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Making Mounties: RCMP Training in the 1950s
A Research Proposal
The training techniques of the RCMP have historically been shrouded in secrecy.
(Teather 1997: 4)
Through concerned and often brilliant social advertising campaigns, the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police (RCMP) have emerged since the 1970s as arguably the dominant Canadian icon
(Dawson 1998). Today the Mountie in his or her scarlet-red tunic is the third most recognized
global cultural symbol after Mickey Mouse and Coca Cola. However, as Canada’s federal
policing agency, with responsibilities for both national security and the day-to-day policing of
several Canadian provinces, the importance of the RCMP extends well beyond their symbolism.
The RCMP Training Academy (Depot) in Regina, Saskatchewan, has a central place in
the history of the force. Since its inception in 1882, it has been the main training centre for the
RCMP and thousands of individuals have undergone training there on their way to becoming
Mounties. In recent years it has emerged as among the most conspicuously advertised tourist
attractions in Saskatchewan. On summer afternoons hundreds of visitors line the parade ground
to watch recruits conduct precision drill. Visitors are encouraged to stroll through the museum
and gift-shop where they are presented a sanitized history of the force and offered the
opportunity to purchase any number of souvenirs emblazoned with the RCMP crest.
Depot has been, however, the site of more controversy, manipulation and occasional
violence than is apparent in official accounts. Just meters from the museum and gift shop, for
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example, lies the unmarked site where Louis Riel was hanged in one of the early defining and
most contentious acts of the Royal North West Mounted Police (predecessor to the RCMP).
More recently, Robert Teather on his first day at Depot in 1962, was marched out to a field
adjacent to the training grounds. There a Corporal pointed to some shovels, a tape measure and
brusquely commanded that he was to dig a grave for a recruit from a preceding troop who,
finding the pressures of training unbearable, had committed suicide.
Recruits at that time were subjected to a training regime firmly based on a military model
(Roth 1998). Today that approach to training is routinely positioned as part of a less enlightened
past that has been replaced by more modern police training principles and a formal police
curriculum (Himmelfarb 1991; 1992; Sherman 1986). Unfortunately, most contemporary
depictions of militarized basic police training are little more than a dismissive caricature,
advanced to justify contemporary developments in police training rather than to improve our
understanding of the dynamics, limitations and successes of how such training was accomplished
in the past.
Despite the immediate intuitive appeal and obvious sociological richness of basic
training, it has been subjected to comparatively few scholarly examinations (Dyer 1985; Hockey
1986). The 1970s experienced a brief flurry of studies exploring the types of individuals who
entered the military and how basic training might influence their personality (Cockerham 1973;
Faris 1975; Wamsley 1972), but this research program faded and has not yet been re-invigorated
(Cockerham 2003).
This lacuna is still greater when it comes to scholarly examinations of military basic
training of the public police. Such studies are virtually non-existent. Instead, there is a scattered
Canadian literature of first-hand accounts of the experience of basic training (McKenzie 1992;
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Teather 1997). Unfortunately, none of these offer scholarly insights, and instead border on
hagiography. Indeed, McKenzie’s (1992: 9) description of RCMP training suggests that
membership in the RCMP is the closest thing in Canada to ‘secular sainthood.’
Objectives
There are three main objectives of this study:
To produce a book-length analysis of RCMP basic training in the 1950s. This study will
cast a light on a conspicuously under-examined topic in policing studies per se and in
Canadian history more generally.
To advance critical understanding of the dynamics of police change. The study will
concentrate on 1) changing models of governance and 2) the formation and
transformation of a distinctive police habitus.
To connect theoretical literatures on governance with more sociological and historical
examinations of the experience of being governed.
Making Mounties is an extension and elaboration of research projects and substantive
themes central to my previous research. I have conduced considerable research and published
widely on policing and governance. In previous work with Richard Ericson (Ericson and
Haggerty 1997) I explored how in the ‘risk society’ the public police have been constituted as
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objects of governance through new knowledge and information technologies. This project also
connects with my research interest in the relationship between the military and criminal justice
institutions (Haggerty 1992; Haggerty Forthcoming; Haggerty and Ericson 2001).
