'A retrospective view of how modern leadership
models can be used to explain the development of
policing in 1820s England and 1930s America.'
Andrew C. Fisher
Student No. 08040516
Professional Doctorate – Policing, Security &
Community Safety
July 2010
1
“The task of the leader is to get his people
from where they are to where they have not
been.”
Henry KissingerThe centrality of leaders and leadership has long
been recognised as a defining feature of the working practices of
organisations. Few would dispute the assertion that effective leadership is
vital to the processes of organisational change (Denston, 2003; Silvestri,
2007). Indeed, for some, the very definition of successful leadership is the
ability to bring about sustained organisational change (Allen and Kraft, 1987).
Throughout policing history, leadership has played an essential part in
organisational development, learning and management of crises.
Some
leaders have played their part in the development of the police service whilst
others have come to the fore at times of crisis.
This essay will take a
historical look at some of the people who have played an influential role in the
development of policing in the UK and the USA and will ascertain whether the
development of the police service in both countries can be attributed or
compared to modern leadership models and behaviours.
2
The essay will use historical evidence and will apply modern leadership
models to ascertain the influence on the development of the Metropolitan
Police service by Peel, Rowan and Mayne and the development of the
American police service some 100 years later by Vollmer and Wilson.
The models used include, in the case of Peel, Fiedler’s Contingency theory
and Adair’s Functional Leadership. Ethical leadership will be used in respect
of Vollmer and Wilson. The models will be applied to specific time periods and
context. In relation to the development of the Metropolitan Police service, this
will be the tumultuous period immediately prior to the creation of the ‘new
police’ in 1829 and the period immediately following this.
In the case of
policing in the USA, this will be the 1930s, an exciting time of scientific
advancement and challenge to integrity.
Cole (2004) states that one must be mindful of the need to consider context
within the role of leadership. Historically, many researchers have studied the
traits of leaders with the hope of distilling the ‘essence’ of leadership and then
modelling those traits in others (Fyfe et al., 1997). Fyfe et al., continue that
more recent study has included the concern for context within which
leadership occurs. Cole (2004) supports this, stating that some theorists have
broadened out the study of leadership from a relatively narrow base of
personality or traits and/or the personal style of leadership, and the way that it
is exercised, depending on a range of variables. When examining the
connection between leadership traits and situation, the work of Fiedler, and
his Contingency Theory of leadership, represents that best attempt to make
sense of the interaction; the strength of the model is that it makes intuitive
sense (Fincham and Rhodes, 2005; Haberfeld, 2006).
Although several
approaches to leadership could be called contingency theories, the most
widely recognised is Fiedler’s (Northouse, 2007).
Contingency theories are based on the belief that there is no single style of
leadership appropriate to all situations, suggesting that leadership styles will
change according to the variables of the situation. Fiedler’s research, based
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on a wide range of group situations (Northouse, 2007), concentrated on the
relationship between leadership and organisational performance (Cole, 2004;
Mullins, 2002; Fincham and Rhodes 2005; Haberfeld, 2006) and suggested
that leadership behaviour is dependent upon the favourability of the
leadership situation.
There are three key variables that determine the
favourability of the situation and that affect the leader’s role and influence.
Mullins (2002) and Northouse (2007) posit that the first variable is the task
structure. This is the degree to which the task is clearly defined for the group
and the extent to which it can be carried out by detailed instructions or
standard procedures. Structured tasks that have a clear path and can display
when they have been completed tend to give the leaders greater control and
influence.
The second is leader-member relations. This is the degree to
which the leader is trusted and liked by group members and their willingness
to follow the leaders guide. It also includes loyalty and the confidence and
attraction that group members have for the leader. The third variable is the
position of power. This is the power of the leader by virtue of the position in
the organisation and the degree to which the leader can exercise authority to
influence rewards and punishments, or promotions and demotions. Drodge
and Murphy (2002) draw the variables together, stating that the potency of
Fiedler’s Contingency Theory is the attempt to understand follower motivation
and the delineation of paths to organisational success via reconfigured tasks,
adjusting leadership and supporting followers
Fiedler developed the Least Preferred Co-Worker (LPC) scale in order to
verify the impact of leader-member relations versus task structure versus
position power in order to identify a preferred leadership style (Northouse,
2007). The primary concept of Contingency Theory is that task oriented
leaders perform best under very favourable or very unfavourable situations;
relationship oriented leaders are most effective under situations of moderate
favourableness (Haberfeld, 2006).
According to Fiedler (1967), the most
favourable situation for the leader is when they have good leader-member
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relations, the task is highly structured, and they have a powerful position
(Cole, 2004; Mullins, 2002; Haberfeld, 2006, Northouse, 2007).
In relation to the task that Peel faced, Cole (2004) refers to the complexity of
the task, the time scales, the demands, the success of rewards and the cost
of failure.
As mentioned above, Haberfeld (2006) states that leaders will
perform more effectively under very favourable or very unfavourable
conditions.
The conditions for Peel throughout the early part of the development of his
police service were very unfavourable. The task for Peel, who by 1822 was
the Home Secretary, was immense. There was an imperative for criminal
justice reform and development of a police service, yet politics and opposition
to the establishment of the Metropolitan Police service complicated the nature
of the task.
