REPORT ON PACIFIC CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION NETWORK SURVEY-DECEMBER 2004
A SURVEY
TO DETERMINE THE FEASIBILITY OF A
PACIFIC CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION NETWORK
June – October 2004
Report to the PCTN Steering Committee and PCRC
by
Ema Golea Tagicakibau
Pacific Concerns Resource Centre
Suva
December
2004
CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgement ………………………………….
2
Abbreviation………………………………………….
4
……………………….…………………..
5
Map 1:
The Pacific ………………………
6
Section I
Executive Summary ……….. ….
7
Section II
Introduction……. …………… ….
24
Section III
Overview of Conflicts in the Pacific………..
28
Section IV
Country Profile ………………………………
30
1. Bougainville
…………… ……...……………………………
30
2. Papua New Guinea …….……………………………………
39
…….……………………………………
45
4. Vanuatu ……………………………………………………….
50
5. Kanaky (New Caledonia) ……………………………………
53
…………………..……………………………………
66
7. Samoa …………………..……………………………………
73
…………………..……………………………………
75
…………………………….
81
Glossary
3. Solomon Islands
6. Tonga
8. Fiji
Section V Recommendations
Annexes
I. List Of Organizations and Individuals consulted by Country
II. Biketawa Declaration by Pacific Island Forum Leaders
III. European Commission Checklist for Root Causes of Conflict
1
Acknowledgement
This report owes its fruition to all those who willingly shared their views on peace,
conflict prevention and resolution in their communities, and their vision for the Pacific as
a “region of peace.”1 Some have requested anonymity in the aftermath of post-conflict
reconstruction or repressive governments, which must be respected. The process of
sharing have been overwhelming and I returned from each country more convinced of
the potential role that a Pacific Conflict Transformation Network could play towards
peace consolidation and sustainability in the Pacific.
The seeds which were sown at the Auckland hui in February 2004 have been
transplanted to the countries visited so far. This was also consistent with PCRC’s
mandate from the 8th NFIP Movement conference in Arue, Te Ao Maohi (French
Polynesia) in 1999, and the 9th Conference in Nuku’alofa, Tonga in January 2003,
where delegates, expressing deep concern over increasing incidence of armed conflicts
in the region, tasked PCRC to “conduct a study into the current state of militarism and
military budgets of Pacific island states.”2
This survey would not have been possible without initial funding from the National
Council of Churches, Australia (NCCA) to enable PCRC to conduct the survey on the
status of militarism in the region. The undertaking to combine the two for costeffectiveness was made at the Auckland hui.
Members of the PCTN Steering Committee including Warwick Tie, Peter Greener, Rae
Julian, kaumatua Pauline Tangiora, Kate Dewes, Lopeti Senituli and others, assisted in
the formulation of a Project Proposal to NZAid for supplementary funds towards the
PCTN survey. Advice and support from NZAid officers Beverly Turnbull, who was
instrumental in the initial stages of the proposal and Rebecca Spratt, must also be
acknowledged.
A Pacific Vision in the Auckland Declaration of Pacific Island s Forum Leaders Decisions at the Special Leaders’
Retreat, Auckland, 6 April 2004 : “Leaders believe the Pacific region can, should and will be a region of peace,
harmony, security and economic prosperity, so that all its people can lead free and worthwhile lives….”
2 No Te Parau Tia, No Te Parau Mau, No Te Tiamaraa. “For Justice, Truth and Independence” Report of the 8 th
Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) Conference, Resolution # 35. Arue, Tahiti, 20-24 September 1999:p.
156.
1
2
I have attempted to reflect the essence of what contributors have shared, however, any