Context
The 1950s marked an important point in the history of the RCMP and of public policing more
generally. As Reiner (1992) has famously suggested, the 1950s represented a ‘golden age’ for
policing. By the 1950s the immediate rush of decommissioned Word War II soldiers into the
RCMP had started to subside. While Cold War controversies, particularly the Gouzenko spy
scandal, rocked the policing community, policing had yet to be subjected to the types of
withering critiques characteristic of the 1960s and 1970s (Canada 1981; United States 1976;
1977). Serious questions were beginning to be raised, however, about whether received police
practices were appropriate for a country undergoing rapid modernization.
During the course of their careers, individuals who entered the RCMP in the 1950s
ultimately lived through some of the most dramatic changes and challenges that policing has ever
seen in Canada. Most prominently, these included the McDonald Commission into RCMP
wrongdoing and the subsequent creation of the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service.
Many of the individuals trained in the 1950s ultimately rose to senior positions in the force and
were vital in initiating and overseeing the emergence of dramatically new approaches to policing.
Key components of their belief and attitude structures were forged during their early days at
Depot. This habitus carried them through their careers, shaping their relations to any number of
developments I policing and society more generally.
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Police training has been a topic of considerable scholarly and public discussion in recent
years because it touches a pressing political and academic question - how to best effect change in
police practice (Chan 2001; Chan, Devery and Doran 2003; Hayes 2002; Otwin 2004). A
substantial volume of work has concentrated on transforming policing through advancing new
models of policing. These have included professionalization, community policing, problemoriented policing, zero-tolerance policing and now intelligence-led policing. Advocates for each
approach, however, have recognized that the success of any model is itself contingent on
transforming police officers such that they learn new knowledges and techniques and embraced
new attitudes and orientations. Police training is positioned as the vital factor capable of bringing
about such change.
Two approaches to police transformation dominate the academic literature. The first is
the ‘professional’ model, which concentrates on rational training procedures. It is articulated
most passionately by Bittner (1990), who advocates that policing should become a full postgraduate degree where officers undergo a prolonged education into the philosophies, regulations
and techniques of policing. This emphasis on formal education is ultimately an enlightenment
pedagogical ideal applied to the police. As such, it tends to be the preferred vision of police
transformation embraced by police organizations.
The second model of police change focuses on the centrality of police culture. Here,
culture refers to the various attitudes, dispositions, techniques and metaphors that characterize
the working knowledge of policing (Crank 1998; Herbert 1998; Reiner 2000; Shearing and
Ericson 1991). Police culture is embedded within a distinctive policing habitus, which, following
Bourdieu, refers to a series of durable, transposable dispositions that mediate an individual’s
actions and the external environment (Bourdieu 1990; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992; Chan
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1996). Such personality structures provides a distinctive ‘feel for the game’ allowing individuals
to cope with a host of novel situations. A police habitus is a key component of the informal
curriculum communicated during routine encounters with other officers. It often represents a
powerful conservative force that tends to undermine the more progressive ambitions of the
professional model of police training.
RCMP Depot provides an excellent empirical site for the study of these two models of
police change. The 1950s saw the slow emergence of more modern and rationalist approaches to
police training, approaches that focused on developing a wider set of police skills beyond
military drill, physical fitness and marksmanship. At the same time, decidedly more occurred at
Depot than mastery of a set of formal skills and knowledge. Depot continues to be the location
par excellence in Canada for the inculcation of a distinctive police culture. From the conspicuous
memorial to officers killed in the line of duty, to the extensive iconography of the Queen and the
coat of arms, Depot quickly immerses recruits into a broader national culture of policing.
This study of police training has two substantive foci: 1) the governmental practices of
police training, and 2) the experience of police training.
At its most basic level, governance involves official reflection on the aims and ambitions
of governing, as well as related efforts taken towards managing different populations. Studies of
governance conventionally involve an interrogation of the rationalities and technologies of
governance. In the context of police basic training, this translates into exploring what
constellation of knowledge and techniques was employed to transform citizens into Mounties. It
involves questioning how recruits were objectified and made amenable to further scrutiny and
transformation. What knowledges and practices circulated in efforts to effect change?
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To contemporary sensibilities training in Depot in the 1950s appears to have been
characterized by the almost total absence of the governmental techniques and technologies we
now take for granted as being intrinsic to police training. Most of the main epistemological and
institutional forces of modernity, such as psychology, law, management science and formal
pedagogy, had yet to make substantial inroads into police training. There was no conception that
recruits might have legal rights and a complete absence of explicit evaluation criteria. Such
conspicuous absences raise the question of which collection of rationalities and technologies
were used to make Mounties?
