are regulated by the Child Protection Act. The amount of
support depends on the number of years spent in care, the financial situation of the beneficiary. An important
part of the regulation is that young adults have an obligation to cooperate with their after-care provider when
using the housing benefit.
44
are over-represented at vocational and trade schools. However, certificates acquired through
this form of training, do not secure a safe position in the labour market.
Regarding future labour market opportunities - taking into account the maximum expected
level of education of former care-recipients (mostly vocational and trade school) -, youth in
the capital and in Vas County are in a better position than young people from Borsod and
Hajdú-Bihar counties; however, their chances are not very promising. Based on data from
“Ifjúság 2008”4, we can state that acquisition of a secondary school leaving certificate does
not provide protection against unemployment. In the youth age group (15-29 years), the
majority of the unemployed are graduates of primary school (35% unemployed), while 29%
of vocational school graduates, and 28% of secondary school graduates are unemployed.
Unemployment among university graduates is 8%.
Finding a long-term housing solution is a serious challenge, both for young adults living in
families, and those in child protection. Housing benefit can help those raised within the childprotection system, but the sum of this aid, alone, is not sufficient to secure a self-owned place
of residence in an urban area. Renting a flat demands a predictable income for the former
after-care recipient.
3. 2 Local policies regarding care and education for young people
who are in care. Evaluations of the study participants of local
policies and practices
The experts interviewed all agree that leaving care is a process, not a single event. An
agreement is prepared by the after-care provider, and accepted by the young adult who
remains in the system, after age 18, as an after-care recipient. This agreement covers all that
the young person must comply with and which rules they should keep. Experts, however,
have a critical view of the degree of personalisation of the agreement: "In principle, there is a
part which is tailor made to tell what to do, but that's not always the case, as these
agreements are very stereotyped.", said one TEGYESZ professional. After-care beneficiaries
can consult with after-care providers in questions of further studies, and can obtain
Ifjúság 2008 – Preliminary Report (2009): (Ed.: Szabó, Andrea - Bauer, Béla) Institute of Social Affairs and
Labour, Budapest, pp. 27
4
45
information on training courses and opportunities for further education. The providers also
help with finding scholarships, and assist young adults in writing-up grant applications.
TEGYESZ staff and key persons are also of the opinion that if a young adult would like to
obtain higher education, based on previous school performance, individual ability and
motivation, the care-provider and the local TEGYESZ agency try to provide every material
and moral support. Of course, taking cost-efficiency aspects into consideration, it may be
easier if the young adult wants to study at the locations of the care-provider, or nearby (due to
savings in accommodation and travel costs), but further education in another town, or in
another region of the country, are also supported. However, it is important to note that
TEGYESZ agencies, care providers, and forms of care (institutional care, foster parents), also
show significant differences in their financial position and, hence, in the support they can
give to young adults. Generally, after-care recipients in the capital, or those who make use of
institutional care, have better financial conditions.
Within the framework of the survey conducted within TEGYESZ agencies, we asked
TEGYESZ agency employees to indicate two reasons which appear to be factors that impede
those brought up within the child-protection system in the continuation of their studies or
enrolment in higher education after completion of compulsory schooling.
In the experts' opinion, the main reasons that people in child-protection cannot move on to
higher education are their poor school performance and low qualifications. Many of them are
taken into special care at the age of 12 or 14, and long years of upbringing in an unsettled,
deprived family background have immensely significant effects on school achievement and
school performance; thus, these children have already accumulated an enormous number of
shortcomings during primary school. A typical problem is the lack of motivation of these
children and youths, and schools struggle to grab their attention and focus.
The TEGYESZ employees point out that schools are unprepared to look after children living
within the child-protection system. Many people believe that there are significant differences
between foster care and institutionalised care, and those raised in foster care are more
motivated, due to their receiving more personalised education and attention.
Experts also pointed out as problematic that many children decide to choose work over study,
in order to start a self-sufficient life, become independent, and to escape from the provision
system as soon as possible; their position in the labour market, however, is weak, because of
their low level of school qualifications.
46
Usually, there is nobody in the child’s life who would help him or her, and the institution has
no strategic plan for how to follow and motivate the child in their studies. In the lives of these
children, there are no appointed persons who are responsible for their school careers, from
their admittance until they leave the system forever. A consequence of this is that these
children have no real prospects for the future, and they experience difficulties in the course of
career-planning and future orientation. Several experts emphasised that a high proportion of
the children struggle with mental problems, and that their weaker abilities make it more
difficult for them to obtain higher-level qualifications.
TEGYESZ staff believe that, unfortunately, social values are expressed such that learning is
less important than making money (often illegally).
Interviews with employees of the 4 TEGYESZ agencies included in our study also indicate
the causes listed above. According to the opinions expressed, there are no support programs
that target children raised in the child-protection system, and not only children living in the
child-protection system, but also those living in disadvantaged families, would need various
scholarship programs for the talented, or for those with shortcomings, and, in order to achieve
all this, well-founded educational and economic policies are needed.
One respondent thought that the disadvantages and obstacles can be examined from three
aspects, those of 1) the child-protection professionals, 2) the young adults, and 3) the
environment. From the aspect of child protection professionals, a great obstacle to the
continuation of studies is that the youths are already starting from a disadvantaged position;
they have shortcomings with socialisation – their skills and abilities are poorer, and they
struggle with a lack of self-confidence and self-esteem. Shortcomings in scale-of-values are
common, and may be traced back to the lack of a family role-model. There is often no rolemodel to motivate the youths; they are much more alone in making their decisions than are
children brought up in a family. From the aspect of young adults, alongside a deprived
environment, the following issues – traumatising experiences, identification with negative
parenting models, personality problems and psychological problems, and educational and
mental problems – can all create obstacles to the continuation of studies, as can facing
prejudices related to having a "reformatory" background and integration difficulties. Other
obstacles include criminalisation (victimisation) due to their experiences, problems with selfesteem (they cannot realistically assess expectations and objectives), mistrust, and a weaker
interest representation. From the aspect of their environment, it may be an obstacle to the
continuation of studies that teachers are less prepared to recognise, and deal with, the special
47
problems of children who have lost their families. Practical experience indicates that, in many
cases, not only contemporaries, but teachers also stigmatise people raised in child-care at
school. There is a lack in skills development, support, and treatment in the educational and
child-care system, as well. In addition, a large number of foster families are lower-educated,
unemployed, families of low social status, so they cannot authentically convey, the
importance of studying, and do not provide a model that would be useful in the future.
Experts believe it is an important problem that there are many overage children among those
living in the child-protection system, most of whom are admitted into the child-protection
system after "wasting" one or two years: some of these children only reach the 10th grade, by
the time they are 18 years old. Experience shows that the fact of whether or not one has
completed grades 9 and 10 after the eight grades of primary school is a very important step in
the continuation of studies, for those brought up within the child-protection system. Indeed,
this is the critical point – at which the continuation of studies for a young person is decided; if
s/he completes grade 10, then obtaining a profession usually does not present a problem.
Those who cannot successfully complete the 10th grade within their compulsory schooling
years do not, typically, continue their studies, and usually these youths have the lowest level
of motivation for learning. There is another problem concerning learning and motivation for
the continuation of studies: frequently, one professional or educator is in charge of 8-10
children in a children's home, so it is very difficult to facilitate tasks beyond basic care, to
perform personalised skill-development or to provide motivation for the individual to
continue his or her studies.
To the question of the two factors which would facilitate the continuation of studies and
promote the participation in the higher education system of those children brought up under
special child welfare provisions, experts consider it important to have an appropriate tutoring
programme, and that teachers are prepared to help children brought up in child-care solve
their problems. That is, experts urge the strengthening of the basic education system and, in
connection with this, the better preparation of teachers, which suggests a kind of paradigm
change. They also criticised the education system, suggesting more development of basic
competences and putting more emphasis on practical education over lexical knowledge.
In addition, they emphasised the importance of providing psychosocial support for children,
both at school and within the child protection system. In relation to this, it would be important
to have fewer children per professional in the child protection institutions, so they could be
provided with personal care. Several experts emphasised that the child protection system
48
needs specialists, such as developmental-teachers and psychologists, and that children should
be presented with successful examples to serve as role models, for instance through
organising programmes and celebrations together with those successfully integrated into
society, through which children might get to know the positive example of those discharged.
They also emphasised the importance of affirmative action in the education system, and of
financial support for further studies. In their opinion, more scholarship programmes and
opportunities for obtaining resources via competitions are needed.
In summary, respondents indicated the need for a more expansive support system; looking at
the directions of Hungarian educational politics, there is only limited support for youths who
are brought up within the child-protection system and who want to continue their studies in
higher education. There are two forms of support: 1) children in long-term care are entitled to
extra points at university entrance-exams, 2) if a youth is a full-time student in highereducation, s/he can receive after-care provision until the age of 25. It would also be important
to introduce some form of financial aid, aiming at increasing the proportion of those
continuing their studies through higher education, based not only upon school achievement,
and, where there is motivation in those living within the child-protection system, some sort of
scholarship should be made available to them, to help them in the continuation of their
studies.
3.3 Numbers of young people in care in local areas and any local
issues
Of the selected areas, in Budapest there is a traditional children's-home capacity of 1,183,
there are 591 places in foster homes. 1,029 children had been placed in children’s homes, and
529 children in foster homes. Foster parents raised 811 children. Some 708 persons in child
care were 18 years of age, or older. Some 706 young people receive after-care support, and
220 persons receive after- care. In the capital, a total of 1,339 persons are studying at primary
school, 85 at secondary school, 152 at vocational secondary school, 374 at vocational and
trade schools, while 16 take training courses.
Our data indicate that, in 2007, in Budapest, 548 children under the age of 18 entered the
system – more than in any other county in the country. As far as the ratio of children raised in
children's homes to foster homes is concerned, Budapest is one of the areas where children in
49
care, typically, are placed in children's homes (73%). Most of those pursuing higher education
and who receive after-care study in Budapest (50 people), and the ratio of graduate students
among 18+ year-olds is above the national average (7.8%) – which is not surprising, since
the capital offers more higher education institutions than the other three counties.
In Hajdú-Bihar County, foster-home beds (573) outnumber traditional children's home beds
(200). Some 503 children had been placed in foster homes, while 186 children had been
placed in children’s homes, so there are vacancies. Foster parents raised 697 children. Some
169 persons in child care were 18 years of age, or older. A total of 169 young people receive
after-care support, and 22 receive after-care. Across the county, 696 persons are studying at
primary school, 26 at secondary school and 45 at vocational secondary school. According to
the national trend, most people (171) study at vocational and trade schools.
Through our survey conducted within YIPPEE, we gained knowledge of the situation at the
end of 2007. It shows that, in Hajdú-Bihar County, 1,308 children under 18 years of age live
within the system, putting the county at fifth place in the country. The ratio of children in
children’s home and foster homes is much more balanced than in Budapest: approx. 50-50%.
Only 10 people in child-care study at graduate-level institutions in Hajdú-Bihar county, while
training courses and special course are attended by many times this number (163) – almost as
many as in Budapest. Graduate students account for 4.9% of all 18+ year-olds (our survey
shows that the national average is 5.9%).
In Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County, traditional children's home beds number 264, while
foster home beds number 304, so the two forms of care have approximately the same number
of places. Some 299 children had been placed in a children’s home, while 279 children had
been placed in foster homes, which means that children’s homes operate at 113% capacity,
despite the fact that not all foster home places had been taken. Foster parents raised 1,328
children, and this county has the most foster care beds in the country. Some 317 persons in
child care were 18 years of age, or older. A total of 317 young people receive after-care
support, and 44 persons receive after-care. A total of 1,009 persons are studying at primary
school, 22 at secondary school, 57 at vocational secondary school, and 243 at vocational and
trade schools. Of the four regions examined, the number of vocational trainees is the highest
here. Thus, Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén has one of the largest numbers of children in care in the
country. A survey conducted within Hungarian TEGYESZ agencies in the course of this
research confirms this: in late December, 2007, some 1,752 people lived within in the childprotection system in this county (approximately one-tenth of all those under child-protection
50
in the country), which places makes this county third, after Budapest and Szabolcs-SzatmárBereg County. More people are raised in foster homes (60%) than in children's homes (40%)
in the county. A total of 15 young people receive a higher education, and about two-thirds of
these live in a foster home. These 15 university or college students make up 4.6% of all those
in after-care.
In connection with Vas County, it is worth pointing out that it has one of the lowest
populations in Hungary; its communities are mainly small villages (more than half of the
county's settlements have fewer than 500 inhabitants). In Vas County, traditional children's
home beds number only 23, whilst there are 84 foster home places, so, in this county, children
and young people are predominantly placed in foster homes. Some 13 children had been
placed in children’s homes, and 71 children in foster homes, while foster parents raised 122
children. Of persons in child care, 82 were 18 years of age, or older. A total of 82 young
people receive after-care support, and 5 receive after-care. In the county, 167 people attend
primary school, 7 people study at high school, 11 at vocational secondary school, and a high
number – 86 people – study at vocational and trade schools.
Our survey, conducted within YIPEE, shows that, in this county, the number of people within
in child-protection is one of the smallest, being 1.9% of all children under 18. The percentage
of people in children’s home is the highest here, at 75%. In the county, only 3 young people
in child-care attended a higher education institution at the end of the 2007 year (3.4% of all
18+ year-olds); two of these were raised in a children's home, and one was raised in a foster
home.
51
Table 15. The number of children under age 18 entering care in 2007 and the number of
all children under age 18 in care by county *
Counties in the
sample
The number of children under
age 18 entering care in 2007
all children under age 18 in
care, 31 December 2007.
N
%
Budapest
548
14,9
2 314
13,4
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
222
6,0
1 752
10,2
Hajdú-Bihar
293
8,0
1 308
7,6
48
1,3
322
1,9
173
176
100
119
152
119
182
123
182
84
294
199
334
123
110
92
4,7
4,8
2,7
3,2
4,1
3,2
5,0
3,3
5,0
2,3
8,0
5,4
9,1
3,3
3,0
2,5
971
757
501
623
671
432
437
718
413
275
1 617
933
1 923
477
396
380
5,6
4,4
2,9
3,6
3,9
2,5
2,5
4,2
2,4
1,6
9,4
5,4
11,2
2,8
2,3
2,2
3 673
100,0
17 220
100,0
Vas
Bács-Kiskun
Baranya
Békés
Csongrád
Fejér
Győr-Moson Sopron
Heves
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok
Komárom-Esztergom
Nógrád
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
Tolna
Veszprém
Zala
Hungary (Total)
N
%
* YIPPEE data collection, WP4, numbers on 31.12.2010
52
Table 16. Number of young people between ages of 16-24 in care by county *
The number of young people in care :
Counties in the
sample
16-18 year-olds
Older than 18 in
after caer
provision
16-24 year-olds
Budapest
394
645
1 039
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
472
327
799
Hajdú-Bihar
277
203
480
69
89
158
198
194
132
159
142
104
125
144
108
75
344
933
276
227
81
72
187
167
98
250
139
117
67
170
99
81
459
253
356
45
213
88
385
361
230
409
281
221
192
314
207
156
803
1 186
632
272
294
160
4 526
4 053
8 579
Vas
Bács-Kiskun
Baranya
Békés
Csongrád
Fejér
Győr-Moson Sopron
Heves
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok
Komárom-Esztergom
Nógrád
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
Tolna
Veszprém
Zala
Hungary (Total)
* YIPPEE data collection, WP4, numbers on 31.12.2010
53
Table 17. Ratio of children by dominant placemements by county *
Counties in the
sample
Ratio of those who
spent more time in
forster families
Ratio of those who
spent more time in
children’s homes
Budapest
27,0
73,0
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
60,0
40,0
Hajdú-Bihar
50,0
50,0
Vas
25,0
75,0
Bács-Kiskun
Baranya
Békés
Csongrád
Fejér
Győr-Moson Sopron
Heves
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok
Komárom-Esztergom
Nógrád
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
Tolna
Veszprém
Zala
50,0
77,5
53,8
42,0
52,0
28,0
50,8
46,8
33,3
38,0
40,0
52,0
65,0
55,0
36,2
35,0
50,0
22,5
46,2
32,0
48,0
72,0
49,2
53,2
66,6
62,0
60,0
48,0
35,0
45,0
63,8
60,0
Hungary (Total)
47,6
52,3
* YIPPEE data collection, WP4, numbers on 31.12.2010
54
Table 18. Number and ratio of young people by type of school attended and by type of
placement by county *
Counties in the
sample
Number of
those
attending
college or
university
Ratio of those attending
college or university by
dominant type of
placement
In foster
families
In
children’s
homes
Number of
those
attending
vocational
school or a
training
course
Ratio of those attending
vocational school or a
training course by
dominant type of
placement
In foster
families
In
children’s
homes
Budapest
50
50,0%
50,0%
170
40,0%
60,0%
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
15
66,7%
33,3%
94
71,3%
28,7%
Hajdú-Bihar
10
40,0%
60,0%
163
24,5%
75,5%
3
33,3%
66,7%
49
69,0%
31,0%
10
12
21
14
11
7
4
11
1
7
22
14
21
2
NT/NV
6
90,0%
66,7%
62,0%
42,0%
55,0%
57,0%
100,0%
54,6%
100,0%
43,0%
72,0%
85,0%
76,0%
100,0%
NT/NV
66,0%%
10,0%
33,3%
38,0%
58,0%
45,0%
43,0%
0,0%
45,5%
0,0%
57,0%
28,0%
15,0%
24,0%
0,0%
NT/NV
33,0%
NT/NV
115
121
135
128
21
73
205
110
60
NT/NV
181
288
37
NT/NV
16
NT/NV
50,0%
40,4%
54,0%
21,0%
33,3%
50,0%
22,9%
35,0%
43,0%
NT/NV
65,0%
54,0%
56,7%
NT/NV
14,0%
NT/NV
65,0%
57,0%
46,0%
79,0%
66,7%
50,0%
77,1%
65,0%
57,0%
NT/NV
35,0%
46,0%
43,3%
NT/NV
2,0%
241
62,0%
38,0%
1966
44,0
56,0%
Vas
Bács-Kiskun
Baranya
Békés
Csongrád
Fejér
Győr-Moson Sopron
Heves
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok
Komárom-Esztergom
Nógrád
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
Tolna
Veszprém
Zala
Hungary (Total)
* YIPPEE data collection, WP4, numbers on 31.12.2010
55
Table 19. Number and ratio of young people older than 18 by school attended compared
to all young people older than 18 in care *
Counties in the
sample
Number of those
older than 18
years of age in
afer care
provision
Number and ratio of those older
than 18 years of age attending
college or university
száma
aránya
(%)
Budapest
645
50
7,8
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén
327
15
4,6
Hajdú-Bihar
203
10
4,9
Vas
89
3
3,4
Bács-Kiskun
Baranya
Békés
Csongrád
Fejér
Győr-Moson Sopron
Heves
Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok
Komárom-Esztergom
Nógrád
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
Tolna
Veszprém
Zala
187
167
98
250
139
117
67
170
99
81
459
253
356
45
213
88
10
12
21
14
11
7
4
11
1
7
22
14
21
2
NT/NV
6
5,3
7,2
21,4
5,6
7,9
6,0
6,0
6,5
1,0
8,6
4,8
5,5
5,9
4,4
6,8
4 053
241
5,9
Hungary (Total)
* YIPPEE data collection, WP4, numbers on 31.12.2010
3.4 The numbers of young people from public care in
education/employment etc and explanations for this
One of the biggest problems in Hungary is that there is little follow-up knowledge of people
who have left the child-protection system. Thus, neither their further education and academic
career, nor their employment and labour market position, are sufficiently known. As
mentioned in Chapter 2, databases dealing with education contain little information on
children raised under child protection, and child protection surveys do not contain detailed
study-related information. There is no systematic data collection that might provide
56
information on the further development of the lives of those who have left the system, or on
their integration into society and the labour market.
Based on the Statistical Yearbook of Education comparing the distribution of a normal
population by level of education to the distribution of students in the child-protection system
by level of education, we find that the latter are overrepresented in primary, vocational, and
remedial vocational schools, while being underrepresented in general and vocational
secondary schools (which offer better opportunities for the continuation of studies). Among
students within the child-protection system, the rate of those attending secondary school is
2.3%, while concerning the whole student population, this rate is 16.5%; some 4.8% of
students in the child-protection system attend vocational secondary school, in comparison to
19% of the student population, as a whole. In contrast with this, among students living within
the child-protection system there are twice as many vocational school students (15.9%),
whereas the rate for remedial vocational school students is tenfold (9.4%) compared to the
rate that applies to the basic population. It is important to mention that concerning those
students studying in the higher education system, there are no data in the Statistical Yearbook
of Education regarding other - than-average life situations - and, as such, no data exists
relating to students living within the child-protection system - i.e. this is a field that should be
improved in the future since, given the present circumstances, we do not have any insight into
the further studies of students within the child-protection system, at higher educational levels.
Based on the Child Protection Statistical Guide’s data, the correlation between school
progress and the type of placement is clear: most children placed with foster parents and
attending primary school (3,261 children) attend the grade that corresponds to their age, while
this ratio is exactly the opposite in the case of those living in children's homes, where the
overage constitute the majority (their number amounting to 2,490). However, based on the
available data, we may not know whether or not it is the type of placement that influences the
school performance, or the fact that less problematic, well-performing children are more
commonly placed with foster parents. Among students finishing primary school, the preferred
further study orientation is, for children living in children’ homes (77.9%) and those living
with foster parents (59.5%), characteristically, the vocational school (which does not provide
the secondary school leaving certificate which is a prerequisite to further study in the higher
education system); however, among students living with foster parents, the rate of those going
on to vocational school (which provides a secondary school leaving certificate), or to
57
secondary school, is higher (38.6%), whereas this applies to 19.8% of those living in
children's homes.
The 2008 national competence assessment shows that the differences between the scores
achieved in mathematics and text comprehension also depend on the type of family: students
living with their own families performed at around the national average of 500 points,
whereas those living in children's homes scored 70-80 fewer points. Investigating the average
school achievements of the previous year, the study data clearly indicate that students raised
within the child-protection system perform worse: the average is 3.96, which is the average
applying to students living with their own families, whereas this is 3.47 among those living
with foster parents and merely 3.15 for students living in children's homes, concerning the
previous school year. Concerning factors that influence school performance, children raised
in the child-protection system belong to the group that has the worse position since, among
this group, parents having a lower level educational background and those having a
disadvantaged labour market position are overrepresented (two-thirds of the parents of
students being raised in their own families have a permanent job, whereas this rate is 50%
among students living with foster parents, and a mere 38% in the case of students living in
children's homes); also, there are more members in this group who have less than 50 books at
home. Parallel to the data of the Statistical Yearbook of Education, there is a significant
difference regarding the plans for future study, as well: some 41% of students living in
children's homes prefer a vocational school certificate, whereas this was only indicated by
11.3% of students living with their own families; some 55% of students living with their own
families intend to obtain a certificate of higher education, whereas this applies to 26% of
students living with foster parents and to a mere 15% of students living in children's homes.
Overall, students within the child-protection system are characterised by lower qualifications
and poorer performance at school. Disadvantages brought from home or from their biological
family may play a role in this, as might their late entry into the system. Young people who
enter the system at an older age (around 14) will accumulate such disadvantages that the
child-protection system cannot counteract. Although we do not have exact knowledge about
their position on the labour market, based on the above data as well as on interviews with
young people, it is highly probable that they start with very slight chances in the labour
market. In addition to having an education which is lower than the average, obtaining
qualifications (profession) that are inappropriate for local labour market needs also greatly
complicates their employment.
58
In the interviews, many young people mentioned the difficulty of finding a job – which they
tried to compensate for through additional training and obtaining qualifications, although this
did not always lead to success, as they often do not choose a profession relevant to the
demands of the local labour market, and often their choice is based on the choice of
classmates, or the advice of a foster parent/care provider decides – but we also repeatedly see
that the training available in their town is not suitable, either. (For school performance, the
academic background of parents and educators, and the activities of young people, see more
in Chapters 4, 5, 6).
Chapter 4. Young people’s lives now
4.1 What are the young people doing at time one (in depth
interview) and time two (follow up)?
At the time of the first interview, all of the youths were studying. This is due to the selection
factors since, based on the questionnaire, we selected youths who showed promise in terms of
studying and the continuation of studies (for a detailed description of the selection factors, see
Chapter 2). At the time of the in-depth interview, one-third of the youths were attending
higher-education institutions. As for the others, 12 had already obtained a secondary-school
leaving-certificate but, instead of continuing their studies, were attending some kind of
professional course. Six were trying to obtain a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and five
were attending vocational training school (Table 20). Apart from studying, many were also
working, five regularly (and one youth holding a full-time job alongside attending a
university correspondence course), although, during the interview, others also talked about
taking up student jobs during the summer or on an occasional basis.
At the time of the second interview (Table 21) (i.e. at the time of the one year later follow-up
interview), nine youths had quit their studies: eight of these were trying to make their way in
the labour market, whilst one had given birth to her first child three months previously. Of
those attending higher-education institutions, two had quit their courses (those who were
working alongside studying), whereas two others had successfully taken entrance exams. As a
result, the total number of youths attending higher-education institutions remained
unchanged. The biggest decrease was shown in the number obtaining a profession, as most
have successfully completed their studies. As shown in the table, three had obtained a
profession two of whom had already obtained a secondary-school leaving-certificate and were
59
pursuing their studies in a police academy. Although this academy counts as a vocational
secondary-school, only those with a secondary-school leaving-certificate are admitted.
In summary form, based on the type of studies, we may now investigate how the youths' life
situations had changed by the time of the second interview.
Table 20. What are young people doing at time one?
Where is
s/he
studying?
Studying at a higher-education
institution
Attending a higher-education
course
Attending a vocational course
Obtaining a secondary-school
leaving-certificate
Obtaining a profession
Total
Working
alongside
studying
*12
4
2
0
**10
0
6
1
5
35
0
5
*one also has a full-time job
**one has taken an academic leave-of-absence, from college, for one year
Table 21. What are young people doing at time two?
Main
occupation
Studying at a higher-education
institution
Attending a higher-education
course
Attending a vocational course
Obtaining a secondary-school
leaving-certificate
Obtaining a profession
Total of those studying
Working
Looking for a job
On maternity-leave
Total
Missing
12
Working
alongside
studying
2
2
4
3
1
*3
24
3
4
4
1
33
2
*two are studying to become members of the police force. Although the institution they are
attending counts as a vocational secondary-school, a secondary-school leaving-certificate is a
prerequisite
60
4.1.1. Youths studying at a higher-education institution
At the time of the first interview, this group contained the largest number who were working
– predominantly in part-time employment or in jobs with flexible working times. Most were
working in fast food restaurants, one was working as a security guard, whilst one had a fulltime job as a waiter in a hotel restaurant. The most important characteristic of those studying
at a higher-education institution is that the majority were still studying there, one year later.
Only two had quit the higher-education system, in both cases the main reason being their
having obtained a job (thereby achieving financial independence). It is also important to note
that, during the period between the two interviews, among those studying in higher-education
institutions, one young adult had added another major to her studies (taking up a Midwifery
major, alongside her existing Child-care Officer major), and another had started attending
vocational training provided outside the school system, whilst remaining at college (planning
to delay graduation as a Social Worker by one year and, during this time, to obtain a
qualification as a Sports Coach).