The imperative for criminal justice reform had been identified by Pitt following
the Gordon Riots1 in 1780 (Reith, 1956; Critchley, 1967; Emsley, 1983).
Rather than the reform being welcomed, there was widespread condemnation
with dismay being displayed by the press and the City of London (Critchley,
1967) resulting in Pitt withdrawing his reform Bill some 50 years before Peel's
attempted reform. However, Peel was determined to reform the criminal
justice system (Reith, 1952).
Gladwell (2009) refers to a ‘Tipping Point’ where three elements combine
together resulting in an occurrence that relies on the three events occurring
and combining at the same time.
The first event that lead to the Tipping Point in relation to the formation of the
Metropolitan Police Bill was the rise of urbanisation and increased population
of inner cities during the early 19th century (Lee, 1901; Critchley, 1977;
1
Gordon riots took place over several days in London and were suppressed by use of the
military
5
Ignatieff, 1979; Stead2, 1980). Rapid industrialisation (Alderson, 1979) saw
an alarming increase in criminality on Britain’s unpoliced roads and canals.
The second event was the fact that the standard of policing was dependent
upon the wealth of the area in which the recipient lived (Reith, 1956). The
more affluent the area, the greater the police response. It is interesting to
note that despite the unpopularity of ‘watchmen’ (Rawlings, 2008), growing
economic activity had seen villages grow into towns and the local elite wanted
the trappings including a professional watch system. This had a snowball
effect as reform in one town led to the next introducing similar changes as
they did not wish for criminals to migrate from well-policed areas to poorly
policed areas. The third event involved the continued use of the military to
quell public order situations resulting in fatalities at Peterloo in 1819 and a
year later following the trial and funeral of Queen Caroline3 (Rawlings: 2002;
Hurd, 2008).
Prior to the development of the ‘new police’ in England, Peel had been
responsible for the development of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) in the
early 1800s. However, the task of developing a police service for the
Metropolis was complicated by two key facts. Firstly, Peel knew that a police
service based on the Irish model, which was very militaristic, would not be
acceptable to politicians and senior figures within the capital. Secondly,
although Peel was committed to reform and the development of a police
service, he had to wait until he had sufficient power in Parliament to fulfil his
plans (Reith, 1956).
The task for Peel was encapsulated in two points ; firstly, develop a policing
service that would be acceptable to the people of London and secondly,
ensure that the style of policing was supportive rather than oppressive, as in
the case of the RIC (Critchley, 1973). Peel’s vision was to ensure that both
points were delivered via a style of policing that emphasised gaining the
Stead’s comments are made in a lecture entitled ‘The Nature of Police Command’ at the 13 th
Frank Newsham, Memorial Lecture in 1980. They were subsequently published in Police Journal
(1980)
2
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support of the people primarily through the prevention of crime rather than
punishment (Reith, 1956; Critchley, 1977; Alderson, 1979; Alderson, 1988;
Stead, 1980). In order to reassure the public that the police posed no threat to
liberty, Peel cast the ‘new police’ as a service rather than a force.
Peel’s vision demonstrated that he understood the task before him.
Understanding the task is not only a key part of Contingency Theory, it is also
an essential element of the Functional Leadership model (Adair, 1998 & 2002;
Mullins, 2002). Functional Leadership is based on three overlapping circles
which make up the primary elements required to be balanced by a leader.
The circles are labelled as achieving the task; building and maintaining the
team, and developing the individual (Cole, 2004; Adair, 2002; Mullins, 2002).
Adair (2002) states that once the task has been defined, strategic thinking is
required to plan and implement the solution, which includes the formation of
an effective team to address the task; this is equally applicable to Fiedler’s
theory.
Haberfeld (2006) links the elements of the complexity of the task, as identified
by Cole (2004), to its inclusion within the Functional Leadership model, stating
that leaders must interpret and define the external context for the team,
including such factors as political concerns. Peel was already aware of the
political resistance to his reform and he recognised that in leading the
development of the Metropolitan Police service, he had to move slowly in
order to appease those who did not support the police reform.
In
demonstrating this understanding, Peel stated4:
“I intend to proceed slowly with the experiment with a cautious
feeling of the way and deriving aid from experience, essential to
the ultimate success of all reforms.”
(Critchley 1973: 50)
Queen Caroline’s trial related to her right to the throne following the death of her
husband King George III on 29th June 1820
4
Parl.Deb., N.S., Vol.XXI (15.4.1829) cols 872-7
3
7
The importance of Peel creating a vision linked to the emphasis on the
reasons for reform is identified by Kotter (2007) who states that lacking a
vision based on a sense of urgency are two reasons why organisational
development fails. Kotter continues that transformations often begin when an
organisation has a new head who, as a leader, is able to see the need for
change and is able to articulate a vision. Northouse (2007) comments on the
simplicity of Peel’s vision, stating that transforming leaders have a clear vision
that is usually simple, understandable and energy creating. The outcome of
this is that people within the organisation know where they fit in and feel
empowered. The importance of this point, linking to leader-member relations,
would become evident when Peel chose his team to assist in the development
of the Metropolitan Police. Without the clarity of vision, they would not know
what was required of them.