At the outset three governmental techniques stand out for further scrutiny. First,
governance at that time involved a form of brute physicality. Making Mounties involved
targeting bodies. However, this did not represent an absolute sovereign power over recruits. It
remains an open question as to what types of ‘everyday resistance’ (Scott 1985) were possible in
such a total institution (Goffman 1961), or how such practices were themselves anticipated and
incorporated into the training regime. Second, recruits were subjected to various forms of
psychological manipulation. However, the logic and specifics of this manipulation remain
unclear, as these techniques were not derived from an explicit scientific psychology, but rather
drew from a form of folk psychology shared by instructors. As such, it is an example of how
‘common sense’ knowledge can become a key epistemological resource in governmental
practice (Valverde 2003). Third, governance involved the express aim of disciplining recruits
(Foucault 1977). And while discipline figures prominently as an explicit aim of recruit training,
it begs the question of how discipline was conceptualized and operationalized in a policing
context. Did it differ from military discipline, a discipline that seeks to instill a strict adherence
to hierarchy and immediate response to commands, all justified through an appeal to the
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imperatives of combat (Dyer 1985)? Preliminary examination suggests that while in a policing
context discipline was characterized by many of the familiar techniques of hierarchal
observation, distribution in space and documentation (Foucault 1977), the governmental
ambitions of such discipline were aimed at fostering personal pride and professional
responsibility.
The second major focus of this study involves a more sociological and historical
investigation into the experience of Depot training from the perspective of police recruits. Who
were these individuals and how did they respond to the governmental practices to which they
were subjected? This second focus is particularly attractive in that it overcomes the tendency in
the police studies literature to treat individual police officers as institutional exemplars – that is,
officers are approached not so much individuals as roles. Only recently has there been an interest
in examining the personal backgrounds, histories and experiences of individual officers, although
this still tends to concentrate on studying senior officers (Reiner 1991; Ziegler 2003).
This study will explore several different axes and processes involved in the development
of a police habitus. It will address such things as the racial dynamics of Depot, the place of
federalism, and how class, and aspirations of upward mobility, operated. At the outset, however,
one topic clearly cries out for further exploration, and that is the construction of a distinctive
police masculinity. The ‘machismo’ of police identity is a familiar attribute of police culture
(Fielding 1994; Herbert 1997; Reiner 2000), and police training during the 1950s drew from and
reinforced dominant conceptions of masculinity. The establishment of such personality structures
ultimately contributed to police resistance to various reforms, including the recruitment of
women and visible minorities.
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How a masculine police identity was fashioned in Depot was often quite intriguing and
not necessarily self-evident. Understanding this process requires attending to how police
masculinity (or masculinities) were positioned in opposition to three other symbolic groupings:
youth, women and other men. The young men who arrived at Depot were intimately aware that
basic training was an important status transformation ceremony (Cockerham 1973). The few
first-person accounts of recruit training incessantly emphasize that individuals knew (or hoped)
that upon completing their training they would no longer be ‘boys.’ Consider the 1963 recruit
who proclaims, ‘I’ve not only come here to become a cop, I’ve also come here to become a man’
(Teather 1997: 86). Constructing a masculine police identify also involved enforcing figurative
and physical separations between men and women. While women were largely absent from
Depot, their presence was pervasive in the form of the institutionalized denigration of women
and a series of more curious set of gender performances (Butler 1990). For example, recruits
who fought with one another were required to undergo an official ‘marriage ceremony’ to
demonstrate their forgiveness. This was replete with a ‘bridal party’ and a white wedding dress
worn by one of the combatants. This practice is suggestive of a third important symbolic division
in Depot: the relationship with other men. Homosexuality was a highly sensitive topic for the
RCMP, and was grounds for dismissal. The force in the 1950s was involved in a Cold-War
obsession with weeding-out homosexuals from the civil service that at times became absurd
(Kinsman 1995). The symbolic and personal place of homosexuality and homopobia in police
training during this period, as well as its relationship to the production of a normative
heterosexual, homosocial masculine police identity, remains an entirely unexplored topic.