4.1.2. Youths attending a vocational course
Altogether twelve youths were attending some type of vocational training provided outside
the school system. These vocational courses are very popular among those brought up in the
child protection system, because they provide the opportunity to obtain a new profession after
one or two years. There are various motivational factors characteristic of these youths. Some
start attending such a course after an unsuccessful entrance exam, whilst others want to
supplement their original qualifications with additional professions – believing that the more
professions they have, the better their chances are in the labour market.
A good example of this belief would be one youth who, at the time of the interview, was
attending a higher-education course (Catering Management), due to an unsuccessful entrance
exam for Geography studies. However, by the time of the second interview, he was studying
at the police academy, having, in the end, decided to enter the police force.
“Earlier, in secondary-school, I was preparing for, and counted on, working
in the field of Geography. But I couldn't get in. I would have needed 2 more
points for admission as a Geography and Earth Sciences major at the
University of Debrecen – and this experience really got to me and I didn't take
it well. And after this, I needed a solution really quickly in order not to miss
study years. So this is how I solved this problem, by applying here, and so I
stayed here now. […] I am only doing this to get the language exam. An extra
61
point is given for that, and an OKJ (National Record of Qualifications)
profession is also recognised by an extra point.” (22-year-old man, a student
of the police academy)
It is characteristic of youths attending a vocational course that they are trying to find their
way in life. After successfully completing a vocational course, many continue their studies by
moving on to other vocational courses: 9 youths out of 12 were still studying at the time of
the second interview (three of these attending higher-education courses).
4.1.3. Youths obtaining a secondary-school leaving-certificate
The secondary-school leaving-certificate is a key step in the continuation of studies; not only
does it provide higher prestige to have this certificate together with a profession (in many
occupations, this is a requirement), but this qualification facilitates entry into institutions of
higher-education. At the time of the first interview, six youths were preparing for the
secondary-school leaving-exam. Three of these had actually obtained the certificate and two
had not yet completed their studies at the given school. Only one youth left school without
obtaining the secondary-school leaving-certificate, but this person had lost both foster-parents
during the course of six months, had undergone a nervous breakdown, and could no longer
continue studying. We are going to highlight the case of one young adult (from among those
who had obtained their secondary-school leaving-certificate), because she provides a good
example of how those living within the child protection system accumulate qualifications and
professions. During the first interview, this person gave the following description of her
(then) current situation:
"I am going to take the secondary-school leaving-exam in 4 months. So I'm a
bit nervous about it. Well, I already have two professions from before. Tailor
for men's clothing and social worker. Well, so the thing is that I'd like to get a
job in the field of healthcare. If I get the secondary-school leaving-certificate,
I can get a job in an elderly people's home or a hospital.” (24-year-old, with a
secondary-school leaving-certificate, having two professions but not having
found a job, and currently learning a new profession)
During the second interview, however, she told us that she had been unable to find a job –
despite her successful secondary-school leaving-exam:
“Well, I have recently got my secondary-school leaving-certificate, and now I
am going on with my studies again. I am studying to become a beautician.
This is a 2-year-long school, I am a student there. […] I have been to job
interviews, but none of them was successful. I haven't got the normal nurse
62
certificate, so I couldn't get the job. […] But I'll still try to find a job
somewhere in the spring. Or go on to another school, if it could be done.”
(24-year-old, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, having two
professions but not having found a job, and currently learning a new
profession)
4.1.4. Youths obtaining a profession (attending vocational training
school)
This group showed the biggest “setback” in relation to their age, as well as when compared to
the other individuals. Of the five youths attending vocational training school, three have
successfully completed the school, one has quit school and is currently looking for a job, and
one has not completed school but is currently in the last year of study year there. On a
percentage basis, this group contains the largest number who have actually stepped outside
into the labour market and tried to find a job. Only one youth is continuing studying and
trying to obtain a secondary-school leaving-certificate.
4.2 Educational engagement at time one and time two
Since, when selecting subjects for interview, we prioritised those youths who had an
inclination towards further studying, all of our subjects were very engaged towards further
education. The second interview, clearly showed that the higher the qualifications they had
targeted during the first interview and, therefore, the more schooling they had intended to
complete, the more likely it was that, one year later, any given youth was still studying.
“Well, so it's, like, that the basic major is actually social work, and so then
you can specialise in, for instance, international sociology, or some other
things like this. […] But I'd like to go further with it, because I don't really
want to get stuck working with children and stuff like that. So if I went on with
the studies, it would be better”. (22-year-old woman, a college student with a
Sociology major)
During the interviews, we discovered two important factors which motivate towards studying
and further education. The first of these is the desire for career building or achieving the best
possible position in the labour market. The other narrative that we came across, quite
frequently, is that a youth would like to achieve more than his or her own family, and regards
63
education and obtaining qualifications as important factors in achieving this goal (motivations
behind the continuation of studies are discussed in detail in subsection 6.7).
Career building, as motivation, might be regarded as no more than a common sense argument
or a cliché, but it only provides a strong commitment to those who have a clear, well-defined
view of what profession and work they want.
“Well, so the thing is, I'd like to join the police… And so, this course, the
personal and asset security guard, I did this course so if I can't get in, I can
still have an alternative. Because I think it is better nowadays to have more
than one profession… I did the carry of arms course because one can earn
more money in a bank or as a money transfer security personnel than if I
would just stand around at an Interspar or Metro. […] And well, my biggest
dream is not this standard police job but rather, becoming an investigator.
And if I could do this, then go on with further studies.” (22-year-old woman,
with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and studying at a (secondary)
police academy)
It is a characteristic of the after-care system that further study is a prerequisite for staying
within the system. There are many instances in which this leads to the completion of such
schools that make neither short-term nor long-term sense for a particular youth. However, the
youths express a very strong belief in the argument that the more “professions” one has, the
easier it will be to get a good job. Concerning those schools that are far from what they want,
they often stated that, although they did not see any sense in studying there (perhaps realising
after six months that it was not what they wanted), they still intended to “go through with it”.
It seems that – within the scale of values conveyed by the system – the worst thing to do is to
leave a school without completing it. This results not only in youths remaining in the aftercare support system, but also in youths spending one or two years obtaining a qualification
from which they may reap no benefit.
A suitable role model, or the personality and qualifications of the expert within the youth's
environment, can play a very important part in generating engagement towards further
education and in general views towards studying (see subsection 6.7 for more details). A
good example of this is the case of one of our interviewees, who had a good inclination to
study and spend many years studying and obtaining professions but, due to a lack of proper
support and without having a good example to follow (both foster-parents had vocational
training school certificates), she did not regard higher-education as a realistic opportunity for
64
herself (at the time of the second interview, she was starting out trying to obtain yet another
profession – as a beautician – after an unsuccessful period of trying to find a job):
”Well, I already have the two professions [tailor for men's clothing and social
worker] I needed. Usually, a lot of people ask me if I wanted to go on to a
higher-education school, but I don't really care about that. It would be a bit
too difficult for me, college I mean… It is enough for me to get the secondaryschool leaving-certificate… In college, well, you really have to know your
stuff, or at the university, I know that it's hard. That would be much too
demanding for me, that's for sure. Could be, well, I am kind of thinking about
that if, say, I would go to a hospital to work, I could work next to a doctor, as
a care assistant. I'd like to achieve that.” (24-year-old, with a secondaryschool leaving-certificate, having two professions but not having found a job,
and currently learning a new profession)
At the time of the second interview, 24 of the 35 youths interviewed were undertaking some
form of study. In their cases, educational engagement remained, though with a different
intensity. In the cases of those who did not continue their studies, however, the struggles for
independence and to gain a livelihood were the most important. Then again, some of the
youths had completed their schools during the period between the two interviews and, after an
unsuccessful period of trying to find a job, had decided to continue their studies. In their
cases, the above mentioned “more professions, better chances” kind of motivation had
prevailed.
Based on the second interviews, we can establish the following categories in relation to plans
concerning studying:
 Working/looking for a job, but not planning any kind of further studies – 6 youths
In their cases, working and earning money had became predominant and they had,
typically, lower qualifications. Two had quit their studies because of work: two
youths, who were in work and who were also working at the time of the first
interview, were attending higher-education institutions: and three youths were trying
to find employment, having successfully completed their studies. One youth had been
expelled from school, due to a large number of unjustified absences.
 Completing the current school and desirous of starting to work – 12 youths
These were, typically, attending some kind of course; they generally had their
secondary-school leaving-certificates (except for two youths who were still attending
65
vocational training school); three others were attending a higher-education school.
Generally speaking, they would finish their studies in 1-2 years, and they were very
much looking forward to obtaining jobs with their acquired knowledge and to starting
their independent lives.
 Studying, but having no definite idea about whether or not s/he would like to or could
study further if s/he leaves the system – 3 youths
Two of these were attending a higher-education institute and one was currently
obtaining a secondary-school leaving-certificate. Generally speaking, finishing the
chosen school was relatively far-off, so their predominant concern was how their lives
would shape up if they had to leave the after-care provision system.
 Having definite plans to continue their studies –12 youths 5
Predominantly, those youths belonging to this group were attending higher-education
institutions (8 attending higher-education schools); in their cases, an M.Sc. and, in one
case, a Ph.D. were planned. In the course of the year, many of them had taken up an
additional major, or started some kind of course in addition to their studies, in a
higher-education institution. Within this group, three who were working but, based on
their interview, they definitely intended to continue their studies. One of them was
preparing for the secondary-school leaving-exam (s/he was currently attending
school), whereas the second would like to obtain a secondary-school leavingcertificate and was receiving support from their new workplace (they had found a job
as a Social Worker). The third youth, who had a full-time job, had quit a full-time
higher-education school; however, his future plans included some sort of study
(higher-education course, or college correspondence course).
4.3 Employment/unemployment, finance
4.3.1 Housework, self-sufficiency
The young adults told us that both in their families and in the child welfare system, they had
been involved in housework (e.g. cooking and cleaning) and other household chores (e.g.
gardening) – ever since their childhood. During the interviews, they spoke little about their
5
We placed the youth who had just given birth to her first child into this category, although she said that she
would definitely have to go and find a job to support herself and her child. Although, at the same time, she
believed it necessary to obtain some sort of profession (she has a secondary-school leaving certificate but no
profession), she had absolutely no idea how she could achieve this in the future.
66
tasks during their years of upbringing in a family. They mostly (and typically) recall conflicts
and physical ill-treatment resulting from an unsettled family background (though caring for.
and babysitting. a smaller brother or sister, is frequently mentioned), or about the help they
had to provide, due to a parent's deviant behaviour (e.g. having to buy liquor as a child,
because of an alcoholic father).
According to the opinion of these youths, the foster-parents, educators and supervisors of
children within the child welfare system were all getting those children involved in
housework and household chores from a very early age so that they would become better
prepared for self-sufficiency in the future. Due to its family-like atmosphere, foster-care is
much better equipped to educate youngsters in the completion of such tasks in a spontaneous,
more natural environment.
”Well, after a certain time, I don't know, let's say at around the age of 12:
well, then come on, go and help your sister prepare dinner and tidy up. And
then, when we got older, then – I don't know –, for example, I got the kitchen
and it was my task to prepare mid-morning snack, dinner, clean up, and wash
the floor every evening.” (22-year-old woman, a Marketing-major college
student)
Within institutional care, there is a significant difference between placement in residential
care and placement in children's homes. In residential care, part of the daily routine involves
cooking, the cleaning of public places, and the backyard, whereas in children's homes,
housework mainly involves keeping one’s private room and environment clean and tidy. For
all other chores, assistant staff provide help, though the functions of groups within children's
homes make it possible to involve children in the completion of these tasks.
Regarding housework, gender specific task distribution can be observed, starting with barely
school-aged children. Boys typically participate in gardening work and larger-scale cleaning
tasks, whereas girls are more frequently involved in cooking, household shopping and daily
cleaning.
The chances of social integration are greatly determined by the extent to which the system
equips children and young adults for self-sufficiency. Providing help in learning the basic
skills of self-sufficiency and budgeting is only one component of the preparation for an
independent life. Those youths who are living independently – or using provisions in an aftercare home, or at an outside location – are on their own. Although the monthly meeting with
67
an after-care worker also involves providing advice on self-sufficiency, leading a good life
and sensible budgeting, there is no opportunity to carry out these tasks under the supervision
of a professional after-care worker. In the case of children's homes and residential care, we
can observe absurd practices within the preparations for self-sufficiency. The approach that
involves the application of the same care methods and daily routines – even after the youths
have reached their legal maturity – is unacceptable. Preparation for a self-sufficient life
cannot be based on the young adults being coddled, or the fact that child-care professionals
often only involve young adults in tasks that are too physically difficult to accomplish alone.
For example, shopping choices only involve articles related to personal hygiene; the young
adults are not tasked with selecting food items, but only the transporting of these home from
the shop.
”And we only go with them to transport the items, but usually they do the
shopping. Well, for example, if we go shopping for cleaning supplies, we have
a word in that, so we can suggest buying the better variant – although it's the
more expensive, but still better one. And also with hygiene related things: like
sanitary pads and stuff like that, we get to freely select those. But we don't
have a say in anything else. […] One week in advance. And the educators
would discuss if the list is properly compiled. Because they have things like
how much is needed – meat, pasta and potatoes, things like that. Actually they
compile the list and do the shopping. It is usually not us who write the menu
based on what we'd like to eat.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, and currently studying as shop manager)
Based on gender roles, there is a significant difference in the involvement of youths in
housework – even when they become adults. Women generally care more about the tidiness
of their own environments – keeping this clean is a natural task for them.
”[…] since there is the two of us in the same room, and the other girl is also
of legal age, we usually share these chores. So, let's say she is not at home,
because I only like cleaning up if nobody is around, because if there were
someone there, s/he would only be in my way or something. And when the
room is untidy, I just get going and tidy it up: dusting, putting things to their
proper places, vacuuming, wiping, windows – everything. But the other party
would do the same as well.” (23-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, and currently studying tourism, under the umbrella of an
educational programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
68
4.3.2 Paid employment
Employment is a predominant characteristic of those attending higher-education institutions,
for they often work regularly during the school year by taking up different types of student
jobs.
”As for work, I work in Buda Castle, and I really like this job because it is in a
very good neighbourhood. I work a lot, so I only have time to, like, come home
to my mom's place, give her two kisses, I also get two kisses and then I'm
already heading home.” (22-year-old youth, a college student with a
Marketing-major)
Their basic objective is to earn enough money to finance the additional costs of their studies
and also to better satisfy their personal needs which cannot be financed from after-care
provisions or other income – such as orphan's allowance, family allowance or a scholarship. It
is a general tendency that mostly those living with foster-parents and in outside locations (i.e.
in after-care homes) take up seasonal – if not regularly occurring – jobs. It is a basic demand
of foster-parents that the youths should contribute to the family’s expenses and, insofar as the
possibilities permit, their self-sufficiency should encourage financial independence.
”Well, I kind of think that the 50-60 thousand forint salary at McDonald's is
only pocket money. […] Because it is always needed, I mean, money, that is
always needed. We also have parties and birthday celebrations, and have to
pay for this and that… And, yeah, the course books – thank God I could also
lift this financial burden off my mom, though she contributed 10 thousand
forints to these costs. I had to spend 50 thousand forints on course books this
semester.” (22-year-old man, a Law student)
Youths living in children's homes and residential care only rarely work alongside their
studies, and only an insignificant number take up jobs during the holidays. Among youths
living in institutional care, mostly those are working who would like to achieve a certain
seasonal goal; for example, one of them went out to work during the summer holiday to earn
the money necessary for a driver's licence course.
”Well, this thing, that someone also works alongside studying – like a student
job or something –, this happens sometimes. Because it is not bad if one
experiences what it takes to earn money with her own hands and then
economise with it, or maybe save it. For example, I financed half of my
driver's licence like this.” (23-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
69
leaving-certificate, and currently studying tourism under the umbrella of an
educational programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
4.3.3 Financial situation
Due to participation in paid work and the child protection system background (how much
time the youth spent within the child welfare system before reaching legal maturity and
whether or not the youth has an inheritance or receives an orphan's allowance), there is wide
variety in the youth’s financial situations. Obviously, those who are working alongside their
studies might have a monthly budget of approximately 80-100 thousand forints, whereas the
majority only receive a monthly allowance of approximately 20-30 thousand forints in the
after-care provision system (which amount also includes that part of the family allowance that
the youths may use freely). In some institutions, the pocket money provided, along with the
full provision, amounts to only 5,000 forints per month. Many believe that the amount
received is not enough to cover their needs – especially the needs of smokers:
”The thing is, we get like 19,700 forints for hygiene supplies and food. So, if I
buy the hygiene supplies, that's already 4-5 thousand forints for the laundry
detergent and everything else. So that leaves me 14 thousand forints for the
whole month, which is barely enough. And I also smoke, so I spend this money
really quickly. Well, food is not really the problem, because – so usually if I go
to my foster-parent, Aunt Marika, I can eat there. So there's no problem with
that, only with the cigarettes.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, and currently living in the Netherlands)
In the case of youths living with foster-parents, the allowance is often supplemented from the
family's budget, although this is largely dependent on the foster-family’s financial situation.
Then again, many of these youths consider it important to set aside some of their pocket
money and to accumulate some savings. It often occurs, with foster-parents, that youths
within the care system receive money on a weekly basis – especially those living in student
dormitories.
”Well, we receive money every week for that given week – so we all get money
at the student dormitory, each week. Well, I can do my own budgeting well
enough, so I always have – some money is always saved. And I also get family
allowance. And after my father died, I also applied for orphan's allowance, so
I get that every month as well. But I don't waste my money.” (22-year-old,
70
with a secondary-school leaving-certificate specialising in Economics, and
currently studying to become a Logistics Assistant)
Therefore, the characteristics of provisions have a significant effect on the financial situation
of young adults. In children's homes – where those continuing their studies do not pay for
food and accommodation – those receiving care only receive pocket money from the state,
which (according to the statements of many) amounts to around five thousand forints. This
amount is usually not enough for both entertainment and the purchasing of personal items, so
they often take money out of their savings, on a monthly basis. Savings are encouraged in the
case of every youth; they are expected to commit their money to home savings, various
government bonds (with the help of which they will supplement the young homebuyer’s
assistance when they go to purchase a home). In many cases, the overemphasis placed on
savings results in the youth excluding himself/herself from numerous important activities. For
example, one told us that, in order to realise her long-term goals, she prefers to forego having
an internet subscription, because she believes that it is better if the family-allowance money
goes towards home savings.
”[…] well, my standpoint on this internet thing is that, since I already have
goals and I think about my future, I say no to this. The internet would be
financed from my family-allowance, every month. And so I cannot profit from
this. I'd rather that money went to the home pre-savings and my Optima
savings, which is saved at OTP bank for my future home, than spend it on the
internet, monthly throwing away that five thousand or twelve thousand – I
don't know the exact amount.” (22-year-old woman, with social work and
nursing professions but currently employed, and who would like to obtain a
secondary-school leaving-certificate through attending an evening course)
Taking money out of their savings, in order to buy a personal item, is, in most cases,
supported, for instance, if the youth would like to buy a laptop, a camera or a DVD player.
However, this can also be a source of conflict.
Two youths finance their own cars: one of them purchased his from savings, whereas the
other bought his from income earned from band performances.
Similarly to the different financial situations of each foster-family, there are significant
differences between the possibilities of each institution and the TEGYESZ agency. It is a
characteristic of provincial institutions that they have smaller budgets. Provincial institutions
71
also try to participate in the financing of studies but, in many cases, tuition is paid by the
youth from his or her family allowance or other savings. Care institutions in the capital
finance the whole, or half, of the tuition and the cost of other supplementary materials, for
many youths.
”Now, you have to pay tuition fees at the school I'm attending. The tuition fees
amount to 350 thousand forints per year, but they still finance that for me. I
mean that I have always received this full support. […] Well, the financial part
of it. So, well, if I wanted to do sports, they paid for it. But they really wanted
to see that yes, I do that and I don't quit. But well, photography is like that:
they have recently bought me a device – a camera –, and that wasn't cheap
either. And well, they are paying for school, and that is a huge help. Because
this is a foundation school, and not a state school, so there are tuition fees.
(21-year-old woman, studying at the University of Art and Design)
In addition to the financial support received, the possibility of obtaining a student loan –
which can be requested every six months – is an important supplement for those attending
higher-education institutions.
”I get financial support from the TEGYESZ: they pay half of my tuition fees,
and that's all. […] I pay the other half of the tuition fees from a student loan.
And I use my salary to cover my living expenses.” (22-year-old woman, a
Marketing-major college student)
In summary, we can state that the young adults are generally thankful for the financial
support they receive within the given care system – such as the financing of food, clothing,
monthly pocket money and the additional costs of studies (student dormitory accommodation,
travel expenses, school supplies, extracurricular activities). It is evident that the interviewees
regard after-care provision as a good opportunity for the continuation of studies. While
summarising his opinion on the advantages of after-care, one youth said the following:
”Well, now, let's say if I had to live in a normal sublet – either with one or two
other roommates, it is all the same – I just couldn't do this besides college. Oh,
I wouldn't stand a chance. So, you know, if something like that would happen –
which I hope won't happen, but it's still in the bag that it could – so if I was
kicked out from here for some reason, I would have to quit my studies.” (21year-old man, attending university, and in the third year of a Recreation
Organiser and Health Development major)
72
Generally speaking, we may say that they regard financial problems as the major obstacle in
the continuation of their studies after they leave the after-care provision system, because
tuition fees are necessary for getting a degree in the distance learning program of a highereducation institute or in obtaining a profession from an educational programme registered in
the National Record of Qualifications. As for the future, they regard stabilising their financial
situation and founding a secure financial background to be important; men tend to put much
more emphasis on this.
”In today's world you really need money, so my goal is to get more of it.” (21year-old man, attending university, and in the third year of a Recreation
Organiser and Health Development major)
4.4 Housing
Each young adult receives after-care provision, despite the fact that three of them are not
living in official accommodation provided by the child welfare system. Two of these are
living in 1-bed council flats – which they received after winning apartment bids – one living
together with a partner, the other living alone; however, both are officially utilising the aftercare provisions at professional foster-parents. By the time of the second interview, the third
youth had moved in with a partner, living together in a sublet. However, in terms of
administration, this youth occupies an after-care provision place maintained by a children's
home. Table 22. shows where, and with whom, the interviewed youths were living, at the
time of the second interview.
Table 22. Where, and with whom, are you currently living?
Living accommodation
Apartment (own flat)
Apartment (rented flat)
N/%
Who are you living with?
N/%
Alone
1
With partner
1
2
1
1
With partner
Foster-family
13
Residential facility with support
(residential homes, apartment
homes)
9
Foster-family
13
With other young people of a care
73
Residential facility without
support (after-care homes, or
rented flat by the Child
protection Agency)
10 (7+3)
background
19
The young adults live in 5 different types of locations. Two obtained their apartments by
applying to the local authority for social housing, and one lives together with a partner in a
sublet, whilst 13 others continue to use after-care provision at foster-parents, even after
having reached the age of legal maturity. Nine others are utilising after-care places provided
within institutional care; seven of these live in a traditional children's home, the other two
living in residential care circumstances together with other youths of child-protection system
backgrounds. Finally, the remaining ten young people live in after-care homes which are
specifically established for those who have reached the age of legal maturity whilst within the
system or in apartments rented by the TEGYESZ. Such accommodations are referred to as
“outside places”, where the interviewed youths live alongside peers from the after-care
provision system.
All the interviewees gave positive accounts of the living conditions. One offered the
following description of an after-care home which is one apartment within an apartment
house in the capital:
”It is not a sublet and not a student dormitory. State custody finances that for
me (…) This is an apartment of approximately 65-70 square metres. There are
two rooms, and, of course, a living room. A couple of months ago, almost the
whole apartment was renewed. Painting job was done, they put in new tiling
for the floor, and the bathroom was renewed. It's a pretty nice flat, only
sometimes we should try to keep it tidy. What more can I say about the living
conditions? There is cable TV, internet – we have everything, in other words,
we are not lacking anything.” (24-year-old man, studying at the National
Defence University)
Those living in children's homes or residential care regard living conditions as well-equipped
and family-like; more often than not, two of them share a room.
”I have a roommate. We have a pretty big room; it's around 15 square metres
big. It has a nice, family-like atmosphere. There are four of us grown-up girls
in the group.” (21-year-old woman, studying at the University of Art and
Design)
74
The young adults identified finding accommodation as being their biggest problem once they
leave the after-care provision system. They believe that after-care provision system
employees cannot provide effective help in this matter. As we shall see, in the discussion
concerning future plans, there are various views upon how the long-term solution for
accommodation could be solved, although they all would like to own an apartment in the
future (see chapter 8 for more details). One of the prerequisites for obtaining homebuyer’s
assistance is that the given youth should have spent 3 consecutive years within the system
before reaching the age of legal maturity. Therefore, many who entered the system as
teenagers are not eligible for homebuyer’s assistance, making it significantly harder for them
to obtain their own property.
” (…) we weren't long enough in the system or something like that, so we are
not eligible for it. So, I was, like, 16 years old when I got in.” (24-year-old
woman, studying to become a Social Worker)
Concerning long-term accommodation, 7 of the 35 young adults are already in a good
position. Two received apartments from the social housing system, whilst a local authority
offered two smaller apartments in exchange for one youth’s parents' apartment, and this youth
will move into one of these, together with an older sister.
Four interviewees own their own property (apartments); one actually owns two apartments in
the capital, one being an inheritance from grandparents, the other having been purchased by
his mother, who is living abroad, as an investment. Both apartments are currently rented out
as sublets, providing an extra monthly income for the young man.
”I have my own apartment. The apartment on K. square, which I have
mentioned before, where my grandparents lived – I got this apartment when
my grandma moved to the country. In fact, it was already mine before that, but
grandma lived in it. So that is my apartment, and since then, we bought
another apartment, as well. So, in terms of finances, and I have to knock on
wood, I don't have any financial problems.” (24-year-old man, a Politologymajor student)
In one case, using young homebuyer’s assistance, a youth purchased a house in a small
village with the intention of refurbishing it, together with a partner, and later, when the aftercare provision ceases, using it as long-term accommodation for themselves. Among those
who have their own property, one youth and his/her sibling had inherited an apartment; in
another case, one youth’s foster-parents had built a 1-bed flat for him/her on their own land.
75
Although the possibility of using the young homebuyer’s assistance is helpful, it also imposes
some pressures and limitations on the young people. The problem is that their savings, along
with the amount received from the assistance, may only allow them to buy real estate
property in a small village, something which most of them do not include in their future
plans.
”So, it's not like what they say, that now you are 20 or 18 years old, and you
should buy an apartment – and with that sort of money, you can't buy an
apartment in a normal neighbourhood. And I don’t want to be wasted or
something: there is an apartment for 1.5 million forints, and then the whole
building is full of people who have committed crimes or I don't know what – it
could happen that they set the building on fire. One of my buddies had to face
that. He bought an apartment and then they took the whole building from
above his head.” (22-year-old man, student of the police academy)
4.5 Health
Health is the topic discussed the most briefly during the interviews. On the one hand, this
may result from Hungary cultural tendencies concerning the topic: it is considered very
private, and one only discusses illness with closest friends and relatives. On the other hand,
the low emphasis given to this topic by the interviewees may result from the fact that the
majority had not suffered from any illness that had significantly influenced their school
progress. Only one of them mentioned a health problem, a genetic kidney disorder (nephritic
syndrome), that had prevented him/her from attending school for a longer period of time. We
should also mention that this youth's childhood doctor, whom s/he is still visiting regularly
for check-ups, has become a very important contact in his/her life. During the interview, this
youth stated that s/he really trusted this doctor, and can turn to him/her with all sorts of
problems.