error or omission remains my personal responsibility.
It is my hope that this Report will contribute towards our collective vision to see the
PCTN bear fruit.
3
ABBREVIATIONS
ADB
-
Asian Development Bank
AusAID
-
Australian International Aid Agency
AUT
-
Auckland University of Technology
BCL
-
Bougainville Copper Ltd
BETA
-
Bougainville Ex-Combatants Trust Account
BICWF
-
Bougainville Inter-Church Women’s Forum
BRA
-
Bougainville Revolutionary Army
BRF
-
Bougainville Resistance Force
CCF
-
Citizens Constitutional Forum (Fiji)
CPRF
-
Community Peace Restoration Fund (Solomon Islands)
CRA
-
Conzinc Rio Tinto Australia Ltd (Bougainville)
CSOs
-
Civil Society Organizations
CDS
-
Community Development Scheme
ECCP
-
European Centre for Conflict Prevention (Netherlands-based)
EEZ
-
Exclusive Economic Zone
FSPI
-
Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific International
FWCC
-
Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre
GPPAC
-
Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflicts
IANSA
-
International Action Network on Small Arms
IFOR
-
International Fellowship of Reconciliation (Netherlands-based)
NZAid
-
New Zealand International Aid Agency
NCCA
-
National Council of Churches, Australia
NFIP
-
Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific
NGOs
-
Non-Government Organizations
NGOCHR
-
NGO Coalition on Human Rights (Fiji)
NPC
-
National Peace Council (Solomon Islands)
PACFAW
-
Pacific Foundation for the Advancement of Women
PCRC
-
Pacific Concerns Resource Centre
PANG
-
Pacific Network on Globalization
PCTN
-
Pacific Conflict Transformation Network
4
PIANGO
-
Pacific Island Association of NGOs
PICs
-
Pacific Island countries
PIF
-
Pacific Island Forum
PNG
-
Papua New Guinea
PNGDF
-
Papua New Guinea Defense Force
PPI
-
Pacific Peace-building Initiative
RRRT
-
Regional (Human) Rights Resource Team
SDL
-
Soqosoqo ni Duavata ni Lewenivanua Party (People’s Party, Fiji)
SICA
-
Solomon Islands Christian Association
SIDT
-
Solomon Island Development Trust
TCDT
-
Tonga Community Development Trust
THRDM
-
Tonga Human Rights & Democracy Movement
TNCs
-
Trans-National Corporations
VRDTCA
-
Vanuatu Rural Development & Training Centre Association
GLOSSARY
Fakahekeheke lahi -Tongan word, referring to how people do not do the right thing
even though they know what is right, for fear of losing favour with
the ruling hierarchy or the King.
Hui
- Maori word for “meeting”
Kaumatua
- Maori word for “elder”
Malvatumauri
- The Council of Chiefs in Vanuatu
Marae
- meeting house (Maori)
Melino (or noga)
- Tongan words for “peace” such as when there is calm after a
storm or very rough sea.
Palabre (French)
- a peace talk where people sit down together and talk after which
they can not fight anymore (similar to talanoa in Fijian)
Talanoa
- Fijian word for an informal story telling session
5
Vakacegu
- Fijian for peace of mind, rest or break from normal burdens, or
can also refer to the peace of the grave
Veisaututaki
-Fijian for peacemaking, peacekeeping, goodwill
6
Map3 1:
Pacific Islands showing the 8 countries
surveyed
3
Source: Alpers, Philip and Twyford, Conor. 2003. “Small Arms in the Pacific” Published by the Small Arms
Survey, Geneva,Swtizerland: xiii.
7
SECTION I
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Conducted between June and October 2004, the survey covered eight countries:
Bougainville and Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Kanaky (New
Caledonia), Samoa, Tonga and Fiji. The ninth, Kiribati was missed out as it is included
in PCRC’s fact-finding mission to the Northern Pacific in early 2005.
Key issues that form the basis of the report include:
1.