This point is emphasised by Blair (2003) who notes the importance of clarity
of vision, stating that it is imperative that police leaders make clear their vision
of the organisation and involve staff both in its creation and delivery.
This
again reflects elements of Contingency Theory and Functional Leadership in
relation to achieving the task and developing the team. Although Blair was
referring to modern day police leadership, the message was as relevant in
1829 as Peel was about to determine a social function that would initially
attract a great deal of opposition, the strength of which Peel later admitted he
had underestimated (Reith, 1943).
Peel had a clear path in relation to delivery of reform and exerted both control
and influence at an early stage. Even at this point, Peel demonstrated the
strategic planning referred to earlier by Adair (2002). In order to mitigate
against failure of the task, thereby increasing opposition to his reform, Peel
submitted his Bill for Improving the Police in and near the Metropolis as a
skeleton in structure with key organisational details omitted (Reith, 1956), thus
making it an enabling measure with no actual plan of post acceptance
organisation (Critchley, 1973).
8
When applying the Contingency Theory and the Functional Leadership
models, Peel selected people to form a ‘group’ to help him implement his
reform, thus exerting further influence and control. Peel's control started from
the point of appointing his first two commissioners of police, seeking men of
sympathetic views. Putting the ‘flesh on the bones’ of the skeleton in line with
his vision was the role that Peel determined for his police commissioners
Rowan and Mayne. Peel illustrated his requirements in a letter to Lord
Rosslyn.5 Peel stated
“The two magistrates [commissioners] are to submit to
me a detailed plan for organising the police.”
(Reith 1956: 129)
Referring back to the situation, it is interesting to note that in the ‘unfavourable
situation’ that Peel was in, he successfully laid the foundations of the
Metropolitan Police.
Peel used elements of Contingency Theory and
Functional Leadership to identify the complexities of the task against a
background of substantial political and social resistance; create a vision, and
choose group members to assist him to achieve the task,
How Peel worked with Rowan and Mayne to achieve his vision and develop
the ‘new police’ will now be reviewed as part of the second element of
Contingency theory; leader member relations. The relationship that he forged
with his Commissioners will be assessed against the developing team
element of the Functional Leadership model.
According
to
historical
documents,
Peel
intended
to
choose
the
Commissioners personally (Reith, 1956), and began the search for two
Commissioners while the Metropolitan Police Bill was still before parliament
(Critchley, 1977, Hurd 2008). Peel had a clear idea of the type of men that he
wanted for the job. He was looking for a combination of two men: one with a
5
The letter to Lord Rosslyn, who was the Lord privy Seal, was dated 7th July 1829. British
Museum Peel Papers, 40399, f, 280
9
military background and one with a legal background. Relating to the military
choice, in a letter to William Gregory6, Peel wrote
“…he must be a very superior man… a man of great
energy, both of body and mind, accustomed to discipline
and with a power of enforcing it, and taking an interest in
the duty assigned to him. Then he must be a gentleman
and entirely trustworthy.”
(Reith 1956:126)
This comment suggests that Peel intended to work closely with the candidate
and in terms of the ‘trustworthy’ element, may have been considering
empowerment.
For example, Hurd (2008) states that Peel took
corresponding trouble over the bulk of the new force, and determined that
merit, not patronage would govern recruitment.
As will be shown, Peel
demonstrated his trust in his new Commissioners, and subsequently
delegated this responsibility to them. However, Peel gave clear instructions
as to the type of person that would be accepted as a recruit. He recognised
the threat in recruiting the wrong type of person into his ‘new police’. This is
evidenced in a letter that he wrote to the Duke of Wellington7, in which he
stated
“…the chief danger of the failure of
the new system will be if it is made a job, if gentlemen’s servants, and
so forth, are placed in the higher offices. I must frame regulations to
guard against this as effectively as I can.”
(Reith 1956:132)
6
The letter to William Gregory, who was the Parliamentary under-secretary for Northern
Ireland is dated 29th may 1829
7
The letter to Wellington is dated 5th November 1829. Wellington, Supplementary despatches,
vol VI,. P 287
10
At Peel’s direction, Rowan ensured that recruiting took place, not from the
gentry, but from men who had ‘not the rank, habits or stations of gentlemen’
(Critchley, 1973). This ensured that there was mutual sympathy between the
police and those that they would come into contact with in order to develop
forbearance. However, Peel had to provide support to his Commissioners
when they were pressured to recruit from the ‘gentry’ by politicians and others
with influence (Reith, 1943).
In a memo to his Commissioners8, in which he
outlined his requirements in relation to the character and qualifications of new
recruits, Peel demonstrated his satisfaction with the fact that they were
following his guidance, stating
‘…I am satisfied that you have, on offering your
recommendations to me, acted rigidly upon that suggestion in
every instance’.