Other than that, they only mentioned smaller health related problems; for instance, smallscale eye surgery (astigmatism), pollen allergy and tonsillectomy, whilst some mentioned
learning disorders such as dyscalculia or dysgraphia. Sometimes, however, entering the child
protection system can bring a positive change in health status, for instance, in such cases
where the parents neglected these issues, or when the youths come from a family living in
deep poverty – as a consequence of which the parents could not address health issues
appropriately.
76
“I never made friends with anyone, so I didn't have any friends. Because when
I was little, I was really skew-eyed, so because of this, I had a nice eye patch
and glasses. So, I had the appearance of a cute loser, and so nobody would
make friends with me. […] When we got into this children's home, there were
some opportunities for body improvements as well.” (24-year-old woman,
studying Accountancy & Finance, in college)
4.6 Social relations with family, friends, carers and professionals,
created family
4.6.1 Social relations with family
The Child protection Act of 1997 brought about significant changes in the child protection
system. According to the regulations of this act, in the course of the child's substitute
protection, the child has the right to get to know his/her birth family, to maintain relations
with them and to maintain his/her other personal relationships. The maintenance of relations
between child and parent cannot be restricted to occasional meetings: parents have the right to
receive information about the child's life. For a child living within the child protection
system, the opinions of the parents must also be considered – especially in connection with
the child’s placement and the planning of his/her life course. Theoretical requirements
concerning the maintenance of relationships with the birth-family have considerably changed.
It has been clearly formulated that the maintenance of relations with the birth-family is
essential to the formation of a healthy self-image and the processing of the past. Getting to
know past events, dealing with traumas, observing past events in the light of present
circumstances, these are all important factors for young people who are finding their way
towards their futures. In practice, however, we can observe that such relationships are
unsettled, and after-care provision professionals are not devoting enough attention to this.
Although professionals working in the system also believe that the maintenance of stronger
relations with the birth-family is an important factor in successful social integration, the
legally entitled young adult cannot be forced to maintain relations with his/her parents. Also,
in contrast to childhood, the intensity of the relationship may not be influenced – i.e. how
frequently they meet, and how much time they spend together. Those who have reached the
age of legal maturity can freely decide for themselves whether or not they need their real
families or need contact with them. We have observed that, in most cases, our interviewed
subjects do not solicit the maintenance of relations.
77
In subsection 5.3.1, we discuss, in detail, the place of birth-parents and siblings in young
adults’ lives. In the following, we briefly summarise the characteristics of current
relationships with the birth-family.
We can establish three types of relations with family: 1) a close-knit relationship, 2) a
superficial and irregular relationship, 3) no contact between the parties. Apart from two
exceptions – where there is daily contact and a good relationship (providing emotional
security) – the interviewees’ relationships with their birth-parents are of types 2 and 3.
Those who have no contact with their families do not intend to gather information on them,
either. They have steered away from this topic since childhood, and they despise their parents
because of the parents’ lifestyle and situation. In these cases, the parents did not maintain
intensive contact with them, starting from childhood.
”While I was living with foster-parents, during all that time, I only got a
postcard from her once. You have to know that my mother and I have the same
first name. And still, she couldn't write it correctly, because she spelled
Julianna with one” n”. So, taking that she is an adult. Well, I don't know, I
already formed an opinion of her right then. I'm sure she wasn't an educated
person.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
and currently studying programming in a higher-educational programme
registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
Some of the youths believe that they are not ready to get into contact with their families, to
meet family members personally, or to get to know the family history. One example is a
young man who has never met his mother personally, but knows that she is living in a health
institute due to her having a psychiatric condition.
”My mother and I had a contact initiation some time ago – it was about 1-2
years ago. […] Unfortunately, she is schizophrenic, so she is very ill. So, I
haven't kept contact with her, I haven't visited her up to this day, although I
know where she is. She is in a small town somewhere in the Transdanubian
region. And well, with some time, when I get a big older, I'll look her up.” (22year-old man, studying at the police academy)
There are two instances of adoption into the family, where a sibling of the birth-parent took
on foster-parenting. According to one youth, although he has known since his early childhood
who his real mother was and having also maintained regular family contact, he is not
emotionally attached to her.
78
”So, we can say that we talk on the phone, and now she is also with us. But,
yes, we really talk. But the thing is that I don't really feel any love for her,
because we only just talk, we're just like that.” (23-year-old man, studying to
become a Shop assistant)
Those maintaining irregular contact most often regard family relationships as a burden. On
many occasions, the parent only contacts his/her child when s/he needs help or financial
support.
” […] my mother is living in the country. Sometimes I talk to her on the phone,
but this happens rarely. When she has some troubles, she calls me and tells me
to go and visit her, and so on. Which, of course, doesn't happen. And then she
calls me to ask why I didn't go to visit her” (22-year-old woman, with a
secondary-school leaving-certificate, and currently living in the Netherlands)
4.6.2 Social relations with friends
Young adults primarily have external relationships, and they really try keeping it that way.
The most common place for friendship formation is the school. Many of the interviewees
recounted negative experiences from both school and the community of children; as a result
of these, they developed a particular defence mechanism – hiding their pasts, their family
backgrounds, and the living conditions in which they were raised.
”Well, for me, my primary school years were the most horrible. […] And at
that time, I was still living together with my mother, my real mother. And,
well, that was a tough period because she was a massive alcoholic – and I
mean really massive. And such things happened that she pissed under me,
and whatever, and on the next day, I had to go to school. Well, who would
make friends with a person who stinks – so I didn't have any friends, and the
whole thing rather had an outcast feeling.” (22-year-old woman, with a
secondary-school leaving-certificate, and currently working as a shop
assistant)
Due to their child protection system background, or their Romani ethnic origin, many of them
have faced discrimination. Moreover, in many cases, not only the classmates ridiculed them
and called them names, but the teachers, as well. In school, primarily those living in
institutional care experienced discrimination (see subsection 6.3 for more details).
In secondary-school, however, it is not characteristic of children to cast-off peers, or hurt
them verbally or physically, so most of the interviewees were able to fit into the community
79
and make friends. These friendships were still alive after the school years were finished.
During continuation of studies after compulsory school age, it is still important for young
people to make new friends and to get to know new people. Due to their common fields of
interest, it is easier for them to make new contacts and to communicate with their peers. In the
case of those youths who attend higher-education institutions, going out together,
participation at parties, and studying together during exam periods, are all part of university
life and provide good opportunities for them to develop friendships.
Due to the more numerous opportunities for socialising, those who are attending higher level
education institutions usually have a more extensive circle of friends and tend to go out more
often to meet up with people.
”My weekdays: I spend them mostly with networking and going out to have
fun once or twice.” (22-year-old man, a student at the police academy)
Youths attending higher-education institutions, who have concrete ideas and goals for their
futures are, in many cases, unable to communicate with peers living in the child welfare
system. Their fields of interest and motivation are completely different. Therefore, they much
rather tend to look for friendships outside the system.
”On the level of roommates, it is practically non-existent. […] They have a
different type of reality. […] Which is ok, no problem with that – their
ambitions stop at living an average, normal life. But there is no problem with
that, so I regard this as absolutely decent and honest. Mine go further than
that.” (24-year-old man, a Politology-major student)
Those who are working alongside their studies like going out with their colleagues, as well,
and maintain good relations with them.
Those who study in secondary-schools, however, are much more reserved. Many restrict
themselves to friendships formed within the after-care provision system, although they do not
regard these as being very deep. In addition, they tend to put an emphasis on intimate
relationships, and to discontinue friendships in favour of stable, intimate relationships.
Relationships with those being brought up within the child welfare system are much better
described as “camaraderie” rather than friendship. During the time spent in the child welfare
system, mutual help and acceptance, and a general outlook – “there is nothing to dislike about
each other because of the past” – form the basis of interpersonal relationships. Still, many
believe that when they finally leave the system these interpersonal relationships completely
80
cease to exist. This is mostly due to the fact that they do not intend to face their past in the
form of maintaining old relationships.
4.6.3 Social relations with carers and professionals
The majority of interviewees made positive statements about child-care professionals
working within the institutional care system. In addition, as described in detail in subsection
5.3.2, those who were raised by foster-parents tend to have a close relationship with the
foster-family. Those raised by foster-parents state that the foster-parents did not differentiate
between them and their own children and that it was easy to fit into the family.
Several youths mentioned as a positive attribute that, during their time spent within the child
welfare and after-care provision systems, they got to know a professional whose personality,
lifestyle and general views served as a good example and to whom they could turn with their
troubles. However, they believe that these professionals are unique in the child protection
system. According to their experiences, this type of co-operative ability, openness and
helpfulness is not characteristic of all professionals within the system.
”I respect him as my father. He is very helpful. I think he is helping me more
than his duty would require. We have a good relationship with the other
carers as well. There is always some kind of conflict, but this will always be
like this. Basically I think that state care is not bad. I have never felt the
absence of my parents in this respect, never. […], to answer your question:
my relationship with educators and the employees at the institute is definitely
good.” (24-year-old man, studying at the National Defence University)
When talking about positive characteristics, several youths mentioned help provided with
administrative affairs (e.g. application for social scholarships), and also stated that ever since
childhood they have always received support for their studies.
” Everybody was sort of generally thankful, and they generally respected the
adults working here […] So, I always had – during my studies and my stay
here – those people, who… who would, let's put it that way, see something in
me, and because of that, they could always motivate me to go in a good
direction.” (24-year-old man, a Politology-major student)
The importance of financial support was often mentioned, during the interviews (see
subsection 4.3.3 for more details).
81
”So, they can mainly provide social and financial support. In some cases, we
also got some love from them - during organised camps and other events -,
and some kindness and care.” (24-year-old man, studying at the National
Defence University)
At the same time, a negative characteristic is the fact that some youths who were brought up
within institutional care do not believe that they can trust child protection professionals and
that, as young adults, they are not treated as partners. A common problem is that they do not
feel they can confide in professionals, or to discuss everyday troubles and their ideas for the
future with them. These youths, characteristically, have routine-like conversations with the
professionals – conversations which do not involve confidence and trust. This lack of
confidence also results from the fact that some professionals have already proven that if a
youth honestly shares his or her problems with them, such information will not remain
confidential. Some of the universal standards of child protection – such as interpersonal trust
and confidence – are fundamentally violated.
” […] I discussed something with an educator, for example, once I had an
illness and I told this person about it. We discussed it, and I said that I didn't
want to make this thing public. And then I heard it back from the other kids
that this and that happened, so I heard about stuff that this person talked
about this in front of everyone, that I have such a problem.” (22-year-old
woman, has a secondary-school leaving-certificate, is currently studying as
shop manager)
Several youths only maintain superficial relationships with their after-care educators,
believing that these persons cannot help them at all in the formation of their futures. In many
cases, there are conflicts concerning money management. Unfortunately, it also happens, in
everyday practice that professionals regard young adults as children, expecting them to
behave well and do as they are told. In many instances, the legal capability of the young adult
is completely disregarded: they are given punishments; moreover, their leisure time is
structured by the professionals, even to the extent of regulating when they can meet their
partners. One such youth used words and expressions to describe the children's home as if it
were a totalitarian institute (e.g. using the word “sector”). She gave the following account:
”[…] Friday – Saturday – Sunday, if I tell my group educator that I would
like to visit my boyfriend, I would like to get permission at that given time.
[…] There are rules – everywhere, at the workplace and everywhere else.
82
Well, I have to live by these rules: I have to put my sector in order; I have to
come home on time. If I don't come home on time, I get a punishment.” (22year-old woman, with Social Worker and Nursing professions, who is
currently employed, and would like to obtain a secondary-school leavingcertificate by attending an evening course)
All in all, we may say that, despite smaller and larger conflicts and incorrect child protection
routines, the young people maintain good relationships with the professionals; they are
thankful for the support – mainly financial support – and for the help provided in relation to
their studies. It definitely should be noted, however, that the main reason for remaining in the
after-care provision system after reaching the age of legal maturity is the fact that, in most
cases, the young adult has nowhere to go, since s/he has no stable family relationships, so the
system provides the only secure place. In many cases, they also take into account the
convenience of remaining within the system – since they are provided with accommodation,
clothing and support for studies and, last but not least, it is much more economical to stay in
the system than to live independently and self-sufficiently. One of them talks about the
financial advantages of after-care provision, giving a reason why he got “stuck there” after he
reached the age of 18:
”Well, I told everyone a million times that: when I'm going to be 18, I can't
wait to be old enough. I will be 18 and then I am going to go away from
here, I don't care about anyone here. […] And, well, the time came when I
got 18 years old, and we sat down and talked about it. And, well, yes, they
were right, so I got stuck here. But this is all because of the opportunities,
you see. Now, why should I go to a sublet? Why should I go, not even, like,
go home. Well, but, you know, money is also spent there, as well. And well,
now, yes, of course, money must be spent everywhere else. But why should I
go to a sublet and pay like 50-60-70 thousand a month, when I can actually
live here for free. Well, now, I should really say it like it is. But really, my
common sense is also telling me to stay here, and the thing is that, during my
stay here – you know, when I was 18 – they did my laundry and the ironing
for me. […] They gave me the paper, saying: well, so are you staying? Well,
you know, there is also a set of regulations for this as well, telling you what
you can't do and stuff: I read it through and I signed. Because if I look at it
this way – regarding my further studies and stuff – I can actually stay here
until the age of 24.” (21-year-old man, attending university, and in the third
year of Recreation Organiser and Health Development major)
83
4.6.4 Social relations with created family
There is a great emphasis on intimate relationships during this life stage. A youth’s future
may depend on the possible success or failure of this relationship, because either outcome
might significantly modify his/her ideas about the future.
The majority live in stable, intimate relationships: one-night-stands are not characteristic.
Two already have children, and two became engaged to their partners during the course of the
year.
As for the chosen partners, only one of them is of a similar, child protection system
background. The interviewees’ strive for social integration, as indicated by the fact that they
prefer making friends and forming intimate relationships outside the care system. However,
many of them have negative experiences or fears that their partner, or the partner's family, has
difficulties accepting their care-system background and unsettled family background, or the
fact of their being brought up within the child protection system. One accounted for his fears
thus:
”Mainly because, well, let's say I bring her here to the family, and I
introduce my girlfriend, and then it comes out that I am a foster-child or
something. We have to talk about many things before that, so she could
accept me, at all – what sort of life I had, and what sort of life I am having
now, and my family circumstances, as well.” (22-year-old man, studying at
the police academy)
Some, however, are very thankful that their partner's family gas accepted them and gives
them support.
”They also like me. […] I call his dad “dad” and his mom “mom” – I also
call them that.” (23-year-old woman, with two professions, and currently
looking for a job)
It is a general experience of women that their boyfriends did not like coming to the children's
home, not wanting to face, on a daily basis, where, and with whom, their girlfriends are
living.
”He didn't really like this place – I don't know why. It was like this,
anyway, it was like this with all the girls, that the boys didn't really like
coming here - I don't know why. They accepted that we are like this, in each
84
case.” (23-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
and currently studying Tourism under the umbrella of an educational
programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
It is characteristic – as we are going to describe in detail – that all of the youths would like to
establish a family in the future; they wish to have children when they reach the age of around
30. Those living in intimate relationships plan the expanded future together. It can be
observed that among those women who have lower school qualifications, there is a stronger
dependency within the intimate relationship. Due to the prejudices they have experienced in
their lives, they are thankful to be accepted in an intimate relationship.
”I would like to have a good life, and stay with L., and not break up with
him - For the love of God, I hope not. […] To have a workplace - that is the
most important. And that I could take care of everything, what I want. To
have a good life.” (23-year-old woman, with two professions, and currently
looking for a job)
4. 7 Leisure time
The most frequently mentioned leisure activities are everyday activities, common for every
young adult, such as watching TV, listening to music, getting together with friends and
partying (see Table 23.). It is interesting that, regarding leisure time activities, 10 of our
interviewed subjects told us that, right now, they “had no time” for any kind of relaxation,
because they were spending all their time studying (we have to take into consideration that
the time spent studying varies seasonally, e.g. during the exam period or preparation for the
secondary-school leaving-exam, so this reaction could be explained by the fact that we may
have interviewed these youths during a period of intensive studying). Concerning the
relationship between studying and leisure time, it is worth noting that, in the case of several
youths, studying can be the reason for quitting a leisure activity (extra-curricular classes,
sports). This typically happens when the young adult finishes secondary-school (reaches the
compulsory school age), and, at the same time, enters the after-care provision system. On the
one hand, this is the time when the daily schedule and life rhythm they have gotten used to,
ever since childhood, changes. On the other hand, further studies or – for the majority –
obtaining a profession or obtaining professional qualifications through completing courses
(i.e. securing the best possible position in the labour market), these become the central focus
of their lives (leisure time is discussed in detail in chapter 7).
85
Table 23. Leisure time activities mentioned
Leisure time activities
TV, listening to music, internet
Hanging around, friends, partying
Sport (dancing)
Reading
”I have no time, I am studying”
Resting, relaxing
Playing music, choir
No. of YP
who
mentioned it
14
14
13
12
10
6
2
4. 8 Contact with criminal justice system
In the course of the research, the interviewees had no conflict with the law. There are only
three cases that deserve mention – and none of these could be termed as a serious case. In one
case, one girl hit another at a place of entertainment. The attacked girl called the police but, in
the end, they did not institute proceedings against the assailant. There were two main reasons
why this event was traumatic for the attacker. On one hand, she was a kick-boxer, and sports
ethics do not allow her to abuse her skills (she also had to appear at a “hearing” at the sports
club, and received a reprimand). Additionally, she was extremely afraid that were the case to
be reported to the authorities, she would be dismissed from the after-care home.
”And then the police arrived, because the chick called the police because...
Well, okay, yes, her nose got broken, that's true. The police arrived and
then I asked them not to take me in, because if they do, and this news gets
out, I'm going to be kicked out of this place. I was lucky, because I knew the
policeman who came and I told him my version of the story, and after that,
the girl couldn't really say anything, so they let us go. But after this, I had
to go up to the sports club, where they hold these official hearings. [...]
They told me that if this happened again, they would take away my belt. So,
that's what happened.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, studying at a (secondary) police academy)
In another case, a youth was caught travelling on a bus with an invalid ticket, but did not pay
the fine. In the end, taking into account the sum of the fine and its interest, the youth had to
pay a total of more than 100,000 forints. The youth settled this debt and, besides attending
86
school, had to work at the weekends and only managed to earn that sum through several
months of work.
The third case took place before the youth entered the child protection system, and was
actually only a misunderstanding. He ran away from his parents, who notified the police that
he was missing. However, after they found out that he had only gone to see his grandfather
they forgot to notify the police. One evening, when he was on his way home, the police
stopped him and asked for identification. Then they proceeded to take him into custody
because there was a valid, country-wide search warrant issued against him (when the police
are notified about a missing person, after a certain period of time they will issue a countrywide search warrant against the missing person).
We have to emphasise two things regarding the fact that none of the selected youths had a
serious police case among them. First of all, during our selection process, we approached
youths living in the after-care provision system – where the truly problematic youths do not
even get in (since there is a high probability that they will leave the system after they reach
the age of 18). Secondly, we can state that those who study well and show a promising
prospect in terms of further study are typically of good behaviour, easily manageable and
follow the rules.
4.9 Portrait
K. is a 21-year-old woman, born in Budapest, in 1988. She entered the special child welfare
provisions system, placed with professional foster-parents at the age of 14. She is currently
receiving after-care support, is working and is living alone in a council flat won through
application for social housing6. She was living with her mother until the age of 8. She has a
younger brother, born from her mother's second marriage, who was brought up by his father
and father's mother, from the age of 3. She has no information on her mother's level of
education. She thinks that her mother has never worked and is an alcoholic. All she knows
about her real father is that he was in prison, but she has never met him.
She attended three primary schools, did not repeat a grade, and was a good student. She
completed the first 2 grades in the primary school in the vicinity of her residence. She has
unpleasant memories of this period, due to her mother's regular, excessive drinking and
6
One district local authority in Budapest uniquely allows for those brought up within the child-protection
system to submit applications for social-housing.
87
unsettled family circumstances. Because of her uncared-for appearance, she was an outcast at
school and had no friends. Her mother did not really care about her schooling. She was 8
when she decided, one day, that she wouldn't go home, but to her younger brothers'. That was
the last time she saw her mother. Her younger brother's grandmother on his father's side under
took on the task of bringing up K. Then she started attending a different primary school,
where she stayed until the 7th grade. She recalls rather bad memories of this school, as well:
"90% of my class were gypsies (…) And you had to fight there, so that they don't – so that I
would not be an outcast.” She lived with her younger brother until the age of 12. His
grandmother, who also was an alcoholic, constantly hurt her; her PE teacher noticed marks of
physical ill-treatment. She got into a short-term children's home exactly on her 12th birthday.
She would only have been allowed to stay in the short-term home for 9 months, but the
educators did not want her to enter the child welfare system, so she spent two years there. Illtreatment was not the only reason why she did not want to go home to her grandmother: her
foster-father had been abusing her sexually, regularly, since she was 11. She spent the last
year of primary school in a boarding school. She had a very good relationship with her peers
in this school – despite the fact that there were many students with behavioural problems.
After completing secondary-school, at the age of 14, she was placed with professional fosterparents. At first, it was difficult for her to fit into the family; the foster-parents had 6 fosterchildren and 3 of their own. She said the following about this: "It was a completely different
environment: intellectual family, and I was one of the proles." She started attending a general
secondary-school – providing a secondary-school leaving-certificate – with a foster-sibling of
the same age. She had good relationships with her teachers and classmates, earned good
grades, and she had no difficulties in any subject. Good academic achievement, participation
in housework and summer work were all essential expectations in the foster-family. In the
year of the secondary-school leaving-exam, K. chose to continue her studies as a Historymajor; firstly, because she liked history classes and her history teacher, and secondly, because
she assumed that a teacher's career would easily fit in well with a family life when she had
her own children. Having a degree was "a matter of prestige" for her. However, she enrolled
in a two-year educational programme for Institutional Communicators registered in the
National Record of Qualifications. Though she finished two years of the school, she did not
take the final exam. In the meantime, she was admitted to university as a tuition paying fulltime history-major, and she started her studies in September, 2009. The TEGYESZ agency
undertook payment of 50% of the tuition fee. During her university studies, she worked at
88
McDonald’s and she loved her job. At the same time, she was afraid that she would not be
able to co-ordinate her studies with her work. "(…) I can't make ends meet with that. Ok, I
passed this exam well enough and, like, it's very nice for the future, but doesn't give me
security right now.”
In order to secure her livelihood, she prepared herself for the possibility of having to suspend
her studies for a short time. During the second interview, she said that she had decided to
discontinue university studies during the first term. "(…) it takes a whole person, and I wasn't
able to be a whole person at the university." She did not have time to study while working
full-time. Since then, she had found a new job, and works at a Promod shop. However –
instead of learning history – her plan is to continue her studies in the correspondence program
of a school providing higher level education. Given the schedule of the school, she deems this
easier to accomplish. She would like to apply for a Legal-Assistant programme, in 2010. This
programme was recommended by one of her cousins who works as a lawyer. She thinks that
she will have a better chance of finding employment with these qualifications than with a
History degree. In addition, she wants to get a driving license. Her foster-family supports her
decision, and she can count on the foster-parents in everything, even after she has moved to
her own flat. They keep in regular contact.
89
Chapter 5. The family and care lives of young people in and
from public care
5.1 What was the family structure of birth families? The proportion
taken into care at young ages (under 14) and older teenagers (14
and older). Who or what were the major family influences on the
young people as they were growing up?
Details concerning family life, family members (the maintenance of relations with immediate
and extended family), and reasons for entering the system are, in many cases, are not
properly defined. In itself, this could be an indication of unsettled family relations: it also
indicates that the youths brought up under special child-welfare provisions are, in many
cases, unaware of the major events of their past; moreover, they are not even aware of the
actual reason for their placement within the system.
They typically have negative childhood memories of family life (see subsection 5.2 for
details). The unsettled nature of their family life is indicated by the fact that the majority of
these youths were brought up within an incomplete family. The interviewees either did not
know the father, at all, or the father had left the family when they were only infants or small
children. In two cases, however, the mother had gone away, leaving her child with the father.
Altogether fourteen youths were brought up in a one-parent family. Although eight others
were brought up in two-parent families, during the interviews they still mentioned unsettled
conditions and relationships. Due to their parents’ alcoholism, two others were brought up by
grandparents and, in one these cases, the extended family (godparent) also took part in the
upbringing. One of the two who were brought up by grandparents was taken into the system
because the grandparent had died, whilst the other was admitted due to the grandmother’s
brutality.
An unsettled family life is also indicated by the parents having changed partners several
times, so the interviewees have many half-siblings on both their mother’s and father’s side.
In many cases, they do not know these half-siblings or have only met them occasionally.
Those who were raised together with their siblings or half-siblings have typically had close
relationships with them – before entering the system – and are emotionally attached to them.
90
”Well, if I didn't have a father, I would have had a good childhood, but this
way, my whole childhood was bad, all along. When my father was not at
home, I got along really well with my younger sister and my older sister. We
played a lot together with my younger sister, but only when my father wasn't
at home.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
currently studying to be a Shop Manager)
We can state that – before admittance to the special child-welfare provisions system –
siblings were the most important people for the young adult. Many mentioned that, due to
absence or neglect of the part of the parents, their older sibling would take care of them, and
that many of them did the same for their younger siblings.
Examining the relationship between family structure and the reasons for entering the system,
we could not find significant differences. Physical ill-treatment and alcohol problems occur
in each family-type. Where the mother was raising her children alone, bad financial
conditions also contributed to the removal of children from the family. In some cases, death
in the family or the psychiatric condition of the mother led to the children being taken into
care. Among those who were admitted as infants, one youth mentioned that his/her mother
give birth as a young girl and then moved abroad, whilst another knows only that s/he was
found in a trash-container and then taken-in by foster-parents. The others suspect financial or
lifestyle problems to be the reason they were taken into the system.
During the analysis of the narratives, only a couple of instances were found where the family
was helped by distant relatives or family friends – which indicates that families are left on
their own with the social problems. Those natural supports-systems – which might have
helped the family to resolve financial issues and problems concerning accommodation and
lifestyle – did not function. The following table (Table 24.) shows where, and with whom,
the interviewees lived before they entered the welfare system, and the reasons they
mentioned for their being taken into the system.
Table 24. Family structure7
With whom were they living
Main reasons for admittance into the system
together before entering the
7
This table does not include those who entered the child-welfare system as infants, because they were either
taken to the infant-welfare home directly from the hospital where they were born, or they do not have exact
information concerning why they were removed from their families.
91
system?
Two-parent family,
siblings, half-siblings
N
Alcoholism, physical ill-treatment, negligence, criminal
lifestyle, psychiatric problems
8
One-parent family
(father + siblings, halfsiblings)
2
Negligence, physical ill-treatment
One-parent family
(mother + siblings,
half-siblings)
12
Financial problems, negligence, alcoholism, accommodation
problems
Grandparents and
other relatives
2
Negligence, death of the grandparent
5.2 What was life like as children? What were the disruptions and
difficulties?