Sources or potential sources of conflict

Areas of conflict transformation currently available

Best practices for early warning-response system

Relevance and benefit of PCTN

Potential Role, Structure and Location
Sources of Conflict
Although this was not part of the brief, as I listened to those who shared their views, it
became obvious that before assessing what was available in the area of conflict
transformation or the potential benefits of a PCTN, they dwelled first on what sources of
conflict or potential sources were present. While country profiles in the next section,
provide a more detailed analysis, the major sources of conflict are summarized
according to a human security and human rights framework.
2.
Root Causes
It is now acknowledged that security risks in the region come from internal conflicts
rather than external forces. It must also be realized that most conflicts in the region
begin from the struggle by indigenous peoples for the fundamental principles of human
rights and human security, both of which derive from the basic concept of human dignity
and worth. These struggles attempt to address existing inequalities in accessing power
and control over resources and the benefits of development from these resources.
8
3.
Pacific Island Forum
In a report prepared by Ron Crocombe4 for the Pacific Island Forum in 2000, four major
sources of conflict have been identified:
(i)
Ethnic violence and tensions
(ii)
Land issues and disputes
(iii)
Economic disparity and widening gap between the rich and the poor
(iv)
Lack of good governance
A useful tool is the European Commission checklist for Root Causes of Conflict which is
appended as Annex III in this report.
4.
Human Security Framework
This survey has relied on a human security framework such as that promoted by
Mahbub ul Haq5 among others, whose efforts have transformed the concept of security
from a narrow military-based definition as prevalent in the Cold War era, to a peoplecentred definition that focuses on:

the security of individuals not just the state,

security through development not through arms, and

security of people in their homes, jobs, in the streets and in their
environment.
There are at least seven dimensions of human security6 from which we can identify the
sources of conflict applicable in the country profiles:
i.
Economic Security
ii.
Food security
iii.
Health security
Ron Crocombe. 2000. “Enhancing Pacific Security” A report prepared for the Forum Secretariat for presentation at
the Forum Regional Security Committee (FRSC) Meeting, Port Vila, Vanuatu, 13-15 July
5
Mahbub Ul-Haq. 1999. “Human Rights, Security and Governance” in Worlds Apart: Human Security and Global
Governance, Ch.4 (London: I.B.Tauris).
4
9
iv.
Environmental security
v.
Personal security
vi.
Community security
vii.
Political security
A combination of the above dimensions have contributed in some way or another to
violent conflicts in the region.
i.
Economic security
Economic insecurity and the ever widening disparity between the rich and the poor, is
acknowledged to be the source of all ills. The modern cash economy determines who
gains or loses in the increasingly globalized economic system that our small island
states have inevitably become vulnerable to. The majority of people remain
marginalized from the benefits of an externally-driven development model, where only
those who can sell their labour or service as a commodity in the market make it, while
those who are not in paid employment are regarded as non-productive. Unpaid labour,
most of which is performed by women, remain invisible from economic indicators and
productivity hence the term, “feminization of poverty.”
Other groups who become trapped in the poverty cycle youths, the disabled, the aged,
urban and rural poor, the illiterate and indigenous peoples, about two thirds of whom
remain in rural areas. The spill over effects from such an imbalance is the increase in
illegal trade of arms, drugs, human trafficking, prostitution and organized crime. With so
many young people joining the endless unemployment queues in all countries surveyed,
they become easy targets by unscrupulous exploiters for illegal causes for the lure of
quick money.
The increase in squatter settlements in and around the major cities of the region
indicate the pressures of the cash economy on the predominantly rural populations
which result in an increasing rate of rural to urban migration, which in turn place more
strain on urban services, space, land, housing and employment sources. The increase
10
in violent crimes on people and property are symptoms of an ever widening and
unbalanced development, especially in the major cities of Port Moresby and Suva. The
lack of resources allocated to police and law and order hinder efforts to curb increasing
criminal activities. It is therefore critical to understand that as long as poverty thrives,
and the basic needs of the majority of the people remain unmet, there can be no
guarantee for peace and security in the region.
ii.
Personal Security

Violence against Women
Women across the region, bear the burdens of a patriarchal system where they are
regarded as male property and are subjected to domestic violence, rape, sexual abuse,
assaults and incest. In most cases, the scene of violation is the one place where they
should feel safest, their homes. Domestic violence is also recognized as the root source
of conflicts at community and national level. Children growing up in violent situations,
soon learn that violence is an appropriate way of resolving conflicts and are most likely
to repeat the cycle when they have families of their own, or when come into conflict
situations unless the vicious cycle is broken at some stage, either through counseling or
spiritual reform.
The use of rape as a tool of violence in times of conflict is a manifestation of the male
property mentality where women are raped to humiliate the enemy side. Stories of rape
by soldiers of the PNGDF during the Bougainville crisis and by the Indonesian military in
East Timor while research has shown the high correlation between violence against
women during times of national crisis in the Solomon Islands and Fiji.