(Hurd 2008:104)
In choosing his Commissioners, Peel selected Charles Rowan, a former
Colonel in the Light Brigade and Richard Mayne, a barrister. Rowan retired
from the army after a distinguished career and became a magistrate in Ireland
and displayed dignity, reserve and deference and had a single-minded
devotion to duty and the ideals of the police establishment. These were the
exact requirements that Peel mentioned in his letter to Gregory. Mayne, like
Rowan, was reported to have a very unusual, rare and outstanding
personality and according to Reith (1948) both men shared a consummate
and astonishing tact, patience, firmness and an almost total absence of
egotistical self-consciousness. The three men quickly began to develop an
effective strategic leadership and used their knowledge and experience to
develop the ‘new police’ organisation. This is supported by Critchley (1977)
who states that it became obvious within a short time that Peel’s choice for his
commissioners had been a happy one as the skills of the two men began to
compliment each other.
8
Police Recruitment Order, MEPO 2/28 No. 547 1829
11
In terms of the social interaction and support elements of the leader-member
relations, the strength of teamwork between the three men is commented
upon by Reith (1956) who states that during the period that he was Home
Secretary9, Rowan and Mayne were assured of the support of Peel. The
importance of this fact is that this is a key aspect of both Fiedler’s Theory and
Functional Leadership
In terms of individual talent and contribution, Rowan and Mayne quickly began
to exercise their own leadership style on the ‘new police’ service. Rowan used
his military knowledge and experience to shape the organisation, establish its
working style and working relationships between ranks. Rowan had three
outstanding qualities: a flair for organisation, enlightened leadership and
readiness to not only adopt Peel’s view of policing as a preventative rather
than oppressive nature but also to translate this into specific plans of action
(Critchley, 1977) through instructions to the force in the form of General
Instructions. Mayne was responsible for drafting the second part of the
General Instructions that defined the legislative powers.
Mayne would
regularly use his legal knowledge to address the many challenges that the
Commissioners had to face.
In terms of their working relationship, under law, both commissioners had
equal status, however, Critchley (1967) states that Rowan, probably because
he was 14 years senior, appeared to have been referred to as the senior
commissioner. This is supported by Critchley (1977) who states that the
partnership developed between Rowan and Mayne and their contribution to
the development of the ‘new police’ lay in the close partnership and the
willingness of Mayne to learn from the older Rowan.
In line with the Functional Leadership model, building and maintaining the
team was essential if Peel was to achieve his task and vision. It is apparent
that the three men worked well together and supported each other,
particularly when they were challenged, for example the pressure to recruit
9
Peel was Home Secretary between 1822 – 1827 and 1828 - 1830
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staff from the gentry.
Adair (1998) states that good leaders within the
Functional Leadership model use, evoke or draw leadership to form the group
by working as a senior partner with other members to achieve the task, build
the team and meet individual needs. There is evidence that Peel did this by
giving clear direction to Rowan and Mayne in relation to his vision, supporting
the Commissioners to rise to challenges and assist them in developing the
organisation by acting almost as a mentor.
An indication of this is provided by Rowan, who in 1833 gave evidence to a
Parliamentary Select Committee in which he comments on the discussion
surrounding police uniform and provides evidence of Peels influence10.
10
Reports from the Select Committee on the Petition of Frederick Young and Others, 1833,
Minutes of Evidence, Qn,1841
13
He comments; “There was a discussion with the Secretary of State
[Peel] whether they [police officers] should be put into uniform or
not.
The question was discussed at great length, and the
advantages and the disadvantages of the two systems weighed;
it was thought more desirable that they should be in uniform; it
was obvious, if it was a quiet uniform, that a person wanting
assistance might obtain the aid of a policeman.”
(Critchely 1977:89)
However, the situation changed and the relationship was not destined to last.
Critchley (1967) states that Peel worked loyally with the Commissioners in
riding out early storms, but once he was succeeded as Home Secretary in
1830, Rowan and Mayne lost their mentor.
This appears to have had little
impact on the continuing development of the Metropolitan Police. This may be
explained by the developing leadership and friendship between Rowan and
Mayne, their leadership style and the fact that having drawn up a plan for
Peel, they had already determined the basic structure and strategy of the ‘new
police.
Peel’s tactical awareness enabled him to make an excellent choice for his
coalition ensuring that he had two men who were both recognised within their
own professions. In terms of temperament, Rowan had a calm authority and
mature self-confidence that was matched by Maynes more aggressive
questioning temperament and strong personality (Critchley, 1977). As
mentioned earlier, Rowan and Mayne developed preferred roles within the
group.
Rowan developing structure and staffing issues whereas Mayne
developed systems and processes. Both worked together on a style that
reflected Peel’s vision.
When applying the Functional Leadership model, there is not a great deal of
evidence of Peel developing Rowan and Mayne once the Metropolitan Police
was under way.
In fact Peel often failed to provide support for the
14
Commissioners. This aspect of Peel’s leadership relates to his authority and
the third element of Fielder’s Contingency theory. The relationship between
the three men was borne out of the complexity of the task mixed with
contentious political issues. Peel’s plan to submit the Bill in skeleton form
resulted in a great deal of pressure being placed on Rowan and Mayne to
continue the development of the service.