We can identify four basic groups of family problems that occur during upbringing within the
family, and which eventually lead to a child being taken into the child-welfare system: 1)
alcoholism, 2) ill-treatment (physical, emotional, sexual), negligence, 3) financial problems
(unemployment, becoming homeless) and 4) other reasons (e.g. mental issues, psychiatric
problems, death). In most cases, there were complex, long-term problems in the family,
including ill-treatment and negligence originating from alcoholism. It is also clear, from the
narratives, that the young adults spent long years under unsettled conditions, being hurt
physically and mentally, and lacking parental love and care. One gave the following
description of her childhood:
”Childhood? Well, it was a total catastrophe, and I really mean it. Well, we
lived in F. for a long time. My mother was an alcoholic. […] But my mother
was like, she went away once, then came back, went away, came back again.
[…] So if she couldn't get her liquor, she would also break into places. And
she spent a lot of time in prison […] Oh, and yes, when my parents got
divorced, once and for all, I got a foster- mother, who could have stepped
out of a fairy tale as an evil stepmother. And I am also in here because of
her. I decided to come to this institute because of her. Because she didn't
hurt me physically, or just rarely, but she hurt me verbally a lot. And I was
forced to do things and such – so that wasn't a dream-come-true life.” (22-
92
year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, studying at a
(secondary) police academy, who would like to join the police)
5.2.1. Alcohol problems
In many cases, the mother’s alcoholism is the reason for removing children. Due to her
alcohol problems, these mothers were unable to care for her children emotionally or
physically.
”My mother is an alcoholic. My father raised us alone, because my mother
was not really reliable. And so he went to work at 6 in the morning, and
came home at 11 in the evening. And well, an alcoholic woman raises her
children at home - raises? Well, she couldn't even babysit those 4 kids. She
did things like locking us out of the house in the snow, and stuff. And then the
neighbours would tell her that this was not OK. And then one time, they
called the police and the guardianship authority, and so this is how we were
taken into state-care.” (21-year-old woman, studying at the University of Art
and Design)
It was also a tendency that both parents would have deviant lifestyles, as a result of which
there was arguing and shouting between both parents, as well.
5.2.2. Ill-treatment, negligence
In most cases, alcoholism occurred in parallel with the children’s physical ill-treatment, as did
physical ill-treatment of the wife by the father. Unfortunately, physical abuse also occurred
on traditional days of celebration. For instance, one of the interviewees, together with her
sister, left her family after her primary-school graduation celebration.
”Well, my grandmother, my uncle, my two sisters, all came to my graduation
celebration. My father came as well, and made a bad scene – well, that was
really bad. Then we came home, and he beat us up really bad. After that, we
went to the shore of the lake, and we slept there for 3 days.” (22-year-old
woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and currently studying
to be a Shop Manager)
Negligence and emotional ill-treatment also occur frequently, and result in feelings of
solitude and loneliness. Many of the young people told us that they often felt really lonely
because their parents simply did not care about them. It is also a characteristic of their
93
childhoods that physical ill-treatment occurred for the slightest things, without any reason, on
a daily basis.
Sexual ill-treatment occurred in one case, when the stepfather sexually-abused the youth, but
the actual reason for removing her was the physical ill-treatment inflicted by her
grandmother.
One of the youths calls his life within the family “my previous life”. Since his mother left the
family when he was only a couple of months old, he was raised by his father. After becoming
unemployed, his father started drinking heavily and, as a result, physically abused the child.
He was unable to process either his wife’s leaving or losing his job. Although he tried living
with a companion, he would regularly abuse her physically, and she eventually left him. Due
to accumulated debts, the family was also facing the possibility of losing their home. The
interviewee gave the following account of his father's last brutality and the final day of his
“previous life”:
”He sent me to get wine. We lived on H. road, in the gypsy district. […] He
sent me to get wine: I had to go and buy wine. But before that, he really beat
me up. He spent the money on slot machines and kept me in terror. He told
me: now, I am really going to beat you up because I spent the money on slot
machines, and you didn't prevent me from doing that. […] I went to get wine,
but instead of getting that, I went to a phone booth and called the police. The
police car arrived, and they put me in the car. […] Then he came to the
police station and asked what they wanted, but the policemen sent him away.
[…] So that was it, that I went to the phone booth, called the police, they
came, took me to the police station and filed my case. Then they took me to a
short-term home.” (22-year-old man, a Law student)
5.2.3. Financial problems
Financial problems were mentioned in almost all of the narratives, but only very rarely were
these the only problems a family had.
”The electricity was turned off, many times, at our place. We only had
electricity for a couple of months. No electricity for half a year, then we had
electricity for a month, then no electricity for half a year. We had water for
some time, but by the time I reached 10 years old, they had turned that off as
well.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and
currently studying to be a Shop Manager)
94
In one case, however, a mother could not support her two children alone, without family help
and accommodation, even though she was working. Still, this narrative is unique among the
interviews, because the children maintained daily contact with their mother even after they
had entered the system. Not only did the mother meet her children every day, she also insisted
on washing her children's clothes herself, and she helped them obtain places in the same
residential-care home.
”Well, it was really hard, I know. Because Mom was alone. You know,
without family background and all. Because she had a bad relationship with
them anyway, and all, but still, they abandoned my mom. Having 16-year-old
kids, that was really tough. We spent a lot of time in mothers’ shelters. And
then I think we got in here. Because we had to move out from there (…) At
that time, I think, Mom was working at the M. Hospital, or something, and
she had a place at a nurses’ hostel, or something like that. But we could not
be accommodated there, and I think that was the time when we got in. So, we
only got into the system because mom could not take care of us: she couldn't
provide us accommodation, food or anything, so that's why. (…) And then
mom regularly came to the Alföldi (institute,) and all. She requested that I
was also transferred, because we were siblings. (…) It was really bad. I was
allowed to go out every day, because of the trainings, and all. And then I
went to the training, and then I met my mom after the training, and I made
use of the absence-permissions as much as possible (…)” (24-year-old
woman, studying to become a Social Worker)
5.2.4. Other problems
As for other problems, we can highlight the death of the responsible adult, or the parent’s
psychiatric problem; however, the latter only occurred a few times. One youth, brought up by
her grandparents, told us that they had taken her in because her parents were alcoholics, and
that she was admitted to the system after her grandparents died.
”[…] we were living at home with our grandparents. Then my grandpa died.
And when we got into the system, two years after that – then our grandma
died, too.” (22-year-old woman, with Social-work and Nursing professions
but currently employed, and who would like to obtain a secondary-school
leaving-certificate through attending an evening course)
95
Those who entered the system as infants believe that they were actually born into this
situation. They only have impressions on family life which they gather from the families of
their friends and peers.
”Well, I don't know, I kind of think that one is born into this situation and
tries to accept it like it is. In other words, I can't imagine how it is to be in a
family. Of course, I have a lot of circles of friends. So, in my friends’ circles,
I visited many of my friends, so I mean at their families.” (24-year-old man,
a Politology-major student)
In most cases, there is no contact with the parents – due to the emotional disruptions in the
family life and other negative experiences. They typically have negative memories from their
childhoods. Only one youth has had a very close relationship with her mother since
childhood. In her case, intensive support from the family might have prevented her from
being taken into care. In the case of the others, the relationship can either be defined as
superficial or irregular, or the youth specifically refuses to have contact with his/her family
and deems it harmful. They are rather happy that they have escaped from their families.
After describing the hardships and emotional disruptions of childhood, we are going to
analyse the place of certain characters – such as parents, siblings, other blood-relatives, and
foster-parents – in the lives of young adults.
5.3 The place of parents and step parents, siblings and wider family
in their lives
5.3.1 The place of parents in the lives of the young people
One of the professional goals of the after-care-provision system is to strengthen the
maintenance of relations with the family, in order to promote successful integration into
society. Then again, the interviewed youths’ cases indicate that there is typically no contact
with the birth-parents, or only a very eclectic one. The reasons for this lie within childhood
traumas and the fact that contact with family members was irregular even before the youths
reached the age of legal maturity. This situation could not be resolved by the following
practice: if a child had some kind of contact with the parents, then before s/he reached the age
of legal maturity it was mandatory for him/her to meet them at specific time intervals. The
child had no choice but to meet the parent, even if reluctant to see a parent who had ill-treated
or neglected him/her. It seems that, in many cases, the child-protection system is not gearedup for the proper facilitation of the initiation and maintenance of contact with the family.
96
”Yes, it was mandatory for me to meet her every 2 weeks. This did not
always happen, because there were times when we had no idea where she
was, and it also happened that I found a way to avoid the meeting.” (22year-old woman, a Marketing-major college student)
At the same time, such child-protection approaches and practices that have difficulty
accepting the emotional attachment of young adults to their real families are unacceptable.
Among the interviewees, one young adult has had a close relationship and daily contact with
her mother since she got entered the system. Before reaching the age of legal maturity, the
young adult regarded institutional-care as a place that provides only “accommodation”, and
not a home. After she reached the age of legal maturity, the professionals advised her to take
up after-care provision, in order to be able to continue her higher-education studies. She is
currently a Social Worker major, and would like to work within the child-protection system,
in the future. Despite the harmonious parent-child relationship, the professionals had
difficulty accepting that the young adult wanted to spend her free-time with her mother.
”There were conflicts, but now it seems as if they were starting to accept that
I'd rather spend my time with my mom than out there (after-care home). But
earlier it was always like this, they would define how much time I should
spend there, how many days. That in a week, I should spend 4 days out there
and only three with my Mom. But I can't hold myself to this.” (24-year-old
woman, studying to become a Social Worker)
In most cases, the young adults disapprove of their parents because of their lifestyles. They
believe that needed the support of their real families when they were children but not now,
when they are adults.
”She always comes and says that: oh, of course, she would help, and
whatever. But I don't need her help any more. I would have needed it
earlier […] Now I can get by on my own, and I don't need it. That's for one,
and on the other hand, I know that these are just empty promises. So when I
was little, she did the same. […] But I think that her conscience must be
bothering her, that I'm her child and she never helped me. And now she
realised that maybe she should.” (22-year-old woman, a Marketing-major
college student)
The rejection of the parents can, in many cases, be linked to a feeling of gratitude towards the
foster-parents. Several youths believe that they have no desire to have contact with their real
97
parents because the foster-family is much closer to them emotionally and, as such, they would
regard it as a kind of betrayal of their foster-parents, were they to go and have relationships
with their blood-families. This conscious separation from their blood-families also results
from their not wishing to live up to their parents' expectations, at all. This is especially true if
they are able to fit in with the expectations of their foster-families, and they find love and
understanding there since getting away from their real families.
”Well, if I really wanted to, I could have looked them up – and I did - but I
never intended to leave this (foster) family. This means too much for me,
this family, to just go to someone else, to someone I don't even know. They
may be my real parents, but it could be that they regard me as a complete
stranger. So I am not going to change for that, to please them.” (22-yearold man, a student of the police academy)
If there has been an initiation of contact with the blood-family since the young adult entered
the system, in most cases, emotional attachment could not be formed. One described the
relationship with the blood-family thus:
”Well, we didn't form an emotional bond - at least I didn't – because she
was not the one who raised me, and I can't love her like I love my mom
(referring to foster- mother). But we talk, I go and visit her sometimes, and
we talk […].” (22-year-old, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate
specialised towards Economics, and currently studying to become a
Logistics Assistant)
When we asked what sort of role their parents play in their lives, many responded with
outright rejection, saying that they wanted to have no contact with their parents, whatsoever.
In many cases, the only reason for maintaining contact is the opportunity of meeting siblings
who live with the real family.
”Well, I would mostly like to have no contact at all. But if I want to have
contact with my younger brother and sister, I have to go through them. But
I will do away with this relationship as soon as I can.” (22-year-old
woman, a Marketing-major college student)
Concerning the period after they reached the age of legal maturity, several youths told us that
as soon as they could access their savings, the parents appeared. According to the general
experience of professionals working within the system, the formation of closer relationships
98
between youths within the system and their parents is very difficult if no such relationship
existed between them previously. These relationships typically only last until the young adult's
money is spent, and then s/he can no longer stay at the family home. None of our interviewees
had returned to his/her family as a child, or as an adult, and then returned to the system.
5.3.2 The place of foster-parents in the lives of the young people
All of the interviewees entered the system before the Child-Protection Act entered into force,
i.e. at the time when – in the case of youths raised by foster-parents – the foster-parents were
expected to raise the foster-child as if s/he was their own. As mentioned above, none of the 35
youths interviewed were placed back at home being fostered or in an institute. There were
three instances of youths returning from fostering to an institute; these youths speak more
critically about their foster-parents.
The others, however, have positive opinions of foster-care and their foster-parents. They are
thankful to have been placed with a family: they were raised by them, have received and are
still receiving support, and they can always count on them. When talking about positive
experiences, several mentioned that their foster-parents had prepared them for an independent,
self-sufficient life: they taught them how to take care of household chores and budgeting: they
provided, and still provide, constant emotional support. They regard their foster-family and its
values as an example they would like to follow when establishing their own families. Many
stated that they would like their own family to be like the one in which they were raised during
their time spent in the child-welfare system.
”Oh, well, they are very strong. I don't know, I think that the fact that they
are strong heartens me up that: if they can do it, I can do it, too. Well, they
are really unselfish people, they help everyone they can, and even if they
can't help, they still try to help […] And they actually sacrificed their lives,
because they could have done something different, but they did this, they
chose to raise the children of others. (22-year-old woman, a Marketingmajor college student)
In the beginning, however, many youths had difficulty fitting in with and accepting the rules
of the family. They also tried to push the boundaries and see how far they could go. One
believed that initial difficulties with fitting-in actually arose from the different social
situation:
99
”It was very hard to fit in. It was a completely different environment:
intellectual family, and I was one of the proles. […] And so I did a lot of
stupid things. And then, of course, sometimes because of all this, my mom
(referring to foster- mother) would overreact – well overreacted, like, I
don't know, she got angry about the stupid things. And so this is how we
tried to make things work.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, and currently working as a Shop Assistant)
The youths who were raised in foster-families mentioned, as a positive, that they always felt
equal to the other youths from the system who were raised by the same family and fosterparents’ own children. The foster-parents never discriminated between any of them. Their
being treated as equals was also evident in terms of finances.
”I don't know, they really behaved as if they were our real parents, and it
was never like as if I was just a job to do or something. The same
arguments and all that happened, what also happens in any normal family,
when several kids are entering the teenage years at the same time, and they
provided an absolutely normal family life.” (22-year-old woman, with a
secondary-school leaving-certificate, and currently working as a Shop
Assistant)
Those who returned, as teenagers, to the institution, after being with foster-parents, felt that
there had been latent conflicts with the foster-parents ever since they joined the foster-family.
Some felt that the foster-parents were not motivated in their upbringing and actually
considered their presence a burden. The studies and personalities of the foster-children were
not of much interest to the foster-parents. Two youths also mentioned that the foster- parent
had had difficulty accepting them, because of their birth-family and the disadvantages
brought from that sort of background. Although it had been hard for them to cope with
entering an institution, they now believed that residential-care gave them more and it
expanded their field of opportunities – in the continuation of studies, as well.
”Of course, they would ask me: what's going on in school? And when I told
them that I got a one (a fail grade), then they said: well, you'll get that
corrected. And there were times when I got a five (the best grade), but I
didn't get much of an ovation for that either. So they didn't really care.
Maybe it was because they didn't care much about me either, so that's why
they didn't care about my results.” (24-year-old man, studying at the
National Defence University)
100
Those youths who got along well with the foster-family, were also thankful for the fosterparents' support of their studies. They would ask them about what had happened in school,
and also took part in school-life. They gave the youths self-confidence, and raised them with
the notion that they should reach for what they want, they should have dreams, they should
long for things. The youths are especially thankful that their foster-parents always stood by
them and always provided help whenever it was needed.
5.3.3 The place of siblings and other family members in the lives of the
young people
When looking at the childhood attachments, those siblings, half-siblings, and other
youngsters within the system who are also raised by the same foster-parents, all play
important roles in the lives of the young adults. They are emotionally close, and they support
each other. They naturally have closer relationships with those siblings with whom they were
brought up together.
”I have a younger brother, he is 12 years old, so he is at a difficult period,
he has just started his teenage years. He is just as bad as I was, he is really
like me – but I mean on the outside and on the inside, and all. […] I have a
younger sister, she is 8 years old now, I think, yes. She is, well, she is a
quiet and lovely girl, very kind, but really, very sweet, she is like that with
everyone. She always makes presents for me, and she is always waiting for
me to go and visit, so we could meet. But I have only lived with her for a
short time, that is I have never really lived together with her.” (22-year-old
woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and currently working
as a Shop Assistant)
The interviewees mostly talked about their siblings in relation to the parents. For instance,
several stated that they only maintained contact with the parents so that they could meet their
younger siblings. The role of older siblings (mostly an older sister) was the most pronounced
in childhood when, due to the lifestyle of the parents, the older sibling took on the role of
substitute parent. Although there may be conflicts, they generally speak positively and
emotionally about their siblings, and they regard regular contact to be important.
An older sibling or, perhaps, one of the foster-parents’ own children who has had a successful
career, can be a role-model for the young adult. The role-model’s personal achievements
serve as a force of motivation. For instance, if the sibling is attending a higher-education
institution, s/he can give practical advice and help in finding a general orientation and in
101
deciding which major or profession the young adult should choose. Regardless of age, those
who were brought up together feel they can always count on each other, and they have
learned from their childhood that they have to help each other.
”Now, my older brother is helping me the same way. […] I gave him my
savings – for instance – so he could get abroad. So, I am talking about
things like that, so we help each other – the five of us, that is. We got really
close emotionally – well, we were also brought up at the same place. So we
had to learn that it's the five of us, we are on our own, and so we have to
help each other.” (21-year-old man, attending university, and who is in his
third year of study as a Recreation Organiser and Health Development
major)
In cases of more distant relationships with the siblings, the interviewees would still not reject
contact being maintained, although they do not intend to build on these relationships, or to
invest more time and energy in them. Regarding youths brought up by a foster-family, the
reason for this is, mainly, their well-formed relationships with the foster-parents’ own
children and the other children within the system who were also fostered there.
In terms of the young people’ future, siblings also have a key role; several are planning to buy
an apartment together with their siblings after they have left the system.
Apart from siblings, more distant relatives are also mentioned—although not in great
numbers—, especially a cousin or a godparent, with whom there is regular contact ever since
they have got into the child-protection system. If there is some kind of a relationship with the
other distant family members, it is mostly superficial and irregular, restricted to 1-2 meetings
or telephone conversations per year. The reason for that might be the fact, that concerning the
time of being raised by the real family, the network of relations was really narrow; the parents
could not count on help from their micro-environments in solving their problems.
Two youths regard their godmothers as an important person, though one of them only has
monthly contact with the godmother due to the distance involved, but s/he still asks the
godmother's opinion on the important events of his/her life. They are thankful for the
encouragement they get regarding the continuation of studies.
As we have seen it above, the youths had to face many difficulties during the time they were
raised in their real families. Apart from poverty, they were living together with the deviations
of the parents, and the inflicted emotional and physical ill-treatment on a daily basis. Due to
the negative childhood memories and the fact that there had been no closer relationship
102
before they reached the age of legal maturity, these youths mostly have no contact, or only a
very superficial relationship with the family. A conscious separation from the blood family
can be observed, and as a result, a strong feeling of wanting to break out. This also
determines the motivation concerning the future (see chapter 8 for more details).
As a result of their common fate, siblings have had an important role in the lives of these
youths since childhood. However, they not only maintain relations with the siblings and halfsiblings, with whom they were raised together, but the younger siblings, who were born after
they have got into the child-protection system, are also important for them. In several cases,
however, there is only a very distant relationship with the siblings born from the unsettled
intimate relationships of the parents. In addition, it also seems to be a tendency that those
youths, who got into the system as infants reject the initiation of contact to a greater extent.
The role of relatives as helpers is insignificant in the past and in the present as well. This is
mostly due to the isolated status of the family, although the youths have also formulated that
they are embarrassed to have contact with their relatives, because they are actually ashamed
of their parents and the fact that they got into the child-protection system.
Those youths, who were raised by foster-parents, typically have positive experiences. They
have a close relationship with the foster-family, and regard the emotional security provided
by the foster-family as highly important for them.
5.4 Parents jobs, educational qualifications and outlooks on/values
expressed about education. What is their social class?
Very few youths maintain contact with their birth-parents, many not having any reasonable
amount of information about them. More than half of the interviewees (exactly 18) did not
know any details about their parents.
The parents are, typically, lower-educated people: many have not even managed to complete
the 8 grades of primary-school. Even those parents who had completed the 8th grade could
not continue their studies – several youths told us that their parents' school achievements,
aside from primary school, included only unfinished vocational-training schooling. Among
the parents, there are many unemployed and inactive people (living on disability pensions):
some interviewees mentioned that their parents were living on benefits; in fact, they had been
living on benefits even during the time their child was living with them. Consequently, we
mainly see families of very low social status here.
103
Table 25. Parents' level of education*
Highest level of education
Higher-education
2
Secondary-school leaving-certificate
1
Some kind of profession
(vocational secondary-school, vocationaltraining school)
11
8 or fewer grades of primary-school
11
Does not know
18
*Both parents are included, where known
Typically, the parents did not have any expectations for the children regarding schools and
studying. Many youths recounted such negligence and lack of care – e.g. the lack of proper
meals – compared to which a lack of attention regarding school-performance is of little
consequence. In some cases, however, the physical abuse was triggered by bad marks or
warnings from teachers.
"This(good school achievement) was basic ... So, there were times that … I
just didn't dare show loads of things. Now, it was really rough, that I was
forced to lie this way, because if I don't lie, I surely get a good beating in
the end." (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
and currently working as a Shop Assistant)
The lack of a supportive atmosphere usually meant that the parents paid no attention
whatsoever to providing adequate conditions, peace and the quiet necessary for studying.
Several youths told us that they were unable to prepare for classes because of the bickering
and fighting between parents; sometimes they could not study due to bad financial
circumstances (e.g. the electricity had been cut off).
In conclusion, we can claim that studying was typically not important at all for the birthparents. In many cases, the children were generally neglected and the parents did not form
very high expectations of our interviewees. Only three interviewees indicated that studying
and obtaining the highest-possible qualifications were important values for their parents.
Nonetheless, we should add that, despite any positive attitudes they had shown, these families
would not always have been able to provide the means for further-education. As one of our
interviewees stated:
104
"Well, we had everything, like, these basic things. And, they cared how we
behaved at school. When we were bad, we were told off. So, I think, if we
look at it this way, everything worked fine, at least in this respect. And, I
think, they also had it in mind that we make the most of our lives. […] now,
when I think it over, and if I want to be frank: had I stayed home, I would
never have made it to university." (21-year-old man, attending university,
and who is in his third year as a Recreation Organiser and Health
Development major)
5.5 Placements and types of placement; duration of placements
Regarding the year of admittance into the child-protection system, the interviewees are
distributed nearly evenly between two age-groups. Almost half of them, 14 youths, entered
the system before the age of 4, whilst 16 of them entered between the ages of 10 and 16.
Based on the experience of child-care professionals, when entering the system the latter agegroup is the more endangered concerning the continuation of studies. Ages 10 to 13
correspond to the final grades of primary-school – which are crucial in terms of future studies
– and 14 to 16 is the start of secondary-education – which is also an important period in the
children’s lives. According to the professionals, children who enter the system at these ages
accumulate extensive disadvantages which the system cannot counterbalance.
Table 26. How old were you when you entered the child-protection system?
Age
0-2 years
3-4 years
5-9 years
10-13 years
14-16 years
Total
Frequency
8
6
5
8
8
35
105
Looking at Table 27., where we compare the youths’ current activities (at the time of the
follow-up) to the year of admittance, there is no trace of the above tendency. There are
higher-education students from every admittance age-group. Most were admitted at a higher
age. Therefore, it is worth examining carefully whether the above stereotype is true in every
case.
Table 27. Age at admittance to the child-protection system and main activity at followup
Where is s/he studying, what does s/he do?
(Follow-up, time two)
Age of
admittance
0-2 years
3-4 years
5-9 years
10-13 years
14-16 years
Total
Studying
in a
highereducation
institution
1
Educational
programme,
Unfinished vocational
college or
course
university
(National
studies
Record of
Qualificatio
ns)
1
3
Obtaining a
secondaryschool
leavingcertificate
Attending
vocational
- training
school
Working,
looking
for a job
Maternity
leave
1
1
1
0
8
Total
2
0
2
0
0
1
0
5
2
0
1
0
1
1
0
5
5
1
0
0
0
1
1
8
3
0
2
1
0
2
0
8
13
2
8
2
2
6
1
34
Regarding the number of placements, typically, the youths had been placed at one or two
locations since their admittance into the child-protection system (Table 28.). The majority, 16
youths, had remained at the same place since they entered the system.
Table 28. Number of placements
Number of
placements
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
Don't know/NA
Total
Frequency
16
11
4
2
2
35
106
The placements of longest duration show similar characteristics: the majority spent 12 years
at the same place (mostly those fall into the category of the shortest duration, those who
entered the system at an older age, between 14 and 16, in which cases a 3-year placement, in
practice, means that they had stayed at the same place until they started to receive after-care
provision, i.e. until the age of 18). The low number of placements, and the years spent at the
same place, show that the stability of the placement is a key common-characteristic of those
youths who show a promising prospect in terms of studying.
Table 29. Duration of longest placement
Duration of placement
under 3 years
3.1-7 years
7.1-12 years
Frequency
5
9
6
12
12+
Doesn't know/NA
Total
3
35
About the same number were brought up by foster-parents (19 youths) as in institutions (16
youths). Approximately the same number of those brought up by foster-parents and in
institutions continued their studies in higher-education (including those who had discontinued
their studies at a higher-education institution by the time of the second interview), and nearly
the same number had obtained a secondary-school leaving-certificate and were still studying.
Similarly to the stereotype concerning the year of admittance, educators and child-care
professionals fundamentally assume that a higher proportion of youths who are brought up by
foster-parents continue their studies than do those placed in an institution.
Table 30. Type of placement
Type of placement
Frequency
Brought up
predominantly by
foster-parents
19
107
Brought up
predominantly in an
institution
16
35
Total
Table 31. Type of placement and activity at follow-up
Brought up
predominantly
by fosterparents
Brought up
predominantly
in an institution
Total
5
8
13
Unfinished college or university
studies
2
0
2
Educational programme,
vocational course
5
3
8
Obtaining a secondary-school
leaving-certificate
1
1
2
Attending vocational-training
school
1
1
2
5
1
6
0
1
1
0
1
1
19
16
35
Where is s/he studying, what
does s/he do?
(Follow-up, time two)
Studying at a higher-education
institution
Working/looking for a job
On maternity leave
Missing
Total
5.6 Foster carers/residential care workers educational qualifications
and outlooks on education
The majority of the interviewees named a foster-parent or – for those brought up in an
institution – an educator or after-care worker, as the one who supported them and helped
them in making decisions in their lives. The table below summarises the highest
qualifications of educators and foster-parents whom we interviewed during the course of the
108
study. (Table 32.) Educators and after-care workers have essentially higher qualifications than
foster-parents, more than two-thirds having a higher-education certificate, whereas only onequarter of fosterers do. This is due to the institutional workers being expected to acquire
appropriate qualifications. Foster-parents are more likely to complement secondary-level
qualifications with the appropriate courses. One key difference concerning the continuation of
studies is that institutional workers are required to complete a specified number of furthereducation classes, putting the idea of lifelong-learning as a real-life experience into practice
for them.