Crime and Lawlessness
The lack of respect for law and order is a concern in every city surveyed, especially
those where violent conflicts have occurred such as PNG, Solomon Islands,
Bougainville and Fiji.
The high expectation placed by society on law enforcement
agencies to ensure the protection of individuals, property and life, is often mismatched
by the lack of resources allocated to Police. There is a perception that governments
11
often do not take crimes against its own local populations seriously unless a tourist or a
high profile visitor or personnel becomes a victim.

Freedom from fear and want
Women and children, as the most vulnerable members of society, have the right to grow
up in a violence-free society. Pacific citizens have the right to live free from fear in their
own homes, streets or communities. The Pacific still has the luxury of manageable
population size, moderate rate of development and lessons from other regions to learn
from. A concerted effort must be made by all stakeholders in order to realize the vision
of the Pacific leaders to reclaim the Pacific as a region of peace.
As then US Secretary of State, Edward Stettinius Jr. reported to the US Congress in
June 1945 soon after the San Francisco Conference that saw the establishment of the
United Nations:
The battle for peace has to be fought on two fronts. The first is the security
front where victory spells freedom from fear. The second is the economic and
social front where victory means freedom from want. Only victory on both
fronts can assure the world of an enduring peace…No provision that can be
written into the Charter will enable the Security Council to make the world
secure from war if men and women have no security in their homes and their
jobs.7
iii.
Environmental Security
Concerns raised by resource owners over environmental destruction or the lack of
adequate compensation by governments, TNCs, foreign or local companies in mining,
logging, hydro-electricity dams, have triggered off major conflicts in parts of the Pacific,
especially the resource-rich Melanesian states of Papua New Guinea, Bougainville,
Solomon Islands, Fiji and Kanaky. Disputes over issuing fishing licenses to foreign
vessels and over-fishing, and the exploitation of traditional fishing grounds by tourism
ventures have also become major issues in marine-rich islands. Associated with these
7
Cited in UNDP , 1994, Human Development Report 1994, UNDP as cited in Boyle, Kevin and Simonsen, S.
“Human Security, human rights and disarmament” in Disarmament Forum 3: 2004, p. 6.
12
are disputes over land titles, traditional fishing grounds, royalties and compensation
claims and the conflict between indigenous people’s spiritual relationship with their land
which is based on “stewardship” compared to the exploitative means of outsiders.
Furthermore, observers tend to see a correlation between regions of violent conflicts
and environmental destruction by natural disasters. It seems that nature does react
violently to human conflicts through famine and drought, cyclone, flooding, tidal waves
and tsunamis, volcanic eruption or earthquake, which is seen by indigenous peoples as
stemming from violations of the moral and spiritual relationship between indigenous
peoples and their environment.
iv.
Community security

Organized crime and Immigration
Immigration, both legal and illegal, passport scams, organized crimes, slack border
controls, illegal trade in arms, drugs and humans, are causes for concern among Pacific
peoples. At the risk of stereotyping, one of the major concerns raised during the survey
is the arrival of a new wave of Chinese or Asian business people to set up ventures in
local communities. The phrase, “Asianization of the Pacific” has been coined to reflect
this concern, just like the use of “Chinese mafia” to refer to organized crime syndicates
in the form of gambling, prostitution, illegal drug and arms dealings and mafia-type
killings.
This is a major concern especially in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu,
Solomon Islands and Tonga. Ordinary people in these countries are worried about the
sale of passports and citizenship by their governments for quick bucks, bearing in mind
the higher costs that are incurred from the spill over effects of such crimes.