Reith (1956) states that Peels
carelessness in evading necessary decisions was inexplicable and can only
be excused by the fact that Peel had before him a long period ahead as Home
Secretary. But perhaps Peel’s greatest injustice to the Commissioners was
piling responsibility on them without having defined their status and authority
(Reith, 1948), something that he did not attend to until December 1829. This
may have been for a number of reasons. It is unclear when Peel knew that he
would no longer be Home Secretary and it is likely that he would have been
distracted by political requirements of the post. However, in the face of such
obvious opposition, especially at the crucial stages of development, it may
have been expected that Peel would have supported Rowan and Mayne more
in the crucial development of their new role.
Based on their previous experiences, Peel, Rowan and Mayne each had the
ability to perform a leadership role.
When applying Fielders Contingency
theory, it is apparent that not only did the leadership style vary according to
the context, but it also varied according to the time period. In other words,
Peel appears to have had less of an impact once the ‘new police’ was
implemented, and Rowan and Mayne took on the mantle of leadership.
Blanchard (2007) states that whole managers are flexible and adapt their
leadership style to the situation. Peel certainly did this, albeit it was linked to
the pre and post implementation of the police service. However, Rowan and
Mayne, post implementation had to weather a storm of aggression against
themselves and their officers and displayed a stoic leadership style.
As mentioned above, the third variable of Fielder’s Contingency theory relates
to power and authority. Mullins (2002) distinguishes between three types of
15
authority; charismatic – based on heroic or mystical personal traits; traditional
authority – based on established customs and the right to rule dominant
groups; and rational authority – based on the legal occupancy of senior
positions by those who exercise authority. Fincham and Rhodes (2005) state
that rational authority reflects the application of a formal structure of
administration as the means of completing complex tasks, this is clearly
applicable to the hierarchical structure developed by the Peel, Rowan and
Mayne and the complex tasks referred to earlier. Peel secured his authority
for the duration of his role as Home Secretary by ensuring that overall power
for the police service was vested in the Home Secretary (Reith, 1952).
Through his rational authority he was able to ensure that the task of
developing the service was completed. Weber (1964) states that leadership
styles that relate to authority are autocratic and democratic.
Autocratic
leadership involves the leader making all of the decisions without reference to
anyone else, determining policy and procedure for achieving goals and tasks.
Alternatively, a democratic leadership style is where the force of authority
rests with the group via greater interaction and the group members have a
greater say in decision making, determination of policy and implementation of
systems and procedures. There is evidence to show that up to the point of
implementation, Peel displayed an autocratic leadership style, defining tasks
and making key decisions for example vesting power with the role of Home
Secretary.
This may suggest that Peel was an ‘incomplete leader’, in other words, a
leader who knew when to ‘let go'.
The incomplete leader knows that
leadership exists throughout the organisational hierarchy wherever expertise,
vision, new ideas and commitment are found Ancona., et al (2007). In Rowan
and Mayne, Peel knew that he had chosen men who had all of these
attributes. To reinforce the validity of Peel’s democratic leadership style,
application of the model of leadership patterns in decision making suggest
that Peel moved quickly from an ‘autocratic style’, to a ‘democratic style’ that
permitted Rowan and Mayne to function within the limits defined by his vision.
Tannenbaum and Schmidt’s model of ‘decision making style’ shows authority
16
existing as a continuum from autocratic to democratic with the level of
influence decreasing from the leader to followers as the leader moves to a
democratic position (Cole, 2004; Fyfe et al., 1997,Adair, 1998, Mullins, 2002).
Adlam (2003) states that democratic leadership works for three reasons.
Firstly, a social style that moves between directing and consulting makes it
easier for people to achieve – to get the ‘job done’ and have their needs for
inclusion met.
Secondly, participation in decision making means that the
members of the group are more likely to become committed to the action that
is decided upon and thirdly, group discussion enhances communications and
this leads to cohesiveness and co-operation between the group.
This
suggests that for Peel, democratic leadership would have greater success in
achieving the task of not only the implementation of the ‘new police’, but also,
through empowerment, its development into a fully functional organisation that
is capable of delivering with immediacy.
Peel, Rowan and Mayne worked as a triumvirate to create one of the longest
lasting legacies in British, if not world heritage. Peel’s contribution to policing
is identified by Alderson (1988) who states that one of Peel’s greatest
services to police reform was establishing police principles that have stood
the test of time.
Their vision, leadership and communication skills
manipulated politicians and ordinary people to develop and shape an
organisation that is the envy of the world. Each individual added an element
that meant that the three were successful. Without one, it is questionable that
they would have succeeded to the extent that they did.
Fyfe et al., (1997) state that Fielders Contingency Theory is personality
theory, but one that incorporates several ideas about what shapes leadership
styles. They continue that the model ultimately suggests that it is easier to
change the nature of the work than to change the personality of the leader; in
other words, effective leadership behaviour will ultimately rest on an
assessment of the situation in which it is to be exercised. This matches the
role of Peel in assuming an autocratic leadership style during the
17
development stage of the ‘new police’ and moving to a democratic style
throughout the implementation stage.