Table 32. Qualifications of key persons
8 grades of
primary
school
Educators and after-care
workers
Foster-parents
Total
Secondary
-school
leavingcertificate
Highereducation
Total
-
4
9
13
4
8
4
16
4
12
13
29
All educators and foster-parents regard learning and the continuation of studies as important;
however, the aim of learning, the ultimate goal which is set for those living in the childprotection system as qualifications to achieve, is, typically, secondary-level qualifications,
instead of higher-education qualifications: primarily, obtaining a profession, secondarily the
secondary-school leaving-certificate. Typically, they encourage the youths to learn other
professions – via various courses after finishing vocational-school – many times even
completely different vocations. They explain the importance of obtaining a profession with
the idea of "standing on your own two feet", forming a self-sufficient way of life. However,
never, or hardly ever, do they consider the current labour-market opportunities when
choosing a profession. Nevertheless, we should note that – mainly in smaller settlements –
career-choice is often influenced by the range of available education. The education available
seldom meets local labour-market demands, but this may be attributed to structural problems
external to the childcare system, problems for which foster-parents and institutions cannot be
held responsible.
"Some of the children come to us with a fixed, complete plan, telling us
what and how they want – and we absolutely agree with them, and see that
109
they will really make it. There are some who are a little less certain, and we
don't want to influence them by telling them what they should do. We buy
this guidebook on higher-education together, instead, and check the
different educational-programmes registered in the National Record of
Qualifications, and we talk these through so they can overview it. Because
they don't really know what to choose from, they might have just heard that
being a waiter is trendy, and they say it'll be okay then, whatever it is. And
they don't really know what palette they can choose from." (Carer of a 19year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, currently
studying Tourism under the umbrella of an educational programme
registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
Educators and foster-parents all tend to try to maintain good relations with the nearby schools
– especially with primary schools. These relationships with schools are predominantly
important in overcoming prejudices and preventing potential misunderstandings and problems
which might arise due to the child/youth in question living within the child-protection system.
Apart from two exceptions, no open teacher-student conflict or discrimination was reported to
have resulted from those factors. However, many interviewees mentioned that some schools
refused to admit students living within the child-protection system.
There are strong relationships between institutions, foster-parents, and primary-education
schools. This is understandable, since more children are placed at primary-schools, and
regularly. Relationships among secondary level institutions are less active, due to demands
being more extended. Typically, they are not striving to establish contact with colleges and
universities, at all. This might be explained by the fact that very few youths reach this level,
and young adults are legally capable at this age.
Nonetheless, the experts interviewed hold personal role-models to be important – regardless
of the level of studies.
"I'm 41, and I've been always learning since they knew me. And their
educator is always learning as well, not to mention the headmistress and
the educators in the other institution.” (Carer of a 24-year-old woman,
studying Finance & Accountancy at college)
Many emphasise the importance of personality and internal motivation as being key factors in
determining which level a youth can reach in the course of his/her studies. The role of internal
motivation might be overrated – especially concerning getting into higher-education – since
110
those qualifications typically set to reach, and which are held as attainable, are of secondarylevel. The provision of financial conditions was highlighted, by the youths, as being the most
annoying problem in the continuation of studies: similarly, foster-parents and educators
working within the institutional framework believe that this is the greatest problem.
Institutions, in many cases, try to improve this situation by establishing foundations which
support the young people in the continuation of their studies, as well. Interviewees often
mentioned, as an aggravating factor, that children accumulate so many disadvantages before
they enter the system that the system cannot correct or can hardly correct them. On the one
hand, this is due to the lack of human resources (in order to have paid enough attention to
everyone, more professionals were needed). On the other hand, experts believe the educationsystem is also unprepared for the special needs of these children.
"Many of them enter the system with some sort of disadvantage, whether at
primary- school level or at any other point, that is, in their command of the
language, or cognitive skills – because they were not cared for enough
when were very young. That means they start with shortcomings, even at
primary school. By the time they overcome these they might have reached
the end of secondary-school […] They often suffer from dyslexia or
dysgraphia. These can be overcome by the help of experts, but, in many
cases, special studying methods would be needed.” (Carer of a 22-year-old
who trained as a cook and is currently studying to obtain secondary-school
leaving- certificate)
5.7 Portrait
V. is a woman, born in 1986, in Budapest. She has two younger brothers; when they were
admitted into the child-protection system, in 1996, they were placed in the same children's
home, so they were able to stay together. The elder of her two brothers did not stay in the
after-care provision system, but she is still living, together with the younger one, in the
children's home. The girl attends Budapest Business School, where she studies Accountancy.
Before entering the system, her family had moved several times; so, concerning the first
couple of primary-school grades, she changed schools practically every year (in total, she
attended 5 schools during grades 1-6 of primary-school). In spite of this, she was a relatively
good student. The frequent school-changes resulted in her not being able, nor wanting, to
form relationships with her classmates. Finally, after she entered the child-protection system,
111
she started attending a six-grade high-school, maintained by the Reformed Church. This was
the first time in her life during which she could attend school or an extended period, which
brought about a change in her interpersonal relations with her peers. She started to attend the
school's Reformed Church youth-community, which provided her with various programs,
activities, camps, and a social life.
Family life had been about arguments and fights between the parents, alongside their alcohol
problems. Obviously, this had a negative effect on her at-home preparation for school. She
told us that she could only study and get her next day’s homework done if there was an hour
of quietness at home, without her parents' constant arguing. She also helped her brothers with
schoolwork, although she did not always have time to actually study with them – which could
obviously not be expected from a child; most often, she would “just” do their homework, too.
Concerning that period, she said the following: “We had, let's say, half-an-hour, and I had to
do his homework, and mine, as well. And I knew that I couldn't teach them or explain it to
them, rather I just did both homeworks – because we didn't have time for all that. And
because of this—because I did everything for him, everything— when he had to, he had a
hard time [studying]. But, in that situation, I didn't really know what else I could do. I knew
that he was going to get a one (fail grade) or a black point (negative score) if he didn't do his
homework – I didn't want that to happen, because then our parents would have to go to the
school.”.
She has a close relationship with her brothers, up to this day, so they are planning to buy an
apartment together because, using all three’s savings, they can obtain better conditions and
buy a better apartment. At the same time, she refuses to keep in contact with her father,
saying: “he is not behaving in such a way that it would be possible to keep in contact with
him”. All in all, they still talk on the phone sometimes, but these conversations regularly end
up in arguments, in which the father would call V. names and tell her off. The youngest
brother keeps in more regular personal and telephone contact with the father; it seems that
this is more important for the boy. Since they live in the same place, the girl does not
completely reject these meetings, though V. would not come down from her room. She
believes that if her father wanted to talk to her, he should go up to her. It was in the year
2000, after the death of the mother, that the relationship deteriorated to such an extent. The
after-care educator believes that, after the death of the mother, the father transferred his anger
to V.
112
V. believes that the lifestyle and low qualifications of her parents (her father worked as a
driver, her mother was a factory-worker) give her a strong motivation to study further. During
the interview, she said that as a very young girl, she had already decided that she did not want
to live like her parents. She wants to live in good circumstances, and have a job in which she
uses her intellect.
113
Chapter 6. The educational lives of young people in and
from public care
6.1 What are the educational careers of this group of young
people?
Based on the tendencies highlighted in the interviews, the youths follow four typical
educational pathways. Out of the possible four pathways, two lead on to higher-education,
whereas two focus on obtaining a profession. These pathways become separated after the 8
years of primary education. This is when the youths choose a secondary-school – after having
finished primary school. We have mapped out the possible pathways, starting from the
secondary-level qualifications. The four pathways are as follows (Table 33,, important stages
and their interconnections highlighted):
1. obtaining a profession (vocational-training school)  course(s)  job
2. obtaining a profession  secondary-school leaving-certificate (vocational-training
school) + 2-year-education programme leading to a secondary-school leavingcertificate OR vocational secondary-school)  course(s) ( higher-education
courses)
3. secondary-school leaving-certificate (vocational secondary-school, high school) 
courses, higher-education courses  higher-education
4. high school, secondary-school leaving-certificate  college/university
114
Table 33. Educational pathways
Elementary
school
Secondary-school
Vocational secondaryschool
School leavingcertificate
(entrance to
tertiary
education)
+2YRS!
Vocational training school
Primary
BA
MA
Tertiary Vocational
training course
Labour market
(working)
Vocational training
course
Secondary
Tertiary
The chosen secondary-school basically determines the available pathways. This primarily
concerns those who mainly intend to obtain a profession by continuing their studies
(Pathways 1 and 2). Switching to a pathway that leads to higher-education is much more
difficult for those youths who continued their studies in a vocational-training school after
finishing primary school, because that type of school only provides a profession. It is possible
for those with vocational-training school qualifications to get into higher-education; they can
obtain a secondary-school leaving-certificate by completing a 2-year-educational programme.
However, this does not frequently happen, because a secondary-school leaving-certificate is
only important for those youths on this pathway, because this certificate provides better
opportunities for finding a job.
Therefore, the majority of youths raised within the child-protection system take pathways 1
and 2. This is mainly due to the primary desire of such youths being to start "standing their
own two feet", i.e. starting a self-sufficient lifestyle as soon as possible. They believe that the
quickest way to achieve this goal is to obtain a profession. In addition, we should point out
that educators and foster-parents working within the child-protection system also regard this
as being very important, and they tend to believe that secondary-level qualifications are
realistically within the reach of those youths raised within the system. The young adult
115
introduced in the portrait section of chapter 6 is a typical “victim” of these views. Her
atypical educational-pathway shows the weakness of the system: despite her good abilities
(she always got the best marks in school), she went to vocational-training school after
finishing primary school. Then she completed the 2-year-educational programme leading to
the secondary-school leaving-certificate. She had such good scores in this exam that she was
easily accepted into university. However, she started working at this point, in order to
establish a self-sufficient life and, as a consequence, she discontinued her higher-education
studies.
It is important to mention the system of vocational-training provided outside the school
system. These educational programmes last 1-2 years, and are very popular choice of further
study for youths brought up within the child-protection system. These programmes fit in very
well with the above-mentioned expectations, since one can obtain a profession in one or two
years. Theoretically, each additionally obtained qualification (profession) raises the chances
of successfully finding a job in the labour market. In the course of these programmes, the
youths typically do not aim for a qualification that supplements one already obtained, rather
they learn completely different professions. They also typically start attending such
programmes if they fail to progress along the path they had chosen; that is, if they cannot find
a job, if they quit a school, or if they do not get accepted into their chosen higher-education
institute. They repeatedly go back to these programmes, after each unsuccessful attempt, and
as a result, they obtain several professions. These programmes provide an alternative to
higher-education for those with a secondary-school leaving-certificate. Several youths
complete courses that provide higher-level qualifications.
Those youths who actually make their way into higher-education, typically follow pathway 3
or 4. These pathways have a common characteristic: the completion of secondary-school
gains them a secondary-school leaving-certificate. Pathway 4 provides a typical,
“straightforward” path towards getting into a higher-education institution, and it is
predominantly chosen by youths who are not raised within the child-protection system. These
youths choose a high school as a secondary-school and, after obtaining the secondary-school
leaving-certificate, they start their higher-education studies. Obviously, obstacles and
problems can emerge along this pathway, as well. If they do, we basically end up on pathway
3. In this case, the completion of secondary-school can be followed by, for instance, an
unsuccessful entrance-exam, or a choice of school that proves to be wrong for the youth.
116
After that, the youths usually continue their studies by attending courses until the next
entrance exam. Obtaining a job is not a characteristic of these pathways.
6. 2 School/college non/attendance. Pattern of attendance, number
of schools/colleges, proportion of time missing from
school/college. Were there differences by minority status? (e.g.,
asylum seeker, migrant, ethnic group) or gender?
The overall majority of our respondents did not miss a longer period of time from school.
Those respondents who got into a higher-education institute typically made it to the end of
secondary-school without a significant period of absence. Obviously, we have to take into
account that, in the course of the selection process, we chose such respondents who showed a
promising prospect in terms of further study, and studying in general. Those brought up
within the child-protection system, who are studying within the after-care provision system
and intend to continue their studies to a certain extent, usually do not drop out of school.
However, they occasionally repeat a grade, or fall behind with their studies. Some 14, out of
the 35 respondents, completed secondary-school later than the customary age of 18-19.
During the interviews, we heard several kinds of stories concerning repeating a grade and
changing, or quitting, school. We can establish two basic groups of these stories: 1) occurred
before entering the system, 2) occurred after entering the system. Some of our respondents
faced a difficult time before they entered. During that period, they lived with their real parents
and, due to family conflicts, negligence, or frequent changes of accommodation, they could
not perform well enough in school.
In Hungary, young people normally attend two schools – primary school and some kind of
secondary-school – before reaching the age signifying the end of compulsory schooling.
Regarding the number of schools, the majority of our respondents are not burdened by
significantly more school changes than the “normal” course of events would bring about.
Only 28 of our 35 respondents attended a maximum of 3 schools between the ages of 11 and
18. (Table 34.)
117
Table 34. How many schools did s/he attend between the ages of 11 and 18?
Frequency
Number of
schools
1
2
3
4
5
6
Total
Out of this, at the time of the
follow-up:
Studying
in a
Looking for a job,
higherworking
education
institution
14
4
3
14
5
3
5
3
2
1
1
1
35
13
8
6.3 How was the school/college experience described? Relations
with teachers, other pupils including bullying/friendships.
Concerning school experiences and relationships with teachers and fellow students, there is a
well-defined borderline between youths attending a higher-education institute or a secondaryschool and those who have already completed their studies. Regarding the majority, however,
we may conclude that our respondents have positive experiences. According to the results of
the questionnaire, the respondents are generally satisfied with the school, as indicated by an
average of 7.5 on a 10-point scale.
Youths attending higher-education institutions did not come across any sort of prejudices that
originated from their child-protection background. This is mostly due to their scholastic
achievements and their well-established relationships with their teachers and fellow students.
The young adults believe that they were brought up appropriately, their lives are well-settled,
and they organise their daily lives themselves. With such organisation and lifestyles,
therefore, they do not provide any grounds for rejection or discrimination. They have never
expected to be given special treatment as a result of their child-protection system background.
They believe that they should be judged on the basis of their performance, and that they
118
should be treated just like peers who live with their own families. They believe that, regarding
young adults being brought up in institutional care, there is a quite unnecessary “constrained
extra tolerance” coming from teachers. Not only do they reject this, rather they deem the idea
of an upbringing in a “protected world” to be harmful. They believe that, concealed within the
“constrained support” attitude of teachers, there is actually a rather simple fact: the teachers
are not trained to educate children of a disadvantageous position (mainly those being brought
up within the child-protection system).
”It doesn't make any sense to overprotect these kids. So I mean that they
were once slapped on the face by life - and not only them, me as well, so
because of this, we definitely have to protect them from everything else,
because: oh my God, his soul is going to get hurt: well, I think that is
bullshit. He will suffer later because of this […] and I don't think they can
handle this either. They are not prepared to teach such a child.” (24-yearold man, a Politology-major student)
Many of those youths who have a less-smooth educational career told us that they had
negative experiences gathered from their peers because of their child-protection backgrounds.
The youths asked for help in the school, in vain – since not even the teachers could handle
their situation.
”I told them that I didn't care if they said bad things about my mother: they
shouldn't curse on my foster-mother, but they can say whatever they want
about my real mother. […] well, they called me things like: welfare slut. So
that I live in state care, and so they called me a welfare slut.” (23-year-old
woman, with nursing qualifications, and currently looking for a job)
Among those with a child-protection background, youths of Romani ethnic origin are much
more typically facing prejudice.
”Because where I went to day-care school in F., there were almost
exclusively Hungarians. Well, and the Hungarians there as well, I mean,
yes, I felt bad many times that we never stood next to the other children in
the line, we were always separated from them, because they hated us so
much. […] they called us the worst names just because we are Romani.”
(22-year-old woman, with Social Worker and Nursing professions, and
currently employed but would like to obtain a secondary-school leavingcertificate by attending an evening course)
119
We can also conclude that many youths felt a lot better in primary-school. They deemed
primary-school education, and the school atmosphere, to be much better than the
impersonalised, cold world of secondary-school that they had experienced. Then again,
regarding primary-school, several youths highlighted the rapid turnover of teachers,
especially in day-care school; so, it was difficult to adapt to the new teachers and to form
better teacher-student relationships. Based on their experiences, several youths believe that
many teachers’ personalities are unsuitable for working with children. However, constant care
and attention from a teacher can contribute greatly to making a child who is stressed and
uneasy because of his/her unsettled family relations, child-protection background, or ethnic
origin, feel safe and secure in school. It is also a nice gesture that homeroom teachers went to
visit the young adults in the children's homes, several times. Many youths expressed how
thankful they were that they had had such a wonderful teacher in their primary- or secondaryschool environment.
”I also have to say that she is my homeroom teacher… so, a very… I don’t
know how to describe her, so, a very… oh dear, oh dear… so she is a very
good person – yes. Actually this is a very much overused expression and all,
but I can't find anything better right now. And she really stood by me, she
helped me a lot, and she helped me so this whole thing would not be such a
big problem for me at school. So, she talked to everyone, that was needed,
she told everyone, to whom she had to tell.” (22-year-old woman,
Chemistry-major university student)
In some cases, however, secondary-school brought about positive change, mainly due to the
friendships formed with fellow students with similar interests, and partly because it is easier
to accept a child-protection background at this age. For instance, one of the respondents said
that a successful school test had changed his whole attitude towards school and further
studies. From that point on, he was highly motivated to participate in school and extracurricular activities, took up a central role in the school class community and, as a
representative of the school, he participated in school excursions abroad. As a result of all
this, it became evident to him that his goal was to get into a higher-education institute after
completing a successful secondary-school leaving exam,
”I can honestly say that this was the effect of a school test in secondaryschool. The first test was fine: I got a five or a four (the best and secondbest grades). And then the second one, the third one, and in other subjects
as well – I got such results. Wow, I said: this is really good, it's a good
120
feeling! […]” (24-year-old man, studying at the National Defence
University)
6.4 Support for school/college non/attendance, including advice
and support for homework, attendance at events and for decision
making about qualifications and post school careers.
The youths feel that professionals working within the child-protection system have a
supportive attitude towards the school. Many respondents emphasised that the importance of
learning is regarded as a basic value, together with the principle that everybody is studying
for himself/herself. By prioritising the continuation of studies, both foster-family and
children's home cemented the idea that – in order to get further in life – school performance
had to be good.
The support provided may be categorised into three groups, thus: 1) support given in
connection with schoolwork (helping in homework assignments, mentoring, tutoring), 2)
financing additional costs in connection with studies (financing school supplies,
accommodation, travel expenses, the costs of participation in school events), and 3) emotional
support (giving advice, motivating, assisting in career planning).
Within institutional care, it is a great help for adults that their studies are supported by the
system, even after they reached the age signifying the end of compulsory schooling. In their
cases, the support is primarily of a financial nature, since within the institutional-care
structures of the system, there are more opportunities for the financial support of children and
young adults. (The financial situation of young people is discussed, in detail, in subsection
4.3)
”[…] this kind of help in studies. If she wants to do a course, let's make it
possible for her to enrol in it. If she wants to take a language exam, let her
take a language exam.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, studying at a (secondary) police academy, and who
would like to enter the police)
Concerning the educational-support offered, those respondents who are currently pursuing
their studies deem the opportunity for making use of the after-care provisions offered within
the child-protection system to be especially important.
”Because it makes it possible for the child to attend school, it provides
clothing and such things. So the State helps, so that the child can regularly
121
go to school.” (22-year-old woman, with Social Worker and Nursing
professions, who is currently employed, and would like to obtain a
secondary-school leaving-certificate by attending an evening course)
Concerning foster-parents, there is a greater emphasis placed on emotional support and
maintaining personal motivation.
”And my mother helps me a lot to achieve my goals. Not necessarily with
financial support, but by encouragement, for instance.” (22-year-old man, a
Law student)
Encouragement and motivation appear in both types of provisions. However, the young adult
makes the career-choice decision by himself/herself.
”Well, I decided it alone, if I would… They don't tell us here what kind of
profession to obtain, or what sort of school we should go on to. They give
us advice, but they don't determine where I should or should not go.” (22year-old woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, studying at a
(secondary) police academy, would like to enter the police)
One, who entered residential-care as a teenager due to conflicts with her foster-mother, said
the following about the importance of motivation:
”Well, my foster-parents supported it, as well, where I should go, what
major I should take up. And then the residential-care home also got a big
role in this. They also encouraged me during my fourth year in secondaryschool that: and well, but tell us, where would you like to go on? They
encouraged me and also bugged me, saying: study, study! I can be thankful
for them that I got my secondary-school leaving-certificate, they really
invested time in helping me.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, who is currently studying Programming under the
umbrella of a higher-educational programme registered in the National
Record of Qualifications)
The young adults believe that living in emotionally secure background is of primary
importance in order for them to be successful in school and to be motivated towards further
study.
”I received a mom and a dad. […] They are taking care of me here, they
have always taken care of me. They do it now as well, like: oh, now
everything is all right, now you need clean clothes. Well, I was wearing
122
clean clothes there as well – it's not like that, but it's different now. They
always ask me how I am doing, what's going on, how is school, what sort of
grades I got.” (21-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leavingcertificate, who has only had seasonal jobs since finishing school, and is
currently looking for a job)
After having reached the age of legal maturity, primary importance shifts from actual help
provided in studying school materials, to provide motivation. Naturally, they can ask for the
professionals' help in this, as well.
In secondary-school, participation in mentor-programs and different kinds of social
scholarship opportunities was of key importance. In addition, for those attending highereducation institutions, the structure of positive discrimination, in which those with childprotection system background received extra points, was very important.
“The basic idea behind the Catapult Program was that if a socially
disadvantageous child did not have enough points but had a specific gradepoint-average, s/he got accepted as a tuition-paying student, and then
his/her status was officially transferred to state-financed. So the bottom line
is that s/he gets accepted to college in any case, but does not have to pay,
because they re-write his/her status to state-financed. This is how I got in.”
(23-year-old woman, currently studying Social Pedagogy in a college
correspondence course, and attending a higher-level Tourism course of an
educational programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
Child-care professionals and foster-parents try to support young people raised within the
child-protection system in their further studies. The support system has several levels. Apart
from the immediate support of studies, i.e. helping with homework, financial support, the
provision of an emotional background and motivation also appear. On a critical note,
however, we should say that, child-care professionals do not regard higher-level
qualifications as a reachable goal for this target group, so they instead tend to support their
obtaining a secondary-school leaving-certificate and a profession. They try to protect the
young people from failure, even those whose school performances show that they should,
evidently, be heading towards getting a degree. In some cases, this approach entails the
professionals disregarding personal achievements and merits and, thus, not providing
encouragement and an emotionally-supportive background.
123
”Well, what actually was a pull-back force was that: there was a person in
my environment who did not really trust me. And so – well, of course I had
the defiance working in me that I was going to get accepted to school, I can
do it and show them. But still, sometimes it crossed my mind “What if I was
too stupid for that?.” Well, I think this is a pretty big pull-back force in
itself – at least it was like that for me. […] her (the educator's) attitude was
from the beginning that I wouldn't even get my secondary-school leavingcertificate. So, she thought very little of me.” (23-year-old woman,
currently studying Social Pedagogy in a college correspondence course, and
who attends a higher-level Tourism course of an educational programme
registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
Based on our research results, we can establish two groups of factors influencing further
study after the youth has reached the age signifying the end of compulsory schooling. The
first group of factors contains so-called endogenous factors that can be grouped into the
following 3 subgroups: 1) will, perseverance, individual commitment, a strong feeling of
wanting to break out, 2) regarding knowledge as value, good school performance, balanced
school career, talent, special field of interest, 3) desire to establish a secure future, taking
responsibility for personal actions and decisions, assessment of the labour market position,
the realisation of childhood dreams and desires, future-oriented approach. (We discuss
endogenous factors from another point of view, in subsection 6.7, as well.)
The other group contains the so-called exogenous factors that can also be grouped into three
subgroups, as follows: 1) stable place of care, emotional support, motivation from child-care
professionals, supportive person in the immediate environment (sibling, child-care
professional, foster-parent), 2) good school-atmosphere, good relationship with fellow
students, support of studies, nurturing of talent, monitoring of school career, child-care
professionals' help in career planning, 3) provision of financial support.
Endogenous and exogenous factors are summarised in Table 35.
Table 35. Factors influencing further study after having reached the age of compulsory
education
Internal factors

Related to will, persistence,
commitment
External factors

Related to stable place of care
and emotional support
124

Related to valuing knowledge
Related to building a good

Related to good schooling

Related to financial support
future
6.5 Early leaving from courses, colleges and schools – both drifting
off and being locked out
Apart from the period before the youth enters the child-protection system, we mostly see
drifting and the premature leaving of further-education courses in the period following the
completion of the secondary-school. During this period (which was characteristic of our
respondents at the time of the interviews), they are more likely to prematurely quit schools
and studies. It often happens that, after they have started a course that provides a profession
or higher-level qualification, or a college, they realise that it really is not what they wanted,
and they do not intend to continue with that particular profession. A typical reason for drifting
after completing secondary-school is that they do not really know what they would like to do.
Regarding these young people, there is a frequent quitting of courses and of school; however,
we should also mention those who invest time and energy (in many cases, one or two years)
in obtaining qualifications which they know – right from the start – that they do not wish to
be occupied with, in the future. A good example of the former category would be the young
man who is currently studying to become a policeman. After secondary-school, he actually
wanted to go on to be a Geography-major. However, after an unsuccessful entrance-exam, he
started attending a higher-education course in Catering Management. He quit this course after
a year, and then, in order not to drop out of the study milieu, he applied to the (secondary)
police academy. A good example of the latter category is the case of the following youth:
”Well, I got accepted to Social Pedagogy… I only wrote this on my
application because my guardian thought that this would be suitable for
me, because I live in the system and I know how it works, and so on. But no,
I don't think that this is good for me. And even then, I was much more
interested in Literature and Marketing, but I didn't dare to check these on
my application form, because I thought that I was not going to have enough
points anyway, so I wouldn't get in. […] right now, I am doing a 1-yearlong Marketing and Advertising administrator course of an educational
programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications. I started
this because my last semester in college – well, it didn't go very well, to tell
125
you the truth, I pretty much failed. So I am taking an academic leave of
absence, and I will only go back to the correspondence course in
February.” (23-year-old woman, currently studying Social Pedagogy in a
college correspondence course, and attending a higher-level Tourism course
of an educational programme registered in the National Record of
Qualifications)
Among our respondents, there were hardly any who had had a clear-cut idea about what s/he
intended to do in the future. However, those who know what they want are able to remain true
to their goal and steps towards it, even if they cannot get into their chosen school at the first
try. In such cases, they would, typically, choose one of the vocational-training courses
available, though until achieving a successful entrance-exam to their desired school, they
would spend their time on courses related to their “professional identity”. Typical cases of
this category include those who got into a higher-education institution right after finishing
high school and receiving their secondary-school leaving-certificates, and who are still
studying there, at the time of the follow-up (for instance, a Chemistry-major respondent, who
came from Vas county to Budapest to take the entrance-exam, and now attends one of the
most renowned universities in Hungary). This category also includes, for instance, a young
girl respondent, who wanted to enter the police force, but could only get into the (secondary)
police academy – at the second try. During the time between the two entrance exams,
however, she completed personal- and asset-security guard training, and an arms-proficiency
course.