Militarism
Militarism, which is the allocation of resources towards military security, has increased
in the past few years, more so after September 11 and the US-led war on terror, which
has been used as an excuse to divert much needed resources to upgrade facilities and
security in airports and ports of entry. The thousands of islands distributed over the wide
13
expanse of the Pacific ocean, are vulnerable to passing yachts and ships that may be
potential sources of illegal drugs and arms.
The Military itself has been a source of instability in the region, particularly in Fiji and
PNG, two of the three countries with standing armies (Tonga is the third). These have
included actions of the PNGDF during the Bougainville crisis, the infamous Sandline
affair, the PNG army mutiny in 2002, the military coups in Fiji in 1987 and 2000, the
Fijian army mutiny of 2000, and threats posed by paramilitary forces in both the
Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The military, with the power of the gun at its disposal,
has remained a looming security threat in post-2000 Fiji.
For PNG, the Solomon Islands and Fiji, the leaking of arms from state armoury either
from the military or police sources, to criminal elements, have caused much fear and
insecurity, resulting in the loss of confidence in the police and the military as custodians
of the law.
The costs of leaking arms are incurred through expensive weapons disposal programs,
gun amnesty, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants, funds
which could have been better utilized to meet the more urgent needs of human security.
Where leaked arms have not been accounted for and are still at large, these are a
further source of apprehension and insecurity among the people, especially in Papua
New Guinea and post-conflict Fiji, Solomon Islands and Bougainville.
v.
Political security
The lack of access to genuine democratic participation in governance, weak political
structures, lack of strong or credible leadership, corruption, lack of respect for law and
order, lack of confidence in law enforcement agencies, the struggle for self
determination and the struggle for political control by nationalist indigenous groups have
all contributed to some of the more violent conflicts in the region.
14

Nationalist Movements
It is acknowledged that most of these conflicts have resulted from the struggles of
indigenous peoples to assert their human rights or to claim their human security. Where
political control of their countries is at stake, indigenous peoples have resorted to
militarism and lawlessness, which so often leads to an over-simplification of ethnicity as
a source of conflict.
For example, groups of nationalistic Fijians, aided by elements in the military, have
twice overthrown democratically elected governments that are perceived to be
dominated by Indo-Fijians. The rejection of immigrants taking over political leadership of
the country is based on Fijian nationalists’ assertion of collective memory based on
history and first settlement. When this view clashes with what immigrants regard as their
human right to participate as equal citizens in a country they have helped build through
their “blood, sweat and tears” for over a century, this has resulted in an ethnicity-based
adversarial political climate such as currently experienced in Fiji.

Colonialism and self determination
There is no doubt that colonialism and its hangovers, has been a major source of ills for
the region. All the countries that have experienced violent conflicts have been under the
control of different colonial powers at different stages, as if they were pawns to be
tossed around, without any heed to the diversity within each country.
For the remaining colonies, there must be a strong investment towards a peaceful
process of political independence, in order to avoid the deadly paths that have
accompanied similar struggles elsewhere such as East Timor and West Papua.
That
colonial powers still control people with whom they do not share linguistic, ethnic or
cultural links, is one of the greatest ironies in the new millenium.
vi.
Food and Health Security
Freedom from hunger and the threat of HIV/Aids are critical issues for the people of the
region that demand critical responses in order for the Pacific to avoid going the direction
of most African countries. Food security is dependent upon environmental security,
15
while good health is dependent upon living a lifestyle that includes eating the right
foods, and making the right choices. Peace for most people means a healthy lifestyle
and food in the stomach.
Speaking at the American University in 1963, President John F. Kennedy, stated that
peace and freedom must walk together:
“In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because
freedom is incomplete….And is not peace in the last analysis, basically a
matter of human rights—the right to live out our lives without fear of
devastation, the right to breathe air as nature provided it, the right of
future generations to a healthy existence?”8
Mahbub ul-Haq adds, “In the final analysis, human security means a child who did not
die, a disease that did not spread, an ethnic tension that did not explode, a dissident
who was not silenced, a human spirit that was not crushed…”9
There is no doubt that if we are to address the root causes of large scale conflicts in the
region, then we must address the fundamental principles of human dignity that is rooted
in meeting the basic needs of food and shelter, sustainable livelihood and environment,
health, personal, community, cultural and political security.
5.
Strategies Available on Conflict Transformation
There are very few national NGOs dealing specifically with conflict transformation and
this mostly in reaction to post-conflict situations as in the Solomon Islands, Bougainville,
and PNG. However grassroots groups and communities continue to do what they can
within their limited resources, to resolve conflicts and bring about peace in local
communities in post-conflict situations, far from the attention of donors and NGOs. The
8
President John F. Kennedy. 1963. Address at American University on a Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty June 10,
1963. Full speech please see, President John F. Kennedy, “Toward a Strategy of Peace,” found at
http://www.clw.org/pub/clw/coalition/jfk0610.htm
9
Mahbub ul Haq, ib.id.
16
Kup women for Peace is one of the success stories of how local women have taken the
challenge to stop generations of tribal fighting in the highlands of PNG.
No regional organization deals specifically with conflict transformation in the
equivalence of the European Centre for Conflict Prevention (ECCP) or the African
Peace Networks. Conflicts are addressed under other core programs such as human
rights, gender, peace, self-determination, disarmament, constitutional, economic and
social justice programs which have been more reactive rather than preventive.
Many NGOs were established during peace-time and are ill-equipped to deal with the
spillover effects of violent conflicts such as trauma counseling, human rights violations,
extreme lawlessness and the lack of good governance. However, they are forced to
take on extra responsibilities in the after-math of such conflicts, albeit under limited
resources.