Examining the development of the Metropolitan Police service in the 1820s
and the leadership behaviours of Peel, it is clear that his behaviours match
the variables of the modern leadership models of Fiedler’s Contingency
Theory and the Functional Leadership model. The result is that the structure
and systems of the Metropolitan Police force would eventually become the
model for the future of American municipal policing (Fyfe et al., 1997). The
following section of this essay will examine the development of policing in the
USA under the direction of Vollmer and Wilson.
A mere 57 years after Peel, Rowan and Mayne developed the Metropolitan
Police Service, New Orleans, USA, witnessed the birth of a man who would
create a dynasty of policing leadership that, like Peel, Rowan and Mayne,
would last to influence modern day policing. That man was August Vollmer.
Like Peel, Vollmer was a great reformer, albeit according to Fyfe et al., (1997)
Vollmer was one of the first reformers to come from within the police service.
McNamara (1977) states that Vollmer’s contribution to the ‘American’ version
of the ‘new police’ can be organised under four major headings, scientific
policing; the educated policeman; professional integrity and the centralisation
of police services. However, it is his relationship with protégé O.W. Wilson
and their focus on integrity within policing that had a significant impact on law
enforcement in America.
Both Vollmer and Wilson switched between academia, policing and the
military. At various stages of their career both men were police chiefs and
university professors. Vollmer’s early career in the military is thought to have
given rise to his emphasis on soldierly bearing, neatness and concepts of duty
and integrity (MacNamara, 1977), aspects that are similar to the requirements
of a commissioner that Peel included in his letter to Gregory. Wilson, on the
other hand, entered the military later in his career and used the experience to
18
reinforce concepts that he had used prior to joining the army, and gain ideas
in relation military systems of organisation and administration that he would
put to use when he returned to policing.
As with Peel and Rowan, both
Vollmer and Wilson used military experience to develop policing, supporting
Adair’s (2002) assertion that strategic leadership has its roots in the military.
Vollmer introduced intensive recruit training and an insistence on police
integrity.
Wilson supported this stance and this ethical influence had an
impact on Wilson. As a result of a major scandal, the Chief of Wichita was
removed from office and the City Manager asked Vollmer to recommend a
‘scrupulously honest police chief’ who would completely re-organise the
department. Vollmer recommended Wilson, but Wilson, who was aware of
the fact that Wichita was a churchgoing town with strict licensing laws, had
misgivings that he would not be accepted and wrote the following to Vollmer11
“I hate to go through life being a hypocrite. Yet
since leaving Fullerton [his previous police command] I haven’t been to
church in over half a dozen times, I smoke cigarettes, and so does my
wife, we play bridge…. And have even enjoyed intoxicating liquor. And
I don’t feel even mildly wicked or immoral. What would the population
of Wichita think of that?”
(Bopp 1977: 36)
In modern time Mills (2003) states that in the light of a rapidly changing
society, where so many institutions and traditions are being challenged, the
view that ‘I am upholding the law, and therefore I am ethical’ is not a valid
response to negate the necessity for an ethical debate.
Applying this
sentiment to Wilson and his indecision to take the Wichita role, it seems that
he may well have been able to answer this question 65 years ago with ‘yes, I
am upholding the law and yes I am willing to have that ethical debate.’
Wilson accepted the post and during his tenure he endured a number of tests
of his ethical leadership, the greatest of which was to cost him his role as
19
Chief. The relationship between Vollmer and Wilson was very much that of a
teacher/pupil and having seen Vollmer introduce policing in vehicles, Wilson
undertook research that led to single manning of vehicles in Wichita.
Following the murder of one of his officers who was shot whilst on patrol in a
single manned vehicle, the media blamed Wilson and sought to have him
rescind a number of strategic decisions. The issue was complicated in that
the offender was subsequently detained by an ex police officer who had been
fired by Wilson for drinking on duty. The reinstatement of this officer and a
return to double manning of patrol vehicles where two things that Wilson was
under pressure to rescind. Wilson stoically refused. This was a real ethical
dilemma for Wilson.
His situation in Wichita became untenable and he
ultimately resigned taking up a role in academia.
The significance of Wilson’s stand, in relation to his position, is identified by
Mills (2003) who states that if ethical decision making is to be a meaningful
part of the conduct of policing activity and the articulation of its ethos, it must
be accompanied by ownership of and commitment to this activity at the
highest level within the organisation.
However, the relevance of Wilson’s
decision is explained by Adlam and Villiers (2003) in their editorial note of
Greive’s article ‘The Mask of Police Command’ (Grieve, 2003). The editors
state that leadership, as ethics, is a matter of choice.
They concur with
Greive’s conclusion that good leaders need to grapple with moral dilemmas,
assess the risk of options open to them, and have the moral courage to live
with the consequences. To Wilson, the issue concerning the dismissed officer
did not relate to his courage, but his lack of ethics. In assessing the risk,
Wilson’s choice to resign was not made for his own sake, but for the sake of
the good name of the Wichita Police Department and the morale of the police
officers (Bopp, 1977), again displaying his ethics, values and moral courage.