6.6 Educational qualifications gained at 16 and post compulsory
The Hungarian education system does not offer qualifications that are obtained at the age of
16. The 8 primary-school grades are completed at the age of 14: this is the lowest complete
school-qualification. Compulsory schooling lasts until a person reaches age 18, in most cases
this meaning the end of secondary-school. Theoretically, the following qualifications can be
obtained at this age: vocational-training school qualification and secondary-school leavingcertificate (this can be obtained at both high school and vocational secondary-school).
As we described in subsection 6.1, for young people brought up in the child-protection
system, the continuation of studies, after having reached the age signifying the end of
compulsory schooling, typically entails enrolment in various types of secondary-level
126
educational programmes that provide vocational qualifications. In addition, obtaining a
secondary-school leaving-certificate is an important step for those who have only obtained a
secondary-school profession. They can get the certificate by completing a two-year
educational programme. As for youths with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, several of
our respondents chose courses that provide higher-level qualifications. Many of them regard
this as an alternative to a higher-level education institute. Presumably, that these higher-level
qualifications take a shorter time compared to obtaining a degree from a higher-education
institution, plays an important role in the “popularity” of the higher-education courses. For
those who obtain a profession and then (at the age of 19-20 or later) start attending a
programme to obtain their secondary-school leaving-certificate, the shorter educational
programme makes the completion of their studies more attainable since, in the case of fulltime studies, they have to leave the after-care provision system at the age of 24/25.
All-in-all, the qualifications our respondents obtained after the age of 18 also underline the
popularity of these courses. The secondary-school leaving-certificate is an important, higherlevel qualification for those who have a profession but who do not intend to proceed with
higher-education. Many of these youths either obtained this certificate after finishing
secondary-school or are currently trying to obtain it. Those who proceeded directly to a
higher-education institute, typically did not have any qualifications at the time of the
interview. Their higher-education is not yet completed, they could not obtain any sort of
qualifications, they entered the higher-education system right after obtaining their secondaryschool leaving-certificate.
Eleven youths obtained the secondary-school leaving-certificate in time and, since then, have
been studying at a higher-education institute, and so did not obtain any other qualifications
(among them, one young man who quit his higher-education studies and started attending a
(secondary) police academy). We interviewed 8 youths who received their secondary-school
leaving-certificates in time, and then completed various courses. Two of them are currently
attending a course that provides higher-level vocational qualifications, whilst one successfully
got into a higher-education institution – after having obtained a profession.
Five youths obtained their secondary-school leaving-certificate relatively late (after the age of
18-19) – typically, they had completed at least one (but most of them two) vocational-training
course(s) by the time of the second interview.
Six youths had obtained a profession in time: three of these went on to obtain an additional
profession by attending another course, two obtaining a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
127
as well, whilst, at the time of the follow-up, two were attending the educational programme in
order to get the secondary-school leaving-certificate.
Four youths obtained a profession relatively late, two trying to obtain the secondary-school
leaving-certificate, as well, another youth having been unable to obtain any qualifications
apart from the 8 completed grades of primary school.
Altogether 18 youths have some kind of a profession, 15 of whom have completed at least
one vocational-training course provided outside the school system.
6.7 What are the values expressed about education and learning in
general, in the past, present and future? Who has influenced them?
parents/carers/teachers/others
In the case of our interviewees, no significant change could be observed concerning past and
present judgement of the importance of studying, since they mostly regarded (and still regard)
studying as important. After finishing their current studies, several intend to obtain an
additional degree or profession. They plan to study foreign languages, thereby expanding
their palette of skills and ensuring better opportunities in the labour market.
Students put forward several arguments in support of the importance of studies. The most
dominant argument, which almost all of the respondents mentioned, is that studying is
important in order to be better than their birth-families. They deem that further studies offer
the chance to break away from their pasts, and ensure better, more financially-stable lives
than their parents lead.
”I always told myself that I am studying for myself only. I mean, in order to
achieve something in life, so in order to be better than my parents, I have to
study, because that is the only thing they can't take away from me, or this is
not something I would have to receive from somebody else, but I can do it
myself in order to have a normal life.” (22-year-old woman, a Marketingmajor college student)
The strong feeling of wanting to break out and consciously separate from the past has been an
important motivational force in their lives, ever since childhood. They mostly associate
positive characteristics with the image of an educated person. They believe that such a person
is appreciated, respected, has a high-prestige job and a good salary.
”Studying – I have always believed that, I saw what my family was like, and
when I was little, I had made up my mind that I really wanted to study, so I
128
wouldn't be like them. Or so that I wouldn’t have to do such a dull and
meaningless job. In other words, I really wanted to be appreciated.” (24year-old woman, studying Finance & Accountancy in college)
Since one of the prerequisites of using after-care provisions is the continuation of studies,
many youths decide to do this after reaching the age signifying the end of compulsory
schooling, so that they can stay within the system. The reason for making this decision is that
they are not yet prepared for a self-sufficient life and, since they have nowhere to go because
of their unsettled family relations, they cannot finance an independent life.
”Well, as for me, it's the motivation that I would become somebody. On the
other hand… well, that I actually have everything in here. And then,
another plus, that I don't have to think about how to create these
conditions.” (24-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leavingcertificate, who is currently at home with her 3-month-old baby boy)
At the same time, it is important to emphasise that, for the majority, studying is perceived as
something they expect of themselves, something they regard as very important – even before
they reach the age of legal maturity. It is clear that they regard their studies as being the
foundation for their professional careers. Their goal is not only to obtain qualifications, but
they pay close attention to their school performance, as well. Further arguments supporting
the continuation of studies include the possibility of finding a better- quality job – with a
better salary –if they have a good profession.
In some cases, however, the continuation of studies appears to be out of necessity, because
they feel that, while they are studying, they cannot earn enough money. Many also believe
that, nowadays, it is still difficult to find a job – even if one has a profession or a degree;
therefore, in the long run, there is no return on the studies, either.
The biggest obstacle to the continuation of studies seems to be the child-protection system
background. Several youths – mainly those who were brought up in institutional care –
believe that they continuously have to fight with themselves because of their pasts, and
sometimes they have to try, extremely hard, to keep being motivated and not to give up on
their dreams and the goals they had set. One of them described his inner struggles in the
following manner:
”Well, an obstacle is that I have to get over the fact that I was brought up
in a children's home – that is, I am a disadvantaged person – so I have to
129
struggle to look past this. Because this sets me back. I mean, in each and
every situation – if I fail an exam or I don't succeed in something – then I
always think that this is because I am such a hapless person from a
children's home, I don't know anything, I am so lame. […] So if I can get
past that, that I am not a hapless person, and so I don't judge myself as
such because I come from a children's home, then everything is fine.” (24year-old woman, studying Finance & Accountancy in college)
As we described in detail under the title “Support” (subsection 6.4 ), child care professionals
and foster-parents play important roles in supporting studies, and providing motivation and
encouragement.
”They kept telling us (foster-parents) that is was important to study.
Because if we don't study, and if we are not going to have a profession, we
could end up on the street. And they always told that to us, and it is always
going to be like this. We never had any objections. Our standpoint was that,
of course, we are studying, we want a profession, and we want to work.
When we grow up, get a house – and that's it.” (23-year-old man, studying
to become a Shop Assistant)
We could observe that the general well-being of a young adult at school was greatly enhanced
by whether or not s/he had a teacher in primary- or secondary-school who cared about
him/her and helped him/her fit into the class community. The role of teachers in providing
motivation and career-orientation was dominant mostly in secondary-school, where the
mentor-teacher also played a significant role.
Good examples within the child-protection system also had a motivational effect on the
youths. Youths who were attending a higher-education institution, and who had already
successfully fit into society, were regarded as positive role-models. However, careers of
failure terrified them, and these negative role-models made them feel even more strongly that
they had to study well in order to establish a good future. Foster-parents’ own children also
served as positive role-models, whereas their blood-siblings provided help with their further
studies, for instance, with orientation inside the university structure and with preparation for
exams.
”[…] well, I actually saw some examples from my older brother, how
things are going. And well, I also ask, and I have already asked him for
advice […] that helped me a lot to get started at the beginning.” (21-year130
old man, attending university, and who is in his third year as Recreation
Organiser and Health Development major)
In two cases, the birth-parent also acted as a motivational force – since it was really important
for the parents that the youth continued her studies.
”But she always told me that I should study as long as possible. She was
such a type, I think, that she would have liked her daughters to have normal
lives: studying, and going on to college and university. So that was her
mania.” (22-year-old woman, studying at a (secondary) police academy,
and who would like to enter the police)
6.8 Portrait
B., female, was born in 1987, placed with foster-parents when she was one and a half years
old. She has been living with the same family in the town of Kőszeg (Vas county), although
she is now officially in after-care provision. Besides attending school, she started to play
musical instruments quite early – at the age of 8. At first she played the cello, then, after a
few years, she switched to trumpet. She had been a trumpet player in the youth orchestra from
2000 onwards, and later she became a member of the town symphony orchestra. Playing the
trumpet is an important part of her life (for instance, her foster-parents gave her a trumpet as a
present for her 18th birthday): she participated in competitions and became part of a musical
community and, later, she earned some income from performing.
Her school career was flawless: she finished school without repeating a grade. After 8 years
of primary school, she attended vocational-training school – from 2002 till 2006 – where she
studied to be a waitress. Internship as a waitress in a hotel was a very important experience
for her. She formed good relationships with the management there, who – knowing that she
works well – employed her, later. She has been working there ever since. After vocationaltraining, she applied for a two-year programme in order to obtain the secondary-school
leaving-certificate. Due to her outstanding abilities and good grades, both at primary- and
secondary-schools (the grade-point-average in her secondary-school leaving-certificate was
4.3) she was easily admitted to university as a full time Economics and Business Management
major. She said that, in order to achieve these good results, she did not really need to study,
but kind of learned everything in class: “Actually, I have just started studying, in college. Up
until now, I didn't study, at all. I registered everything they said in class, because I just
soaked up school materials. So I really only had to study a minimal amount.”. All-in-all, after
a successful entrance-exam, she transferred from the full-time programme to the
131
correspondence course – in order to be able to work besides attending university. The reason
for this was the urge to secure her financial independence as soon as possible. Thus, she and
her foster-parents decided that the workplace, and finding a job, were more important, so she
transferred to the correspondence course. This programme, however, requires a tuition-fee.
At the time of the first interview, fitting her work and her studies together was the biggest
problem. The hotel manager – he supervised her internship, and this is how they came into
contact – told her that, if she completed college, he could give her a higher position.
Therefore, she was motivated to study, although the restaurant manager did not really take
into consideration that she was attending university. She gave the following description of the
difficulties: “Well, now there are a lot of things that are really hard. Now the fact that I can't
always go to school from my workplace. And, well, catering is mostly on weekends – so
Friday, Saturday and Sunday. When do I have school? On Friday and Saturday. This means
that I can't go to many of the classes, although you must be present at many of them.” One
year later, at the time of the follow-up, she was only working – she had quit school. Although
she had successfully completed the first two semesters, she decided to take a year of
academic leave of absence; that is, she left the doors open for a return. However, she told us
that she would not go back but, instead, look for another school where the schedule could fit
in better with her work.
Although the music-playing tradition was present in her family (everybody plays some kind
of musical instrument), when it came to further studies, the clear-cut goal was to obtain a
profession and establish financial independences as soon as possible. B. was supported in her
studies but, despite her very good abilities (e.g. she won several academic competitions), she
went on to vocational-training schools, after finishing primary school. Therefore, instead of
obtaining the secondary-school leaving-certificate at the age of 18, she received it at the age
of 20. By the time she entered the higher-education system, these two years of delay might
have played a role in the desire to achieve financial independence overcoming her desire to
continue studying.
132
Chapter 7. The social, leisure and informal learning lives of
young people in and from public care
7.1 What is life like outside of school, work and home? What, if any,
pursuits, skills do they have? Do they define these in terms of not
being learning/work or being opportunities to add to learning?
Concerning extra-curricular and not work-related, that is, leisure-time activities, the
respondents mostly mentioned activities done alone at home, or such general type of “going
out with friends” activities that are usually characteristic of every young person (i.e. not only
those who are raised in the child-protection system). Although several respondents mentioned
extra-curricular classes they had attended for shorter or longer periods, there were relatively
few youths for whom a hobby or a leisure-time activity played an important role.
Table 36. Leisure time activities mentioned
Leisure time activities
TV, listening to music, internet
Hanging around, friends, partying
Sport (dancing)
Reading
”I have no time, I am studying”
Resting, relaxing
Playing music, choir
No. of YP
who
mentioned it
14
14
13
12
10
6
2
They generally regard studying and leisure time as being opposites. The interviewees regard
these two things as if they were two different worlds. There is no connection, whatsoever,
between studying and leisure time. This could be explained by the fact that youths who live in
the various types of care-homes or in student-dormitories while attending secondary-school
have to observe a strict daily schedule. These strict daily schedules precisely and clearly
delineate time-periods to be spent studying (”silentium”), and others to be spent doing a
freely-chosen activity. In these institutions – and also in the stricter, “more conservative”
schools – the youths are often expected to participate in different kinds of competitions and to
attend mandatory extra-curricular classes.
”I went to high school, and I had a place in a student-dormitory. This
means that I usually got up between 6 and 7:30 in the morning. Getting
ready, tidying up and so on, breakfast. I sat through my 6 classes, and if I
133
had extra classes, I ran to get to those. If not, I had folk dancing or chess –
it depended on the given day. And then we had the silentium period and
dinner.” (23-year-old woman, currently studying Social Pedagogy in a
college correspondence course, and attending a higher-level Tourism course
of an educational programme registered in the National Record of
Qualifications)
Since these youths regard studying, further studies and leisure time as being completely
different worlds, they do not really see the connection between decisions concerning further
studies, and the different kinds of hobbies and sports activities. Concerning further studies, in
some cases, interpersonal relationships formed during leisure-time activities can actually
create an important background and even some advantages.
”I also do sports in Gyöngyös: we have just formed a small team, this year,
and we participate in tournaments with this – tournaments between
colleges, and in-house tournaments in college, as well. Those are usually
pretty good, and they really get our social group together.” (22-year-old
man, a student of the police academy)
In addition, sometimes the hobby – in itself – can develop into an activity that could launch a
life career. We saw an example of this among our respondents (one of our respondents really
liked drawing and photography, and now studies at the University of Art and Design).
7. 2 Who supports these activities? Friends, family, carers,
professionals/ welfare services?
Regarding the support of leisure-time activities, there are important differences between the
institutions and the foster-parents. As for financing, all young people brought up within
institutional-care have similar opportunities, but for those brought up by foster-parents there
could be significant differences. These opportunities depend on how important the fosterparents regard a particular leisure-time activity, and on how much they are prepared to spend
in order to make it possible for a youth to attend extra-curricular activities and sports training.
In some institutions and schools, the youths are clearly expected to participate in such
activities (”mandatory”). Their attending various extra-curricular activities is typically
supported in institutions; there are no restrictions concerning their choice of activity, so they
can try out several kinds. As a result, they frequently change their activities, for instance,
trying out several kinds of sports activities.
134
”When I went to primary school, I did lots of ball-sports: I went to soccer
and basketball practice. And I did swimming for 2 years, and went to
taekwondo practice for 2 years. I also did spring-board diving.” (21-yearold woman, studying at the University of Art and Design)
The costs and conditions of leisure time activities done “alone” are partly financed by the
institution (e.g. purchasing a TV, internet subscription, a shared computer, library costs) and
partly – typically above the age of 18 – financed by the youth’s own savings (e.g. purchasing
a personal notebook-computer, DVD player, small TV). In the case of youths brought up by
foster-parents, who finances what is not as delineated (e.g. the “family budget” might finance
bigger investments – such as purchasing a musical instrument or a notebook-computer – if the
youth needs one).
7. 3 The place of friends and friendships in the past in supporting
(or not) education and other goals
Generally speaking, friends have a lot of influence over their decisions. The young people
frequently choose a school – and by doing so, an activity lasting for 2/3/4 years – or even a
life-career, based on what kind of schools their friends apply to and vocational-training they
undertake. When we asked them why they had chosen that specific secondary-school or
course they had completed, we very often came across reasoning similar to that quoted below:
“One of my acquaintances went to that school – a girl, who lived here with
us. And so I went to the open-day, and I saw what kind of programmes they
offer, and that's how it came.” (23-year-old woman, currently studying
Social Pedagogy in a college correspondence course, and attending a
higher-level Tourism course of an educational programme registered in the
National Record of Qualifications)
Based on the interviews, we may state that a rich social-life and a great number of friendly
relationships often co-occur with good school performance and higher-level school
qualifications, whereas those youths who have smaller numbers of social contacts and have
no social-life much more often show poor performance in school and have lower
qualifications.
”Well, I have many circles of friends. I have some friends among the
culture preservation group. It is a really mixed age-group, and I am the
youngest in the group. There is another society group. I attend this
Reformed Church Community, and there is a youth group there – I have
135
good relationships with those people. […] I go hiking with my exclassmates, for instance.” (21-year-old woman, studying at the University
of Art and Design)
”Nowadays I don't, I don't really go out. The last time I went to the disco
was last year. I don't always, I don't really go.” (20-year-old man, who has
completed the 8 grades of primary school, quit his secondary studies, and is
currently looking for a job)
7. 4 What are the barriers and facilitators to doing things outside
school/work/family?
An important function of the different hobbies and sports – mainly for those youths who are
brought up in an institution – is that these provide an opportunity for them to “break free”
from the strict, daily-schedule. Therefore, this is one of the most important factors
contributing to the youths’ desire to have some kind of hobby and leisure-time activity. As
one of our respondents said:
”[…] when I was younger, there were restrictions that you couldn't go here
or couldn't go there, and such. So, there are regulations here, so when you
are younger, then: you get home, then you can only study, and do nothing
else. And there was this loophole, so I could at least get out during those
times.” (21-year-old man, attending university, who is in his third year as
Recreation Organiser and Health Development major)
In the case of youths brought up by foster-parents, there is no professional consideration
regarding extra-curricular classes and sports – unlike the case in institutions. Therefore, that
given family’s traditions decide on what opportunities a youth has, and what sorts of activity
the family will support. Some foster-parents pay no attention to this, whereas other fosterfamilies almost “expect” things, for instance, that the young adult should learn to play a
musical instrument.
Hobbies, sports and other leisure-time activities would often lapse as a result of the
continuation of studies in a higher-education institution. Preparation for exams, entrance
exams, and the struggle to achieve similarly important personal goals might become so
central to the lives of the young people that they cease their usual activities. Getting into a
higher-education institution might bring about such a fundamental change in their lifestyle,
that there is no room for those activities that filled out his/her free time before.
136
Concerning youths raised in a child-care institution, it is important to mention that, although
they seem to prefer “classical” hobbies and leisure-time activities, the system actually makes
it impossible for them to participate in spontaneous programs with friends (or fellow group
members, extra-curricular classmates). One of our respondents actually postulated that, due to
this, many youths become much more reserved – in order to avoid giving an explanation for
why they could not participate in a social program – for instance, if the classmates decide to
go out and do something together after school (which is the “scheduled program”). In such
cases, they cannot possibly go with the others.
”I said that a million times that this is a prison […] well, what could one
think: you wanted to go to a party or just go somewhere, they wouldn't let
you go. And so, on the other hand, try to explain that to your classmates,
why you can't go. 'Hey, let's go fishing on the Rába!' [a nearby river] And
then what sort of excuse should I make up? Because I know that they
wouldn't let me go from here. But I didn't want to say that they wouldn't
allow me to go, it's like that. […] I think that one becomes a little more
defensive because of this.” (21-year-old man, attending university, who is
in his third year as Recreation Organiser and Health Development major)
7.5 How does the social and leisure time/activities, and/or informal
learning, contribute or not to seeing themselves as learners?
In the case of several child-care institutions and foster-families, we can observe that those
youths who attend higher-education institutions are brought up in a place where several others
also attend higher-education institutions. We believe that the direct personal experience of
these positive role-models greatly influence whether or not the youths dare to set highereducation as a goal.
”Well, we have one girl here who already has a degree. She got a primaryschool teacher’s degree in Nagykőrös. There is one person who is going to
get a degree as a physiotherapist – she is writing her major-paper now.
And there is a boy who is studying to become a technical manager […]And
a girl is going to get her degree next year as a Social Worker major at
ELTE.” (24-year-old woman, studying Finance & Accountancy in college)
These experiences contribute directly to them actually “visualising” further studies and
getting into the higher-education-system as possibilities. If their environment contains peers
who are already attending a higher-education institution, they tend to go for this opportunity
137
more easily than those youths who do not know what it actually means to be a university
student.
In addition, interpersonal-relationships also appeared in such narratives concerning
entertainment having had, or potentially having had, a negative influence on studies.
However, partying can be a rather important part of community life; more often than not, this
is an unavoidable part of “university life”.
”Actually, there were a couple of semesters when I went a bit down.
Because we started – I got in here, and we started the university partying.
[…] During the day, we went to school, then we went partying in the
evening, school during the day, party during the night. On the weekends, all
I could do was sleep. So, we stopped doing this, because it is not good, it is
really unpleasant. It drains you in a flash, very soon.” (24-year-old man,
who is currently a Business Management major at the University of
Economics)
7.6 Portrait
E., female, was born in Szombathely, in 1988. There were no disruptions in her school career;
she made it to the secondary-school leaving-exam without having to repeat a grade. She
immediately was accepted at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics as a
Chemical Engineering major, and she is currently studying there.
Her family conditions were good – the problem was with her father. There was no sexualabuse involved, but he regularly and severely abused her physically, as a result of which the
15-year-old E. ran away from home, in 2004. She recounted this: “Well, I looked really weird
because it was winter – it was in February – and I was only wearing a jumper, and I had a
totally bloody face and all. Well, so it was evident that they [the policemen] asked me where I
was going. And then they took me to the hospital. And also because I had a lot of bruises as
well, so I'm sure they were alarmed by these. And I also think that I must have been in a
slightly shocked state, because I don't really remember everything.” She spent two weeks in
hospital, and during this time that the local TEGYESZ contacted her. Then she was placed
under guardianship; the life-partner of her grandfather became her guardian. She started
attending secondary-school in the fall of that year, and moved into a student-dormitory in
order not to “burden” her guardian and her grandfather. However, it became evident, by the
end of the year, that this was not going to work – they argued a lot, and E. herself
acknowledges that she was really hard to handle at that time. As a result, she was admitted
138
into the child-protection system, and was placed in a children's home. However, she was still
able to remain at the student-dormitory and to continue her studies at the same school.
Karate played a very important part in E.'s life. She started attending training-sessions in the
year 2000, and went on to competitions – where she achieved good results. Karate provided
her with very important relationships, and created an important “base” – a secure background
for her – even after she entered the child-protection system. She often spent the whole
summer in training-camps, where she did not have to pay camp costs. Similarly, she did not
have to pay a membership-fee in the sports-club for her training sessions – most probably her
coach advocated this, since he was aware of her situation. Over the years, she formed a very
close bond with her coach. He had actually wanted to adopt E. when she entered the special
child-welfare system but, since her parents had not renounced their parental rights, this could
not go through. However, the coach continued to support her, both financially and
emotionally. For instance, the coach’s wife sewed her many clothes (among others, making
her prom outfit, as well), and when she was accepted into the university, it was with their
financial support that she could purchase a notebook-computer. It meant a lot that the coach
included her in the life of the karate “society” as well. With his encouragement, E. went on to
qualify as a both judge and an assistant-coach. “School on weekdays, competitions or
training-camp on weekends, school on weekdays. So this was the program, until the
university.”.
E. has moved out of the university's student-dormitory, and is currently living together with
her boyfriend, in his apartment. Although by attending a university in the capital the role of
karate is slowly diminishing in her life, and her relationship with her coach has also began to
lessen, E. regards this as a natural process.
139
Chapter 8. The hopes and aspirations of young people in
and from public care
8.1 Where do they see themselves in one and five year’s time? - at
time one and time two
No significant changes occurred in the interviewees’ short-term and mid-term goals between
the times of the first and second interviews. There are basically two reasons for this. Firstly,
the time-interval between the first and second interviews (three-quarters of a year – one year)
is too short for the youths to considerably change their future goals. Secondly, a one-yearperiod is usually a foreseeable time-period that can be planned. Although five years seem to
be a very distant future for them, several youths do have clear-cut plans. However, long-range
plans also tend to remain at the level of general ideas.
It is important to note that – due to the characteristics of the domestic research sample – at the
time of the first interview, all the respondents were continuing their studies – so their oneyear-plans were mainly focused on their school careers.
8.1.1. One-year-plans
Short-range plans related to studies are organised around three alternatives: 1) to continue
studies after a year; this concerns schools that the young adults have already begun, 2) to start
further studies after finishing the current studies, 3) to find a job, after finishing the current
studies.
Due to the length of the educational programme, those youths who were attending a highereducation institute were clearly hoping to succeed in tackling all obstacles, passing all their
exams and, by the time of the second interview, they would be starting another year. The first
category also includes those youths who would complete their secondary studies only after
more than a year.
Well, I'd like to complete the second year in college, I'd like to make it to that
point, to succeed in that. Well, as for other things… this actually requires all
my attention.” (22-year-old woman, a Marketing-major college student)
In the case of those youths who are attending a higher-education institution, the short-range
plans also include scholarship-applications to study abroad, finding a job, and the further
development of language-skills.
140
”There are several opportunities available in college, for instance, this
Erasmus program: you can work abroad for six months and get practice
there.” (22-year-old man, a student of the police academy)
Typically, those who have already obtained a secondary-school leaving-certificate or a
profession, or who have qualified during the given year but would like to continue their
studies, are faced with the decision of choosing another school after completing their studies.
In this case, obtaining an additional profession, or obtaining a profession after having
received the secondary-school leaving-certificate, is typical.
”Well, I hope at that time I will already be studying as a shop manager – on
a school level, not in a course. And if I complete that, I am going to get a job
and establish my financial situation, so that I would have normal conditions
after leaving the system.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, who is currently studying to be a Shop Manager)
Those youths who continue their studies after a completed secondary-education have different
motives. Those with a secondary-school leaving-certificate believe that the pursuit of higherlevel studies cannot fit into the time-span of the after-care provision. Therefore, they opt for
learning a profession, since their position in the labour-market will be improved if they have
some specialised skills as well as the secondary-school leaving-certificate (which provides
general knowledge). Some acknowledge that they would like to continue their studies, but
either or their ambitions are not strong enough, or their abilities do not allow them to go into
the higher-education system. Then again, some youths continue their studies out of necessity,
since one of the prerequisites of after-care provision is the continuation of studies. In some
care-institutions, only those who are studying are eligible to stay within the provisionsystem.. One of these youths could have already found a job and started working within his
chosen profession if this obligation were not hanging over his head:
”Well, I can actually stay here until the age of 24. So it will probably be like
this – if I complete the school this year –, I will go and sit at a school desk at
one of the 2-year-long educational programmes somewhere, to get a
secondary-school leaving-certificate. Then I will have to go on studying. […]
I am really bored with this sitting at school desks. I'd much rather be
working somewhere.” (22-year-old man, a trained cook, who is currently
studying to obtain a secondary-school leaving-certificate)
141
The above-mentioned third alternative is characteristic of those youths whose school careers
included much disruption, who had to face many difficulties during their studies, and who
have one or two professions, which – sadly enough – only ensure low-level positions in the
labour-market. They have no faith in finding employment using their hard-earned
professions; they are ready to accept any position. This is demonstrated by the case of the
following youth, who has already qualified in two uncompetitive professions. She hopes to
get a cleaning-job, with the help of the Public Employment Service.