At its broadest level, then, this study involves an examination of RCMP training in the
1950s which combines a focus on the practices of governance with an interrogation of how those
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practices were experienced by recruits. Each dimension will offer important insights into such
things as the dynamics of police training, police change, governance and the construction of a
police habitus. However, when examined in concert, these topics have an additional theoretical
importance in that they bring together the study of governance with empirical examinations of
how governance was experienced. This is essential as while there is now a large literature
detailing a plethora of different governmental practices and technologies (Barry, Osborne and
Rose 1996; Burchell, Gordon and Miller 1991; Dean 1999; Foucault 1991; Kinsman 1996; Rose
1999), the fact that such studies have emerged from a Foucauldian framework has meant that
they have concentrated on discourse analysis and have been reluctant to explore the experience
of subjects. Indeed, almost all of these studies have followed Nicolas Rose’s (Rose 1999: 40)
admonition that there is no such thing as ‘the governed,’ but instead only ‘multiple
objectifications of those over whom government is to be exercised.’ In contrast, I believe that in
a misguided quest for a form of sterile methodological and epistemological purity, studies of
governmentality have eschewed important lines of inquiry into the actual experience of being
subjected to different governmental regimes. As such, this research will help connect
Foucauldian examinations of governance with more sociological studies of how people actually
experience and respond to governmental initiatives.
Methodology
The dual focus of this study necessitates the use of two distinct, but complimentary,
methodologies. I am experienced in both approaches, having employed each for previous
SSHRC sponsored research.
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The focus on governance will involve an analysis of textual resources relating to how the
project of training recruits was conceived and executed. These include formal RCMP training
manuals, official curricula and annual reports. Such sources allow for the exploration of the
knowledges and governmental ambitions characteristic of recruit training. I have already been in
contact with Chief Superintendent Tugnum, who is the current Director of RCMP Depot, and
Ms. Margaret Evans, who is the official RCMP historian. Both individuals support this project
and will be invaluable in helping to advance the research.
The second focus of the study will involve producing a series of oral histories of
individual officers who underwent RCMP training in the 1950s. Approximately 50 to 60 former
RCMP officers will be interviewed in-depth. Interviews will be conducted in our home location
of Edmonton, and also Ottawa and Vancouver, both of which have very high concentrations of
retired officers. The interviews will be tape-recorded, transcribed and analyzed using software
designed for qualitative research. I have personal contacts with the RCMP Veterans Association
who eagerly support this research and will provide access to their member lists to assist in
recruiting potential research participants.
Rather than approach these oral histories as providing unmediated access to the truth of
basic training, grounded in the personal experience of interviewees, this study draws from a
series of scholarly discussions that have accentuated the complicated play of memory and
narrative in oral history (Antze and Lambek ; Scott 1991; Tonkin 1992). Hence, this research
approaches stories about recruit training as stories: tales that can be accepted on their own terms,
but ones that can also be scrutinized in terms of how they are told, and the types of impressions
they seek to produce in their audience. Stories about dramatic and poignant experiences, such as
basic training, do not necessarily provide a mirror-of-reality account of what transpired, but tend
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to be more loose with ‘the facts’ in order to convey larger truths about social experiences. Luise
White makes this point eloquently by noting that ‘people do not speak with truth… but they
construct and repeat stories that carry the values and meanings that most forcibly get their points
across’ (2000: 30). This study will employ discourse analysis (Potter 1996) to unearth some of
these narrative truths through careful scrutiny of how these stores are framed, their formulaic
properties and the tropes they employ. The precise topics to be explored will be informed by the
types of recursive relationship with research participants characteristic of ‘grounded theory’
(Glaser 1992), although at the outset key themes about masculinity, nation, class and ethnicity
stand out for further investigation.
Communication of Results
The preliminary research findings will be presented at leading international scholarly
conferences, including the American Society of Criminology, the British Association of
Criminology, and the Canadian Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences. The main
product will be a book, Making Mounties, co-authored with the research associated and likely to
be published by the University of Toronto Press. Articles will also be published in various
scholarly journals. Drafts of the research papers and chapters will be presented to relevant parties
for comment. The book will have wide appeal to police scholars, criminologists, historians and
police officials. Given the longstanding public fascination with the RCMP I also suspect that the
book will be of interest to a wider public audience. I plan to communicate some of the findings
to police audiences through wide-circulation policing journals such as the RCMP’s Pony Express
and Quarterly.
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