Ethical leaders have been categorised into three broad categories: nurturing
and service oriented; being just and honest; and being committed to common
goals. In terms of nurturing, Burns (1978) states that leaders must instil an
11
Letter from O.W. Wilson to A. Vollmer 13th March 1938
20
awareness of needs and values in subordinates, encouraging them to develop
(Greenleaf, 1977) and should take a great interest in them. Mills (2003) also
states that the personal characteristics and behaviour of leaders are essential
elements of ethical leadership as they send a clear message to subordinates
about what is and what is not ethical. It is interesting to note that in the 5 th
edition of Wilson’s eponymous ‘Police Administration’, Fyfe et al., (1997) also
refer to personal character, personality and value systems, but in this case
they refer to the impact on the leader-centred behaviour being democratic or
autocratic. This links the Tannenbaum and Schmidt leadership continuum
that applied to Peel, to the ethical leadership espoused and demonstrated by
Vollmer and Wilson. The common denominator being the values and persona
of the individuals in question.
Huberts et al (2007) state that three of the most often cited qualities of ethical
leadership are role modelling thereby setting a good example for employees;
strictness of managers in applying clear norms and sanctioning misbehaviour
of employees; and openness of managers to discuss integrity problems and
dilemmas.
According to Trevino et al., (2000) these three aspects are
necessary to develop a reputation for ethical leadership and together they
constitute the “pillar” of the moral manager.
In effect, Vollmer accomplished this through his vision of policing. This has
been referred to as a ‘trumpet call’ to remind American citizens of the moral
vision that made America great and of their responsibility to maintain that
vision (Kelling and Moore, 2005).
Vollmer placed great emphasis on
professional integrity and ethics seeking his police officers to be ‘above
suspicion and totally incorruptible’ in the performance of their professional
duties. To Vollmer, this meant truthfulness to police superiors and on the
witness stand. It also meant no brutality or resorting to illegal methods whilst
on duty and off duty (MacNamara, 1977; Bopp, 1977). The clarity of this links
to the imperative of police leaders to make clear their vision as posited earlier
by Blair (2003).
21
In leadership terms, Vollmer’s vision and Wilson’s continued ethical stand and
leading by example was crucial.
Adair (2002) supports the view posited by
Huberts et al., (2007) stating that leading by example is a universal principle
or theme of leadership and is especially important where people face hardship
or danger. Subordinates expect their leaders to run the same risks and
shoulder the same burdens, or at least show a willingness to do so. This is
supported by Northouse (2007) who states that ethics is central to leadership
and leaders help to establish and reinforce organisational values, Vollmer’s
vision is a clear example of this. Northouse explains that ethics are central to
leadership because of the nature of its process of influence, the need to
engage followers in accomplishing mutual goals and the impact on
organisational values.
In ‘Police Administration’ (1950), Wilson highlights unquestioned personal
integrity as one of the key qualities of a leader. A further example of Wilson’s
ethical leadership, and the importance of the impact on subordinates involved
Wilson asking his staff to take a pay cut of $5 per month to pay for a new twoway radio system. For his part, Wilson took a salary from $4,800 to $3,956
(Bopp, 1977). The importance of this is that Wilson led by example, showing
(Greenleaf, 1977; Mills, 2003; Adair, 2002) that he was willing to take a
reduction in pay commensurate to that of his subordinates.
In terms of being committed to common goals, Haberfeld (2006) states that a
sense of the common good should be interpreted by leaders and should
include public interests as well as the interest of the leader and followers.
This is supported by Mills (2003) who states that ethical decision making
within an organisation is a manifestation of ethical conduct, which is
dependent upon ethical awareness. Both Vollmer and Wilson displayed their
own ethical awareness and its importance on policing and attempted to
ensure that ethics and integrity were component elements of police training.
Greenleaf (1977) and Burns (1978) both state that in relation to ethical
leadership, nurturing and development are crucial components. Both Vollmer
and Wilson undertook major changes within the police forces that they led.
22
Both placed a great emphasis on nurturing, training and development and
both sought to create links between the police service and academia.
MacNamara (1977) states that Vollmer’s prototype police officer would be :“At home with a microscope or polygraph, courageous,
physically capable of handling street disorders, trained in fingerprinting
and photography, adept at first aid, a marksman of military bearing and
skills, yet so certain of his manhood as to be able to deal humanely,
and sympathetically with lost children, beaten wives and bereaved
parents”
(MacNamara 1977:180)
Both men were committed to learning. In order to achieve his model, Vollmer
sought to recruit college-educated police officers (Carte and Carte, 1977).
Wilson on the other hand recognised that many of the municipal police chiefs
of Kansas could not afford experts in policing to train their officers. Wilson
persuaded the League of Municipalities to create a dedicated police training
school, of which he later became the head and responsible for the
development of the training programme.
The relevance of this is identified by Schein12 (2002).
During an interview
with the Harvard Business Review, Schein refers to coercive persuasion, a
method of indoctrinating people with corporate messages, taking them to
training camps and surrounding them with messages that organisations want
to get across. Schein states that learning is fundamentally coercive thereby
enabling Vollmer, through his insistence that recruit training encompasses
police integrity, to reinforce this value in a closed training environment.