”Well, I have just completed school. And I completed my two professions,
which I already talked about – that I got a Wafer-maker and a PreparedPasta-maker profession. […] And well, I am looking for a job now. And I
have just found one, it is a cleaning job. You have to work in 12-hour-shifts.
And so, if there will be a position available, they will put me in right away.”
(23-year-old woman, with two professions, who is currently looking for a
job)
It is quite interesting that, primarily those youths take up ongoing or seasonal (mainly during
the summer-break) jobs, besides their studies, who are in the process of obtaining higher-level
qualifications. In their cases, their short-range plans include the stabilisation of their financial
situation. These youths regard working alongside studying as a natural thing to do.
However, in case of two youths, the priorities of working and studying were already being
evaluated within the one-year-plans. Thus, by the time of the second interview, both had quit
their higher-level studies. One of them, who had started her higher-education studies as a
History major, described her dilemmas thus:
”Next year, I hope, by the time we meet, I will be earning my 130-140
thousand (forints) that I am targeting. Well, with studying, I don't know, we'll
see what's going to happen with studying. Because the thing is that I don't
know yet if I can fit the studies into the work schedule. Because I have to
make a living somehow. And I can't support myself from - well, I passed this
exam well, and sure, this is very good regarding the future, but right now, it's
not a secure thing.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leavingcertificate, who is currently working as a Shop Assistant)
It is a general plan among young adults that they intend to use after-care provision after a
year, as well. Those who continue their studies may have after-care provision until the age of
24/25. They regard this as a very important time period in the preparation for a self-sufficient
142
life and establishing their financial situation. Getting out of the care system means taking up
responsibilities and tasks related to adult status, such as taking care of accommodation and
finding a job.
”Well, I'd like to stay here somehow, until I turn 24. And then get an
apartment, or I don't know, maybe buy something. And then I'd like a good
job.” (22-year-old man, who is a trained cook, and is currently studying to
obtain secondary-school leaving-certificate)
Thus, after a year, mostly plans concerning studies emerge in the ideas of our young adults.
They do not plan on significant changes in the various fields of their lives. As for intimate
relationships, at the time of the first interview, two youths mentioned the idea of getting
engaged, and another mentioned moving-in together with his/her partner. Regarding
accommodation, nobody has planned any changes – because they intended to stay within the
after-care provision system. No plans or new ideas were mentioned in relation to hobbies, or
family relationships and friendships.
8.1.2. Five-year-plans
Due to the completion of studies, their mid-range plans are mainly focused on work.
Therefore, the of young adults’ plans include the concern of finding a good job after they
obtain their degree or their professional qualifications. They plan on getting a job within the
field of their hard-earned professions.
”Well, I'd like to work as an air-traffic-controller, or, better still, as a
fighter-pilot in the Air Force.” (24-year-old man, studying at the National
Defence University)
Those who are attending a higher-education institution, are supposed to obtain their degrees
within this time-period. They consider degrees to be important, in terms of establishing a
secure future, although they are also aware of the difficulties one has to face when trying to
find a job – even if one has more than one degree. The idea of this being the only chance for
youths from a child-protection system background to fit well into society, is also expressed.
”But if we look at it this way, one can hardly get a job – even if one has 2-3
degrees – and the reason I'm studying is to be able to get a job. Because a
child with a child-protection system background has no other way of fitting
in properly. So, I believe that if I don't do it this way, I have no chance.” (22year-old man, a Law student)
143
Parallel to this, when young adults reach the maximum age-limit set in the regulations for the
starting of after-care provision, they are well aware that they will have to leave the provision
system in 4-5 years and start an independent life. Therefore, their plans also concern finding a
solution for their accommodation. Concerning this, the respondents clearly prefer long-term
solutions – mostly the purchasing of their own real-estate property. Renting an apartment is
considered to be one of the building-blocks of an insecure future. Establishing a family is not
yet desired, although they do desire a secure, solid relationship. Based on their own
experiences in their real families, they do not consider the relatively early establishment of a
family to be a good thing.
”Well, when I get out of here, I would clearly like an apartment that is mine.
I'd like a job that I like doing, and then, maybe, establish a family. But for
me, to do all this, I'd like to have an apartment first. So I am not going to
give birth to children if I live in a sublet or whatever. Because I'd like to
have children, with time.” (23-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, who is currently studying Tourism under the umbrella of
an educational programme registered in the National Record of
Qualifications)
It is clear that the plans point towards the beginning of an independent life. However, the
future fills some youths with fear, so that they do not even dare to make plans.
”Ooooh, I don't know! that's like totally far away. I don't know.” (21-yearold woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, who has only had
seasonal jobs since finishing school, and is currently looking for a job)
8.1.3. Ten-year-plans
Leading a happy life is central to the long-range plans. Considering life ten years from now,
the young adults’ plans are basically focused on family life. They imagine that, by this time,
they will have secure accommodation and work, and they will be living in a stable, intimate
relationship in which they can also have children. Therefore, the long-range plans of mostly
women involve a so-called “normal”, standardised life: getting a job after finishing school,
long-term solution for accommodation, finding a husband with a sober lifestyle, having
children. It is also obvious from the narratives that the young adults have had these images
and ideas concerning the future since their childhoods.
“Well, these: secondary-school leaving-certificate, a profession, a small hole
(i.e. small apartment) that is mine. It doesn't have to be big – just mine. And
144
such a husband, who not only stays with me until my belly grows big, and
then… These are like totally normal things. I mean, I think everybody wants
it like this.” (23-year-old woman, with a secondary-school leavingcertificate, who is currently studying Tourism in an educational programme
registered in the National Record of Qualifications)
As for plans concerning the establishment of a family, fear of what happened in their own
childhood clearly emerges. They would not like their children to suffer the same fate. They
intend to provide their children with financial and emotional security, and a background that
is very distant from the world of the child-protection system.
”Well, that negative example is already given: I know what I mustn't do. […]
I don't want such a family like the one I came from. I mean, I don't think I
could handle that – if I had a child, of course, and I am planning to have
children – so for instance, that this child would have to grow up in an
institution or children's home. I think that this idea is in almost every little
person who is brought up in a children's home or in an institution.” (21year-old man, attending university, who is in his third year as Recreation
Organiser and Health Development major)
The urge to forget the past has been a part of their lives – ever since they entered special
child-welfare provision. The positive outlook on the future is a direct reaction to all the
detriments and negative things they had to go through during their own childhoods. Fitting
into society, consciously delineating themselves from the experienced family patterns, their
birth-parents, and the personal characteristics and lifestyle of their parents, all constitute (and
have always constituted) a kind of motivational impetus for these young people. They also
judge their school performance in the light of their family background.
”But I knew it already, as a small child, that I was not going to be like them.
So, I mean that I don't want to be like them.” (24-year-old woman, who
studies Finance& Accountancy in college)
In addition to forgetting the events of the past, several highlighted another general goal. They
intend to be able to cope with certain life situations, become appreciated members of the
work community, and society in general, and to be able to fit in successfully.
”[…]I actually long for being accepted, to have a nice workplace, where
people could say about me that, yes, they can count on me and I'm important
there, and I can actually contribute something positive to the whole thing and
145
the whole operation.” (24-year-old woman, who studies Finance &
Accountancy in college)
Regarding those young men who are attending a higher-education institution, the image of a
fulfilled career also appears. Apart from achieving prestige in society, the establishment of a
secure financial-situation is also deemed important. Financial stability is also regarded as the
basis of establishing a family.
”I'd like to create such a financial situation for myself, so that I won't have to
watch out at the end of the month that: oh shit, I only have a thousand-forintbill left, and I only get my salary next week. So that I won't have to look at
the prices so carefully, but just take the thing and put it in my shopping
cart.” (24-year-old man, who studies at the National Defence University)
Similarly to their short-term and mid-term plans, no changes are planned on the field of
interpersonal relationships and hobbies. These plans do not include ideas concerning a
relationship with their real families; however, those who are brought up by foster-parents
have no doubts that they can count on their foster-parents in the future, as they can in the
present, too.
8.2 How does the initial ambition compare to the change over the
study period?
Plans did not change significantly during the time between the first and the second interview.
There were only a few cases in which such a significant change had occurred that it modified
the youth's plan for the future. Changes were basically linked to 5 major life events: 1) the
birth of a child, 2) a tragic event in the family, 3) being expelled from school, 4) taking an
academic leave-of-absence from study, because of work, 5) looking for a job, after finishing
school.
In one case, a young adult had given birth by the time of the second interview. Although she
had been living in a stable, intimate relationship, she had not planned on having children just
yet. Her current plan is that, when her child reaches the infant day-care age, she will continue
her studies.
One young adult quit her studies because of tragic events in her family. At the time of the first
interview, she has already obtained her nursing qualification but, since she could not find a
job in that field, she decided to continue her studies and obtain the secondary-school leavingcertificate through a 2-year-long correspondence course. These studies were also important
146
for her, because her dream was to become a professional infant-and-small-child- carer, a
prerequisite for which is a secondary-school leaving-certificate. In the course of the previous
year, her foster-mother had died and, only a couple months later, her foster-father also passed
away. The young adult had difficulty processing these tragic events. She was living with new
foster-parents, though she also had to spend time in a psychiatric ward because of the
bereavement. She then quit her studies, because she felt she could not possibly concentrate on
her studies under those circumstances. She was currently looking for a job, and was not sure
whether or not she would eventually continue her studies.
The third type of life event – i.e. getting dismissed from school – only happened to one young
adult. At first, she was absent from school because of health issues (a broken hand), then,
after a large number of unjustified absences, she was expelled. She did not really like the
professions she was studying there so, looking back, she is not sorry that she was expelled.
She is currently looking for a job. Among all of our respondents, she is the only one who has
merely completed the eight grades of primary school, and she does not even plan to obtain a
profession.
Two of our respondents temporarily quit their higher-level studies – in order to concentrate
on work and earning money. However, these two had already mentioned the possibility of
doing this the first interview. They had difficulty fitting full-time education, and regular
preparation for classes, into their work schedules. However, they have not modified their
plans, in the sense that they would still like to continue their studies, though the completion of
their higher-level studies has been put off till a later time.
There are three among our respondents who have completed their secondary studies and are
currently looking for a job. Two have two professions, as well. Although they are aware that
they cannot make their stand in the labour-market with their professions, they are not
planning on further study either in the near or more-distant future. One of the abovementioned three youths is unable to find a job with his profession. It is important to note,
however, that for these youths, the previous year had gone according to their original plans.
No significant changes could be observed in plans of the other young adults. They tended to
follow their original plans and ideas and – even if circumstances had forced them to modify
these – the new plans, and the events of the previous year, were all organised around the
continuation of studies. For instance, in two cases, the entrance-exams to their chosen
universities were successful, and this had filled them with new hopes. Despite her successful
University of Art and Design entrance-exam, one had asked for a year of academic leave-of147
absence in order to finish an educational programme registered in the National Record of
Qualifications, in photography, which she had started earlier. She would also like to use this
time to prepare for a language-exam, which would be more difficult to do alongside
university studies.
”- I have just got accepted to the University of Art and Design.
- Any why did you decide to take an academic leave-of-absence from the
university?
- Well, there is more than one reason for that. First, I would like to complete
this educational programme registered in the National Record of
Qualifications. On the other hand, it would be more difficult to pass the
language-exam besides my university studies. I mean that this educational
programme registered in the National Record of Qualifications is not as
difficult or hard as the university.” (21-year-old woman, studying at the
University of Art and Design)
In the case of one young adult, the plan was to continue her studies at a higher-education
institute. However, she could not get into her preferred major (Photographer and Image
Editor), so she could only partially realise her one-year-plan. The unsuccessful entrance-exam
did not discourage, and she is still trying to complete the major (Programming) she has
already begun. Along with her disappointment, her perseverance is also apparent from her
words:
”I wanted to go to K. […] as a Photographer and Image Editor major. And
the other was Moving Image Culture and Media Studies – these are the two
faculties I applied to. But I didn't get accepted here. I will try it once again
next year […] Well, I am not so motivated about it, that's true. But since I
began to attend it, so I am going through with it.” (22-year-old woman, who
has a secondary-school leaving-certificate, and is currently studying
Programming in a higher-educational programme registered in the National
Record of Qualifications)
In some cases, studies have been supplemented by striving for additional qualifications.
Although not all of these were a part of last year's plans, the young adults' goals to obtain
additional qualifications indicate that they are ready to challenge themselves in more than one
field, and they are trying to expand their palette of skills to have better opportunities in the
long run. For instance, one, a Social-Worker major, has tailored his additional major to his
148
sports career. Thus, he is currently attending Sports Coach training, as well. Another young
adult has added a Midwife-major to an ongoing Child Care Officer major. Due to her plans of
finding a job abroad, she regards the completion of the second major as being important in the
long run. She gave the following description of her ambitions:
”Well, my current plans still focus on studying. But I really think I should
stop – yes – stop this continuous studying, really, and start earning some
money. Well, the midwife qualifications, I'd like that abroad if I can.” (23year-old woman, who attends medical college, and is aiming to obtain two
degrees, who she is a fourth year Child Care Officer major, and a first year
Midwife- major)
Apart from studies, if we look at the changes concerning friendships, family life, intimate
relationships, quality leisure-time activities, financial situation and accommodation, we can
observe that no major changes have occurred, in most cases, probably due to the shortness of
the studied time-period. In the lives of those youths who are working besides their studies –
disregarding those two exceptions in which the youths had put their higher-level studies on
hold, for the time being – regular, or seasonal, work plays an important role in their studies,
as well.
The fields of friendships and hobbies remain unchanged, though for those youths who are
going on to new schools to continue their studies there is a good chance of forming new
interpersonal relationships, and new friendships.
Concerning intimate relationships, changes occurred in four cases. Two youths have moved
in with their partners, and two youths have gotten engaged – though they only plan on
moving-in together later. At the time of the first interview, one young man was planning on
moving in together with his partner, though they have now decided to delay that. And, in one
case that was already mentioned above, a young adult had given birth to her first child.
The youths did not have any plans concerning their relationships with carers, social workers,
educators and foster-parents. Although none mentioned major changes, they typically
regarded these relationships as being positive.
Regarding the blood-family, significant changes occurred in three cases, although these were
not planned ones. In one case, contact was initiated with the expanded family (cousins), and
they have been in regular telephone contact, ever since. In another case, a youth has resumed
relationship with the real father, and they had organised many summer programmes together.
149
Although at the time of the first interview the young adult had categorically discounted any
possibility of a contact with the father, he seems to be happy about it now. The most
significant change occurred in the life of one who is currently attending Law school.
Although he had heard that he had half-siblings, he had had no contact with his family. He
has now met his siblings, and his mother – whom he had not seen since he was a small child.
His mother told him that she had to flee his brutal father, and that the reason she had left him.
This is what he said about what happened:
”I have an older brother, who, well, he is a trained butcher. And I have
another brother, who is going to apply to – well, I don't really know to
which university, I think he wants to study Psychology. And yes, I met him,
because my older brother came down to Debrecen because he wanted to
find a job. […] And then I found out that my mother was living in Debrecen
in a sublet […] We talked about many things, and she told me why all this
happened. I understand her, because I know what my father is like. And
well, yes, I actually personally met my older brother and my mother and
with that younger brother. My older sister is in Pest, I have not tried to
contact her. But regarding mom, it was a positive surprise. I told her that
she was never going to be my mother, because the mother is not the woman
who actually gives birth to the child, but the one who actually raises the
child. But, say, a friendship type of relationship was formed.” (22-year-old
man, a law student)
Thus, in most cases, we can see that during the previous year, the emphasis had been on plans
concerning studies, and these plans had been realised as originally expected. Therefore, one
can construct the following general picture, based on the interviews: the majority deemed the
previous year to have been successful, and their successes also indicated that they do not need
to modify their plans – they are on the right path to the achievement of their goals. We can
also see that their success was influenced by numerous factors but, in their opinions, it was
mostly their personal ambitions, perseverance and strong wills that helped them close off the
past year with a positive balance.
150
8.3 What gets in the way of achieving plans, hopes and dreams?
Domains to include: Education (barriers and facilitators),
employment, housing, partner/children, leisure time/personal
development
The majority of youths regard plans, dreams and desires as being important in their own right.
They believe that the ability to imagine the future, take risks, and maintain a generally
optimistic attitude, define their general approach to the given fields of their lives. Several
youths expressed that they needed to test themselves in many different areas, and go for
whatever seemed to work out best for them. They deem personal development and general
wellbeing to be very important; they need to do such activities that they really like. They
generally regard a foreseeable career to be important. As for the realisation of their personal
goals, they regard perseverance, professional achievement, commitment and self-confidence,
as the most important factors.
“But at around the age of 18, a youth should really start outlining the
future: what he would like to become, what he is interested in, and what it is
that he would like to […] do even later, in his years of retirement, so that he
goes to work every day as if it was a day of celebration, because his work is
his hobby.” (24-year-old man, studying at the National Defence University)
Since the goals and short-range plans of the young adults have mostly been realised, we are
first going to look at the facilitating factors which the young adults believe to be the keys to
success. It is important to note here that – as we have already mentioned above – in the fields
of work, accommodation, establishing a family, and hobbies, no major changes had occurred
in the course of the previous year. Thus, concerning these fields, we can only interpret what
the young adults deem to be facilitating and inhibiting factors in the light of mid-term plans.
8.3.1. Continuation of studies
Success reached in the field of further studies, the positive balance of the previous year, and
the desires and goals concerning future studies all depended (and depend) on personal
attitude, perseverance, commitment, practice and diligence. The opinion of one youth
illustrates the importance of a positive attitude and the investment of energy:
”I succeeded in everything I had planned – it was good. So now I feel that I
am doing really well. […] I am doing everything to achieve what I want, so
that I will have things later, I do everything for that. So I know that there is
151
a lot of work and energy involved, but it has to be, it has to be.” (23-yearold woman, with a secondary-school leaving-certificate, who is currently
studying Tourism in an educational programme registered in the National
Record of Qualifications)
In the fields of further study and employment, they also think it important whether or not
there are opportunities and – based on their own abilities – whether or not they can actually
make use of these opportunities in the long-term. They also point out that they need
relationships, and the supportive force of the given community.
”Otherwise, my standpoint is that opportunities have always been given,
have always been there. A lot of things are up to the given person, if he
actually wants to achieve something. But here it is also going to be very
important how much the others will accept me, or what sort of relationships
I can form at work.” (22-year-old man, a student of the police academy)
Failures, whether at school or at work, or in the field of relationships, are serious obstacles
regarding the future. Therefore, they believe that a supportive background is crucial. Some
believe that the presence within their environment of an outside control, of a person with
whom they can share problems and troubles, is of key importance. Support is also important,
because believe that is actually serves as a motivational force in itself – i.e. the youth feels
that people trust him/her, and he/she is surrounded by an emotionally-balanced environment.
The young adults believe that it is very important whether or not there is such a person in
their environment who can give them advice and, using his/her expertise, facilitates their
career-orientation. In one case, for instance, the after-care educator was of much help, whilst
another youth, who is studying to become a member of the police force, is thankful for the
advice given by those peers who are already working outside. A supportive background can
obviously include financial support, as well, since the young adults are well aware that the
continuation of studies, studying alongside obtaining a profession and a degree, and obtaining
a language-certificate, all entail costs.
”So I have goals, I am rather resolved, so I go through with them, I'd like to
make them reality. However, one or two inhibiting factors might completely
destroy my personality and the goal I have constructed. But, generally
speaking, I value other people's opinions, and I am influenced by other
outside factors as well.” (22-year-old man, a Law student)
152
Facilitating factors include the presence of competitive knowledge, talent, the commitment to
develop abilities, and also what kind of sacrifices the young adults are willing to undergo –
for instance, how many foreign languages they learn with which to strengthen their position
in the labour-market.
The presence of financial support, the scholarship opportunities, the financing of studies from
earned income, contributions towards the costs of studies, all can be interpreted as facilitating
factors.
”Well, I am sure that the course costs some money. But by that time, I will
probably be working as well. Now, at the first 2 years in college, I am not
really planning this – so they would come out good. And I get enough
support as it is, and I can also get a scholarship and stuff.” (22-year-old
woman, a college student with a Sociology major)
We could see, therefore, that concerning the studies, the realisation of the ideas for the future
can be facilitated by numerous factors – for instance, personal will, abilities, the presence of a
supportive background and the equally important financial support. In the absence of these,
plans cannot be realised, or can only be realised with great difficulty.
8.3.2. Employment
At the time of the first interview, a young adult who was working at a fast-food restaurant,
not only regarded her work as being an important building-block in creating a financial base,
but she also liked her workplace, her colleagues and – almost, in a way – regarded her work
as a hobby. By the time of the second interview, she had changed jobs, because the promised
financial- and career-advancement had not been realised. She is currently working as a shop
assistant, and she is satisfied with her new workplace. Her story indicates that – even if a job
is held in a favourable outlook – a relatively low salary, absence of appreciation, and a lack of
advancement on the career ladder are all factors that inhibit one from staying in a workplace.
”I really liked doing this, and I know that I was good at it. I mean, I did the
manager tasks just the same – so, the manager tasks as a normal employee
– as a manager, whose job actually involves those tasks. Then again, a
manager got 120 (thousand forints) for that, and as a student, I only got 70
(thousand forints) for that.” (22-year-old woman, with a secondary-school
leaving-certificate, who is currently working as a shop assistant)
153
Concerning employment, the possibility of being able to capitalise on acquired knowledge
and competences is regarded as being a success, although the possibility of a career and
commitment towards work are seen to be equally important. Entrepreneurial spirit, creativity
and the desire to be independent, are all regarded as values. This is why several youths plan
on launching their own businesses, after they have finished their studies.
”In my opinion, I am not going to go for a tied-down job. […] Rather, if I
can really launch my business that I've planned – and I will probably
launch it, and I have some helpers now – then I believe that I will be the
manager of a small business, which is going to run relatively well, because
I thought of many good things to do with it.” (24-year-old man, who is
currently a Business Management major at the University of Economics)
According to these youths, one inhibiting factor that often even having more than one
profession or degree is not enough for securing a good place in the labour-market or finding a
job with a proper salary. Presumably, the effects of the Hungary’s economic crisis are also
making it difficult for the young adults to find their places in the labour-market. Due to the
high unemployment-rate, living in a small township, or within the less developed regions of
the country, might – in itself – be an inhibiting factor. One is pessimistic about being able to
find a job, although she has two professions:
”[…] right now, I am looking for a job. I registered at H., and I have to go
there, once every two months. […] We asked about workplaces, but in a, in
such a situation now there's almost nothing.” (23-year-old woman, who has
two professions, and is currently looking for a job)
Interpersonal relationships are also indispensable. One young woman, who has qualifications
as a banking assistant, is currently living off seasonal jobs but would like to work within her
profession.
”Well, I tried (to find a job within my profession). But it's not up to me […]
Nowadays, you only get in somewhere if you know some people who pull
strings for you – especially into such banks. But unfortunately, I don't have
that.” (21-year-old woman, who has a secondary-school leaving-certificate,
who only had seasonal jobs after finishing school, and is currently looking
for a job)
154
8.3.3. Accommodation
In the long run, one of the future-plans involves resolving accommodation issues in a secure
way. Young adults believe that financial help can take an immense load off their shoulders. It
is obvious that their role by finding a job and having a suitable income is also indispensable.
Several regard finding common solutions involving their partner, or their siblings, is the best
way to resolve the accommodation issue.
”Well, this is up to me in many respects, but it is not only up to me, you
know. It also depends on how I can work, and if I would have an
opportunity to maybe buy my own apartment. […]A lot of things are up to
me, but if nobody helps, I don't stand a chance to maybe get my own
apartment.” (24-year-old woman, who is studying to become a Social
Worker)
8.3.4. Intimate relationship
An intimate relationship is not only important in terms of solving accommodation issues and
establishing a stable financial situation, but is also provides emotional security. Thus, with the
existence of these factors, establishing a family and having children can be planned.
”I can only count on L.. I can only count on him because he can handle me
in a way nobody else can. I only listen to him. And his parents.” (23-yearold woman, who has two professions, and is currently looking for a job)
8.3.5. Hobbies and personal development
Concerning hobbies and personal development, financial support, opportunities and the role
of the society have equally important roles. Their absence is an aggravating factor, since a
dearth of leisure-activities leads to loneliness and isolation. Having insufficient time or
restricted access can also be interpreted as inhibiting factors.
In the following table, we summarised the facilitating and inhibiting factors, based on the
young adults’ opinions. These factors are important in the realisation of future dreams, desires
and plans. (Table 37.)
155
Table 37. The young adults’ opinions on the facilitating and inhibiting factors that
play a role in the realisation of future plans
Investigated fields
The continuation of studies
after the compulsory school
age
Employment
Resolving accommodation
issues
Facilitating factors
Inhibiting factors
-
success at school, good school
performance
-
failure at school, poor
school performance
-
good relationship with teachers
and fellow students
-
-
developing talents
bad relationship with
teachers and fellow
students, difficulties fittingin
-
diligence, commitment
-
no motivation
-
knowledge regarded as value
-
-
supportive background (the
supporting force of child-care
professionals and the family,
friends)
the lack of a supportive
background (orientation,
the discussion of problems
etc.)
-
the lack of professional
interest and a future plan
-
the lack of financial support
-
economic situation
(unemployment, local and
regional disadvantages)
-
the lack of interpersonal
relationships
-
uncompetitive profession,
the lack of qualifications
-
professional interest
-
the existence of financial
support
-
the existence of interpersonal
relationships
-
a competitive profession
-
language skills, driver’slicence, other competencies
-
appropriate salary
-
a positive approach to working
-
being underpaid
-
entrepreneurial spirit, a desire
to be independent
-
efforts not being
appreciated
-
financial help (young
homebuyer’s assistance),
personal savings
-
the lack of financial support
and personal savings
-
competition opportunities
(applying for rentable
apartments from the local
authority)
limited competition
opportunities, insufficient
information
-
purchasing or renting an
apartment together with
siblings or a partner
-
service-apartment (e.g. in case
156
of the Armed Forces)
Intimate relationship,
having children
Leisure time, personal
development
-
apartment inherited from the
blood-family
-
financial support given by the
foster-parent (e.g. helping out
with the construction of an
apartment)
-
secure financial situation
-
stable, intimate relationship
-
having the same system of
values and fields of interest
-
the acceptance of the childprotection system background
on the part of the partner and
the partner's family
-
-
financial and emotional
insecurity
-
stigmatisation because of
the child-protection system
background
available time
-
the lack of time
-
personal interest
-
the lack of interest and
motivation
-
the existence of financial
support
-
the lack of financial support
-
a wide range of opportunities
-
restricted access to
opportunities
-
the existence of a social-group
-
a narrow social-circle to
spend leisure time with,
loneliness
8.4 Portrait
É., female, was born in Budapest, in 1989. She used to live with her parents and 3 older
sisters in the 2nd district, in an apartment owned by the local-authority. Her father is 51, her
mother is 52 years old. Her mother is an alcoholic, and E. has not heard from her since she
was 9. É. does not know what her mother did for a living, or if she had any qualifications. Her
father works as a carpenter, but her relationship with him deteriorated because of his second
marriage. She was admitted to an infant's home when she was 2, then entered a children's
home at the age of 3. She still lives in that children's home. She intends to use after-care
provision until the age of 25. Previously, her older sisters had also been raised in the same
children's home. They are now 22, 23 and 25 years old, and they are in regular contact with
each other.