However, Wilson’s biggest challenge possibly came when he was appointed
as the Superintendent in charge of the Chicago Police Department. Due to
the high levels of corruption within the Chicago Police, Mayor Daley was
desperate for a police chief who was an ethical leader and displayed high
23
levels of integrity. Bopp (1997) states that the Municipal Officers bent the
rules pertaining to the appointment of a police chief 13 and allowed Wilson to
dictate his terms and conditions of employment that goes some way to
evidence the desire of the Mayor to employ Wilson. Fyfe et al., (1997) argue
against the philanthropic nature of Wilson’s appointment, stating that Daley
‘hoodwinked’ Wilson into taking the job believing that his academic studies
would keep him from day to day management of the police, thereby allowing
Daley to continue his political machinations.
If this was the case, Daley made an error of judgement on a grand scale. The
primary requirement from the Mayor was a police chief who was incorruptible
and also demonstrated integrity, with a high-level of professional skill and
administrative experience requirements that reflected those requested in the
letter to Vollmer in relation to the Chiefs job in Wichita. Wilson’s ethical
leadership qualities were to be tried and tested many times during his time in
charge of Chicago.
In support of Huberts et al., (2007) position in relation to applying clear norms
and sanctioning misbehaviour, Wilson applied his ethical leadership style to
identify those who he thought were corrupt, and relieved them of their duties
while he developed those who he thought trustworthy and had integrity. In
doing so, Wilson had to face challenges from groups of police officers, unions
and other groups, but his agreement with Mayor Daley ensured that the City
did not interfere and Wilson had almost carte blanche to mould Chicago
Police in a way that reflected his thoughts on police administration.
Neyroud and Beckley (2001) state that ethics are about how police officers
and police leaders make the right judgements and do the right things for the
right reasons. In order to ensure this, and in a reflection of the Metropolitan
Police’ General Instructions from 1829, Wilson developed written guidance for
his officers, sometimes in relation to specific events, such as how to deal with
12
HBR Interview of Edgar H. Schein by Diane Coutu entitled The Anxiety of Learning (2002)
24
traffic offences. Wilson also developed a Law Enforcement Code of Ethics
that established his requirements for his police officers. Producing a ‘code of
ethics’14 is something that even today the UK police have not accomplished
(Neyroud, 2008).
Fogelson (1977) states that a twentieth century drive towards police
professionalism can be typified by Vollmer’s vision of a police service as a
highly trained core of officers independent of politics and acting with
impartiality and integrity. The result of Wilson’s ethical leadership, according
to Bopp (1997), was that his personal integrity was highly prized. He instilled
community confidence in his attention to duty and in his honesty. People
supported Wilson in his many challenges because he was able to convince
them that his values would uphold the development of a police service that
had integrity. As with Peel, Rowan and Mayne, Vollmer and Wilson made an
invaluable contribution to police reform.
In conclusion, the title of this essay posits that modern leadership models can
be used to explain the development of policing in England and America within
specific time periods. The evidence contained within this essay demonstrates
that this is the case. Despite more than 100 years difference between Peel,
Rowan and Mayne, there are remarkable similarities in their use of leadership.
Both groups of men were supportive of reform and developed clear visions of
the police service that they wished to create and both groups of men used
their leadership styles to overcome overt challenges to their vision.
In support of Fiedler’s Contingency Theory, Northouse (2007) states that this
theory is advantageous as it does not require people to be effective in all
situations.
Peel’s leadership style, in compliance with this theory, varied
according to the context and situation. When the favourability of the situation
varied, Peel appears to have varied his style from being task oriented to
13
Wilson could not be appointed as Commissioner as he was not a resident of Chicago, so the
role/rank of Superintendent of Police was created
14There are a number of ethical statements e.g. ACPO Statement of Common Purpose and Values and
Police Code of Conduct, however, the latter is more of a discipline code than a statement of ethics.
25
relationship oriented.
This resulted in Peel delegating the continued
development of the police service to his Commissioners.
In terms of the Functional Leadership model, Peel displayed many of the
features of this model throughout the time that his Bill was passing through
parliament to the time that he was no longer Home Secretary. His leadership
ensured that his vision was addressed through a series of tasks and
developing a relationship with his Commissioners that was built on trust.
Rowan and Mayne accepted their role within their partnership and despite the
challenges that they faced, they remained stoic and determined to support
their staff against injustices and ensured the best possible conditions of
service for their staff.
That dedication to accomplishing a vision was also reminiscent of the ethical
leadership style of Vollmer and Wilson.
As well as being reformers, Vollmer and Wilson were innovators.
They
recognised that a police service that was acceptable to citizens would have to
adhere to ethical principles. Both men established their own set of values and
ethics and lived by those values as role models. As a mentor, Vollmer had no
hesitation in recommending Wilson for challenging policing roles. Wilson rose
to the challenges and despite great pressure his ethical stance did not waiver.
Throughout their careers, Vollmer and Wilson moulded policing and
influenced it to the point that Carte and Carte (1977) refer to them as the two
most influential persons in relation policing in USA. Mills (2003) strongly
suggests that police agencies face difficulties when involved in ethical matters
and that police leaders should observe best practices, seek expert guidance,
and look at previous experience and training related to ethical issues in the
context of decision making. That expert guidance is available through the
research and study of the examples set by Vollmer and Wilson.
26
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