157
She had a straightforward school-career: she started primary-school at the age of 7, and she
was a good student. Then she attended high school, in Buda, specialising in drawing. She has
always had good relationships with teachers and fellow students, at school. She said that she
always played a central role in the class-community, and participated in organising
community-events and programs. In high school, she participated in a mentor-program, so a
mentor-teacher facilitated her school-career. After getting her secondary-school leavingcertificate, she tried the entrance-exam to the University of Art and Design, but she was not
get accepted, so she started a 2-year-long educational-programme registered in the National
Record of Qualifications, where she is currently studying Photography. At the second
interview, she noted that got admitted to the university, but took a year of academic leave-ofabsence in order to finish the Photography-school she had started.
The two-year-long educational-programme is financed by a foundation, so there are tuitionfees. The tuition-fee, which amounts to 350 thousand forints per year, is paid by the children's
home, just like the other necessary costs of her studies. She has had numerous exhibitions
already; her teachers think that she has a great deal of talent. Regarding support, É. said that
the children's home not only provides support for her higher-level studies, but also supported
her when she was a child. “Now, you have to pay tuition fees at the school I'm attending. The
tuition fees amount to 350 thousand forints per year, but they still finance that for me. I mean
that I have always received this full support. (…) So, well, if I wanted to do sports, they paid
for it. But they really wanted to see that, yes, I do that and I don't quit. But, well, photography
is like that: they have recently bought me a device – a camera - and that wasn't cheap either.
And well, they are paying for school, and that is a huge help.”
She has not faced discrimination because of her child-protection system background, and she
is open about her past. She is satisfied with her situation, though she knows that being raised
in the child-protection system cannot be compared to being brought up in a family – however
hard the professionals in the child-protection system may try to provide good conditions. Her
own experiences prove the importance of a supportive environment, and the presence of
financial support opportunities, in order to have a successful school career. However, she still
believes that currently the child-protection system imposes narrow boundaries on youths
within the system. She intends to go further. “(…) among those who live in state care, the
boundaries are not really pushed further. I mean, how far you can go and what kind of
dreams they might have. So, I mean: ok, I will have vocational- training school qualifications,
158
and then, well, I may go for the secondary-school leaving-certificate – and that's it. And I
have a lot bigger goals than this.”
É. has an extensive network of friends, and many hobbies; she lives an active life. Apart from
drawing and photography, she likes doing sports, and she is also a member of a traditionpreservation group, with which she participates in various events during the summer.
Her goals did not change between the two interviews. She has a lot of plans for the future:
after finishing her studies at the university, she would like to get a job using her profession,
and she is also considering building a career abroad. Her short-term plans includes a
language-exam in English – which is also important if she wants to get a job abroad. The real
breakthrough in her life was brought about by her success in photography. These have raised
her self-confidence, and her specialist teachers encourage and support her, as well. She deems
the past year to have been as a success, since she got into university, as well. She believes that
she has achieved everything she had set forth as a goal. Her secret is that she works very hard,
and invests a lot of energy into the realisation of her dreams.
After leaving of the child-protection system, she intends to, initially, resolve accommodation
issues together with one of her older sisters. Since the local authority has offered to provide 2
smaller apartments for the 4 siblings – in exchange for the previous council-flat of their
parents – she could move into one of these apartments together with the youngest of her older
sisters. She would like to invest the amount received from the young homebuyer’s assistance
to renovate the apartment.
She is currently not involved in an intimate relationship, but plans on establishing a family
and having children at around the age of 30.
159
Chapter 9: Connecting lives and themes
9. 1 Emergent themes and concepts
Our results show that the young adults with a child-care background whom we interviewed
typically pursue one of four academic paths, two of which can lead to higher education, while
the other two concentrate on learning a trade. Most of those raised in child-protection wish to
learn some kind of profession, one fact playing a major role being that for many young people
raised in child-protection starting an independent life as soon as possible is a priority;
educators and foster parents typically also consider this to be important, and often they
consider a secondary certificate as realistically achievable by these young people.
Our interviewees, however, due to the peculiarities of selection of the sample, were usually
motivated to continue their studies after the age of compulsory education, and considered
obtaining an appropriate education important in the foundation of their future. In the
background of their personal motivation, we can also see a wish to distance themselves from
their biological family, a desire to break out and live like the majority of young people in
society, and lead a so-called “normalised” way of life. One further argument in favour of
continuing studies is that they can find a job with higher wages and better conditions if they
have a good profession. However, as one condition of after-care is the continuation of studies,
behind the decision to study beyond the age of compulsory education we can also find an
intention to take advantage of the possibility of remaining within the system – for the reasons
that these young people are still not prepared for living an independent life and because of
their unsettled family relations they have nowhere to go, and they are not capable –
financially – of starting an independent life.
It is important to note that significant differences can be found between the academic careers
of those studying at graduate and secondary levels; generally, the vast majority of those in
higher education had never taken long breaks from their studies – they went straight through
secondary-school and obtained a certificate. Among secondary students, however, repeating
classes, or changing schools, is not uncommon. Generally, their experiences with the school
system, teachers and peers, were shaped by this: secondary students never faced prejudices
because of their child-protection background, and had a good relationship with their teachers
and peers. In contrast, many of those with a less smooth academic career reported negative
experiences because of their child-protection background, and ethnic Roma more often meet
prejudices. In summary, we can state that our interviewees are motivated to pursue further
160
education in order to lay the foundations of a secure future; at the centre of their educational
identities, however, lays the need to compensate for the disadvantages of their childprotection background.
We saw that the child-protection professionals' attitude to education was considered to be
supportive and, by giving priority to studies the foster family and the children’s home,
confirmed to the young people that a good academic performance is a condition for moving
forward. Support provided in the child protection system can be grouped in basically three
categories: 1) assistance related to academic career (homework assistance, mentoring,
tutoring), 2) covering study-related additional costs (school supplies, accommodation, travel
expenses, costs of participation in school events) and 3) emotional support (counselling,
motivation, career counselling and assistance).
Between the two forms of child care –
institutional care and foster care – support is emphasised differently; children's homes tend to
have more opportunities to financially support studies, while emotional support from foster
parents is much stronger. This difference is observable, not only in the field of education, but
also, for example, in the support of leisure activities.
The 1997 Child Protection Law brought significant changes in child protection, under which
the child in alternative care is entitled to know their biological family, keep contacts, and
maintain personal relationships. The relationship with the family can be of three types: 1) a
close relationship, 2) the connection is superficial and irregular, 3), there is no connection.
The relationship of our respondents and their biological parents is, typically, classified by the
second or third group. Those who have no connection at all with their families and did not
really want to collect information on them; they have shunned the topic since childhood, and
despise their parents because of their lifestyle and situation.
The majority of young adults expressed positive opinions about the professionals working in
institutional care, and those who are raised within the child protection and foster care
typically had a very close relationship with their foster family. Those raised by foster parents
felt that their foster parents did not differentiate between them and their biological children
and they could easily integrate into the family. Many mentioned as being positive that during
care and after-care they could find professionals whose personality, lifestyle and views stood
out as good examples for them, and that these professionals were people with whom they
could share their problems. The reports, however, indicate that these are individual cases, and
that this is not the general opinion about the specialists. This is confirmed by the fact that
people in after-care have a common problem that they do not feel they can have a confidential
161
conversation about everyday concerns and their plans for the future with professionals, and
typically they have only routine conversations with them. Young people sharply criticise of
the system, saying that following an individualised education, then having reached the age of
majority, no personalised counselling is given, and the system does not take individual
characteristics and abilities into account. This approach manifests itself in the support of
studies as well, wherein professionals emphasise obtaining professional qualifications –
although the professions learned, in many cases, are not competitive. Professionals tend to
think in stereotypes, such as "a profession is the basis of future prosperity," or that "the care
recipient should get higher education than their parents". In addition, we can observe
disclaimers, and an effort to preserve the status quo, when professionals argue that – as
children are taken into care later and later in life (at 12-14 years) – there is no time to
overcome their previous disadvantages. Overall, we conclude that a characteristic of the
system is that it has no vision of the future of people within the system, and long-term
planning, in reality, only appears at the level of principles, as a professional guideline.
The young people interviewed typically have external relations of friendship, which indicates
a strong desire for social inclusion. The most common place to develop friendships is at
school, despite the fact that physical and verbal abuse was reported in several cases, one
consequence of which is that many try to hide their child-protection background. For young
adults, new friendships are still important at the time of studies in post-compulsory education.
In the case of graduate students, a part of university life is shared entertainment, partying, and
studying together for exams. An important difference is observed in contacts with people
raised in child-care, and friends from outside. The former is based more on a sense of
“common fate” rather than on friendship, and the majority believes that, after leaving the
system, these contacts will cease to exist. In the background of this, we can suspect that
young people do not want to face their past in the child-care system through maintaining their
old relationships.
In regard of relationships, we find that most young people live in long-term relationships, and
casual relationships are atypical. However, of 35 young adults, only two had established their
own families, and already have children. Typically, they all want to start a family in the
future, and wish to have children when around the age of 30. We can observe that – among
women with lower levels of education – dependence on relationships is strong, and they are
grateful if they are accepted in a relationship because of the prejudices they have experienced.
162
In summary of the after-care system, we can say that the young adults consider the possibility
of using care services to be important, particularly so that they can study and have extra time
for laying the foundations of their futures. TEGYESZ staff and key persons also report that if
a young adult would like to obtain higher education – based on previous school performance,
individual ability and motivation – the care provider and the local TEGYESZ agency try to
provide every material and moral support. However, it is important to note that TEGYESZ
agencies, care providers, and forms of care (institutional care, foster parents), also show
significant differences in their financial position and, hence, in the support they can give to
young adults. Generally, after-care recipients in the capital, or those who make use of
institutional care, have better financial conditions.
If we move from the level of the local care system and the Regional Child Protection Service,
to the level of decision-making and strategic planning, we can see that former child-care
recipients do not constitute a special target group in strategies in Hungary; nevertheless, two
strategic documents are crucially important in improving the situation of this target group.
According to the Social Renewal Operational Programme (hereinafter: “TÁMOP”), part of
the New Hungary Development Plan, the special child-welfare provision is characterised by
the fact that “in many cases, young people are not adequately prepared for independent life
and for successful participation in the labour market” (TÁMOP 2007: 45). According to the
Government, children living in or leaving child protection system institutions are considered
to be disadvantaged – in terms of labour market participation and employment opportunities –
along with groups facing specific disadvantages – such as the homeless, prisoners serving
their sentences or people entering or leaving the criminal justice system, addicts and people
suffering from mental illnesses (TÁMOP 2007: 25). This document notes that the risk of
poverty, and its transmission to future generations, is significant, in the above vulnerable and
endangered social groups that are typically excluded from the decision-making processes
affecting their own lives, from public life and from democratic institutions. In order to
facilitate their integration into the labour market, and in addition to multi-level assistance, the
role of social, community and mental hygiene services must be strengthened. Multi-level and
“enabling” assistance, for children living in or leaving care, mean programmes that enable
them for an independent life, aiming at the development of competences indispensable in the
labour market and in other areas of life. In addition to all these, the document deals with the
decrease in drop-out rates among children (between 7 and 18 years old) and young people
(between 15 and 29 years old) participating in public education, and with support for
163
activities outside the educational system (e.g. self-awareness, personal development, gapbridging, prevention, and spare-time or lifestyle programmes) among children and young
people living in poverty. An important objective is youth assistance (for example, the
prevention of the development of deviances, support for self-help groups, active citizenship
education) (TÁMOP 2007). The National Youth Strategy (2009) outlines a complex solution
for implementing public tasks relating to young age groups. It formulates young-age-grouprelated social objectives and tasks, over a fifteen-year time scale. It considers the facilitation
of children being brought up in a family environment as one of the most important tasks;
furthermore, it prescribes the further development of the child-protection provision system –
in order to ensure more successful social integration of those at risk and those leaving care.
Thus the acknowledgement by the Government of the disadvantaged position, in terms of
labour market and employment opportunities, of children living in or leaving the institutions
of the special child-protection provision, is an important step forward.
We have to note, however, that the provisions of the Child Protection Act, effective as of 1st
January, 2010, have significantly transformed the after-care provision system. Those unable
to sustain themselves (whether working or unemployed) may stay within the system until 21
years of age. Lowering the upper age limit of care to 21 years, without strengthening the
foundations of professional work, poses the danger that precisely those who cannot start an
independent life, because of low income or having no income, will leave the system earlier.
The foundation of professional work concerning the almost 30% who apply for after-care
under this title is also urgent, because there are concerns that these young people – having left
the child-care system – will appear in the social welfare system – due to their low levels of
education, weak labour market position, and small network of connections. In the case of this
target group, extending care eligibility until 24 years of age, we risk full-time studies
becoming preferred because of the associated accommodation and provision; i.e. in order for
the young person to remain in the system, s/he must continue studies.
164
Chapter 10: Barriers and facilitators to study beyond
compulsory schooling
Our research shows that many factors can aid or hamper whether child-care recipients pursue
their studies after the age of compulsory education, or not. No significant difference is
observed among the opinions of the interviewees (young adults, key persons, and TEGYESZ
staff).
Young adults, as they tend to consider learning, and obtaining suitable, competitive
qualifications as important, most often highlighted personal ambition, perseverance, and
willpower as helping them in their studies. However, in the young adults view, a supportive
background was essential. Several people stressed the importance of an external control, a
person around the young adult with whom they can share their problems, who provides
advice and gives career guidance through his or her expertise. The young people highlighted
their financial situations as the most inhibiting factor, many having to contribute to financing
their studies – which strains their savings and makes starting an independent life more
difficult.
Basically, key persons, named by the young adults, also stressed the importance of
personality, and intrinsic motivation as being extremely important in determining what level
of education the young people can reach. In the series of factors complicating further studies,
in accordance with the young peoples’ opinion, securing financial means was highlighted, as
this is the biggest problem in the opinion of educators working in the institutions, as well as
foster parents. Institutions, in many cases, try to improve this situation by establishing
foundations that can support young people in further education.
The surveyed staff of TEGYESZ did not analyze supportive and inhibitory factors along the
life course of a young adult, so their opinions more tangibly represent criticism of the childprotection and educational systems. In general, poor academic performance and low
educational level are the reasons that those in child-protection do not continue their studies
after 18 years of age, as is that many of them enter the child-care system around 12-14 years
of age, as adolescents – so many years of growing up in an unsettled family environment has
a significant impact on academic performance – and those raised in child-protection have
already accumulated significant backlogs at primary school. It is also a problem that, usually,
there is no named, responsible person in the child’s life who would help him or her, and
child-care institutions have no strategic plans to follow and motivate the child in their studies.
165
In the lives of these children, there are no appointed persons who are responsible for their
school careers, from their admittance until they leave the system forever. A consequence of
this is that these children have no real prospects for the future, and they experience
difficulties in the course of career-planning and future orientation. It is important to note,
however, that the children’s – in many cases unrealistic – ideas about the future come from
the fact that the professionals, themselves, have no vision of the child's future, and they
typically think within tight limits, and support obtaining a profession, or maybe secondary
school graduation for the children in their care. It is typical, therefore, that they think in
stereotypes, rather than considering individual characteristics.
TEGYESZ staff also point out the problem of schools being unprepared to look after children
living within the child-protection system, or those raised is disadvantaged families, in general.
To the question about the two factors which would facilitate the continuation of studies and
promote the participation in the higher education system of those children brought up under
special child welfare provisions, expert consider it important to have an appropriate tutoring
programme, and that teachers are prepared to help children brought up in child-care solve
their problems. They also emphasised the importance of psychosocial support for children,
and that the child-protection system needs specialists, such as developmental teachers and
psychologists, and that children should be presented with successful examples to serve as role
models.
In their opinions, because of the disadvantages, more scholarship programmes and
opportunities for obtaining resources via competitions are needed to help in the continuation
of education.
In the following table, we summarise the opinion of professionals regarding supportive and
inhibiting factors beyond the age of compulsory education.
166
Table 38. Barriers and facilitators to study beyond compulsory schooling
Different levels
Individual level
Family level
School level
Obstacles/barriers which may
prevent young people in care
from participating in further
and higher education
Facilitators/opportunities
which may help young people
in care to increase their
participation in further and
higher education
 Accumulate disadvantages
 Not motivated
 Difficulties in choosing an
occupation and in orienting
themselves
 Mental problems
 Difficulty
in
formulating
longer term plans
 Do not value education
 Income from illegal (not
taxed) work more desirable
 Realistic view of their future
 High expectations
 Cannot
provide
good
experiences
 Not prepared to deal/work
with children in care
Child protection / 
welfare system level:
Policy level
Most children are not taken
into care until around age 1214
 Two different laws and two
different ministries
 Need of a holistic approach
 No child and youth policy
 Not enough early inventions
(prevention programs)
 Paying more individual
attention to children (i.e.
foster families)
 Inspiring environment at
home
 Show
good
personal
example
 Following and motivating
throughout school career
 Dedicated person to help the
child
 Focusing
on
developing
children’s basic competences
and practical education
 Offering psychosocial support
 Positive discrimination within
school
 Offering
psychosocial
support
 Financial support
 Providing successful role
models
 Clear policies for financial
help and practical support
 Ensuring pathway plans exist
and are acted on
167
Chapter 11: Recommendations for action
11.1 What needs to change to help more young people go to post
compulsory education?
1. Academic performance is affected by a number of factors – in addition to individual
capabilities, traumas, and educational disadvantages accumulated before the time of
entry into the child-care system. Child protection has a huge responsibility of ensuring
to ensure that children find stable care locations, and that the principle of aiming for
final location (permanency planning) is kept in mind during the selection of care
locations. In addition, children should be directed to the various forms of care, such as
institutional and foster care, according to personality and individual needs, rather than
based on available capacity.
2. It is an important requirement that the child's school performance should be
documented and followed in a standardised format from the first day of special care.
There should be a written plan regarding academic career, and there should be a
person who takes responsibility for shaping the child’s life, and who, thereby, can
monitor changes in his or her academic career. This means a shift in approach within
the child-protection services, creating a focus on planned assistance in academic
progress, and preparation for a conscious career choice, in order to lay the foundations
of the child's future.
3. Professionals should support qualifications that are suited to the individual’s ideas and
skills, and the foreseeable labour market demands. It might be useful to set higher
expectations (e.g. vocational secondary school and secondary certificate, instead of
vocational school), because experience has shown that aiming for a higher level of
education, one reaches further in the educational system.
4. Support for extensive statistical surveys and child protection-related research is
necessary in order to gain a deeper insight into the situation of the target group. The
present child protection statistics contain a minimum number of data on the
educational participation of children of compulsory school age within the childprotection system. We have no information, whatsoever, regarding the level and scope
of studies of those who have reached their legal maturity and who are still receiving
after-care provision. Regarding studies in higher-education, we only have estimates. A
168
further problem is that data-collection is performed at an institutional level, so we do
not have child protection data available at the individual level. Furthermore, the
collected data on the education of the base population does not contain a breakdown
for those living within the child-protection system.
5. Children should be presented with stories of reference so the life stories of former
child-care recipients who have successfully integrated into society can serve as a
model for those currently being raised within the system. It is very important to set a
personal example; so face-to-face meetings with former child-care recipients who
have successfully integrated into society can be useful means of sharing experiences
concerning further education.
6. It is important to keep in touch with the family, as an ever-present, emotional support
from parents can act as a motivating force in both the child’s development, and their
pursuit of studies.
7. Continuation of studies after the age of compulsory education is largely determined by
whether the children at risk in their families receive all the necessary assistance from
child care to overcome their disadvantages, and compensate for failures at school, and
whether children who are taken out of their families have access, within the child care
system, to the support necessary to help them deal with the separation from their
families and their familiar environment, and live down any traumas they have
experienced.
8. Psychosocial support for children is also important for this target group, both at school
and within the child-protection system. Concerning this, it would be important to have
fewer children per professional, in the child protection institutions, so that they could
be provided with personal care.
9. Professionals with special knowledge (e.g. developmental teacher, psychologist)
would be needed in child-care institutions.
10. It would be important to lay down the foundation of professional work for the periods
before and after majority age, and to publish it widely, according to the protocol for
care in children's homes, foster homes, and after-care, developed by the Institute of
Social Affairs and Labour, in 2010.
169
11. According to the provisions of the Child Protection Law, effective as of 1 January,
2010 (concerning that those who cannot independently finance themselves may
receive care until the age of 21), professional work must rely on firm bases, because
of concerns that these young people will appear in the social welfare system when
they leave child care, due to their low levels of education and weak labour market
position.
12. Children living in disadvantaged families, and children separated from their families
would need extensive tutoring and talent-grooming programmes, as well as
various fellowships and financial support.
13. It is necessary to strengthen the basic education system, and to prepare teachers. It is
recommended to build child protection and child welfare modules into teacher
training. Basic competences should be developed more, and practical education should
be emphasised over lexical knowledge within the educational system.
170
References
1997. évi XXXI. törvény a gyermekek védelméről és gyámügyi igazgatásról (Act 31 of 1997
on the protection of children and guardianship)
1993. évi LXXIX. törvény a közoktatásról (Act 79 of 1993 on public education)
1993. évi LXXVI. törvény a szakképzésről (Act 76 of 1993 on vocational education)
1993. évi LXXX. törvény a felsőoktatásról (Act 80 of 1993 on higher education)
Andrea Racz: (2010) From child protection to higher education. Endogenous and exogenous
factors influencing participation in higher education of young adults brought up in public
child care. In: Studia Universitatis Babes Bolyai, Sociologia, The social ecology of school
success, implications for policy and practice. Ed.: M. Roth, G. Bowen, P-T Haragus P. June
2010. p. 155-175.
Büki Péter (1999): Veszélyeztetett felnőttek a gyermekotthonokban (Adults at risk in
children’s homes) In: Család, Gyermek, Ifjúság 1999/6. VII. évfolyam
Domszky András (1999): Hol tart a gyermekvédelem? (How far has child protection
progressed?) In: A magyar gyermekvédelmi rendszer helyzete, jövőbeli kihívásai NCsSzI
digitális kiadvány 2006.
Hodosán Róza (2008): Merre visz az út? - Három bezárt kisgyermekotthon lakóiról készült
után-követéses vizsgálat (Which way to go? – A follow-up study of the children of three
closed down infants homes). Család Gyermek Ifjúság 2008
171
Ifjúság 2008 – Preliminary Report (2009): (Ed.: Szabó, Andrea - Bauer, Béla) Institute of
Social Affairs and Labour, Budapest
„Legyen jobb a gyerekeknek!" Nemzeti Stratégia 2007-2032 (“Making Things Better for our
Children”, Parliamentary Resolution 47/2007 (V.31) OGY)
http://misc.meh.hu/letoltheto/gyerekeknek.pdf
Neményi Mária- Messing Vera (2007): Gyermekvédelem és esélyegyenlőség (Child
protection and equalities) 2007. Kapocs, 28. IV.évf. 1.
Rácz Andrea (2006a): Gyermekotthonokban dolgozók véleménye a szakmai munka
tartalmáról (Views of workers in children’s homes about their work) In: A magyar
gyermekvédelmi rendszer helyzete, jövőbeli kihívásai NCsSzI digitális kiadvány 2006.
Rácz Andrea(2006b): A gyermekotthoni nevelés kihívásai, a nagykorúságuk előtt álló fiatalok
jövőképe (Challenges of pedagogy in children’s homes, the ideas of care leaving young adults
concerning their future) Kapocs, V. évf. 4. szám 2006. szeptember
Rácz A.(2009). A kvázi-professzionális gyermekvédelem. (Quasi-professional child
protection system) (based on key persons interviews), Kapocs 2009. VIII. 3. p. 48-58.
Rácz A.(2009). Sikeresek és túlélők - A gyermekvédelmi szakellátás rendszerében
nevelkedett fiatal felnőttek típusai (Typology of young adults brought up in the child
protection system), (based on YPs interviews), submitted to Gyermekvédelem –
nevelőközösségek
Rácz A. (2009). Gyermekvédelemből a felsőoktatásba - a felsőoktatási részvételt befolyásoló
endogén és exogén tényezők (From child protection to higher education – Endogenous and
172
exogenous factors influencing participation in higher education) (based on YPs, key persons
and leaving care managers interviews), Kapocs 2009. VIII.3. p. 34-44.
Rácz A. (2009). A kvázi-professzionális gyermekvédelemben barkácsolódó életutak. (Do-ItYourself biographies in the quasi-professional child protection system) (based on YPs and
key persons interviews) submitted to Együtt a Gyermekvédelemben, RAABE
Rácz Andrea (2009). Posztadoleszcensek az ontológiai stádiumban megrekedt állami
gyermekvédelem rendszerében. (Post-adolescence in the child protection system stuck at the
ontological stage.
http://www.mtapti.hu/pdf/mtracza.pdf <http://www.mtapti.hu/pdf/mtracza.pdf>
Rácz A. (2010):
„Barkácsolt életutak, szekvenciális (rendszer)igények” - Gyermekvédelmi
szakellátásban nevelkedett fiatal felnőttek iskolai pályafutásának, munkaerő-piaci részvételének és
jövőképének vizsgálata (“Do-It-Yourself biographies, sequential (system)requirements” -
Study of the educational career, labour-market participation, and future perspectives of young
adults who were brought up in the child protection system) , Ph.D dissertation, 2009,
University of Eötvös Lóránt, Institute of Sociology and Welfare Policy – Ph.D. Social policy
program
Rácz A. - Hodosán R. - Korintus M.(2009). Dokumentumok, szakirodalmak a
gyermekvédelmi rendszerben élő, fiatal felnőttek továbbtanulásáról és felsőoktatási
részvételéről (Literature review on access to further and higher education among young
people from public care background), Esély 2009/3. p. 97-114.
Statistical Yearbook of Education 2007/2008, Department of Statistics, Ministry of Education
and Culture. Compiled by: Csécsiné Máriás, Emőke, Könyvesi, Tibor; Kozma-Lukács, Judit;
Tuska, Zsuzsanna. Budapest
173
Szikulai István(2004c): „Nem szeretném, hogy befejeződjön…” (“I do not want it to be over
…” In: Javítóintézet, család, gyermekvédelem Kapocs Könyvek 4. NCSSZI, Budapest 2004.
Varga Aranka (2006): Gyermekvédelmi gondoskodásban élők az iskolában (Children from
public care in school), Család Gyermek Ifjúság, 2006/6. sz.
Data sources:
Educational data: Ministry of Education and Culture
Child protection data: Institute for Social Policy and Labour
Other data: Hungarian Central Statistical Office
i
Ifjúság 2008 – Preliminary Report (2009): (Ed.: Szabó, Andrea - Bauer, Béla) Institute of Social Affairs and
Labour, Budapest, pp. 27
174