Faith-based initiatives
Two initiatives have been taken by faith-based groups through the Pacific Peacebuilding
Initiative (PPI), a training course at the Sydney-based Rev. Alan Walker College where
a number of church and civil society leaders from conflict areas contribute as tutors and
lecturers. PPI has been utilized by Pacific NGOs and churches from Fiji, Vanuatu,
Solomon Islands, Samoa, Tonga, Bougainville and PNG.
Another initiative is the Sydney-based Presbyterian church’s Youth Ambassador for
Peace (YAP) program where many youths from conflict areas in the region take part
annually.
New Zealand and Australian Caritas’ network partners address small arms and postconflict trauma counselling in PNG, Bougainville, Solomon Islands and Fiji. There are
also best practices by churches on reconciliation, forgiveness, restorative justice and
peace building. Similarly, Oxfam partners in the region address small arms issues,
peace and conflict prevention and capacity building.
17

Women’s Human Rights
Women’s human rights groups focus on domestic violence, rape,sexual assault, incest
and other violations against women; political empowerment and decision making; legal
rights and access to justice and women’s rights in the context of armed conflicts.
Existing regional women’s networks include the :

Pacific Women’s Network Against Violence against Women (FWCC)

Pacific Human/Legal Rights Network (RRRT)

Pacific Foundation for the Advancement of Women (PACFAW)

Pacific Human Rights Network (interim)

Women, Peace and Security Network through UNIFEM

Pacific Women’s Peacemakers through the Netherlands-based International
Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR)

Good Governance
Good governance and general human rights networks exist under the following:

Foundation for the People’s of the South Pacific (FSPI umbrella)

Human Rights Network (interim)

Pacific Islands Association of NGOs (PIANGO)

Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflicts (GPPAC) through the
European Centre for Conflict Prevention (ECCP).

Indigenous Peoples Movement
Indigenous people’s movements and struggles are coordinated by PCRC as secretariat
for the NFIP movement in the area of self-determination, environmental destruction,
demilitarization, human rights struggles on land and resources and trade. PCRC also
serves as the Pacific focal point for the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Rights.

Traditional Conflict Resolution
Traditional means of resolving conflicts in the region remain one of the best practices of
conflict transformation. However, as most of these are in oral form rather than
18
documented, many best practices are not widely acknowledged. This leads to an overreliance on outside researchers or academics as the so-called “experts”.
An example is how the two law enforcement agencies, the Police and the Mobile Force
(military arm) in Vanuatu resorted to “kastom reconciliation” to avert what could have
turned into a violent confrontation, if not resolved in time.

Restorative Justice
Another area of best practice available in the region is “restorative justice”.
A Training Manual for the Port Moresby-based Peace Foundation Melanesia describes
the process as
“ …a method of dealing with conflicts in communities. It was the normal process
what traditional communities in PNG before the village courts were introduced
and recently it has been discovered by the legal system in New Zealand,
Australia and other places. … its aim is to restore the community, the victim and
the offender so that reconciliation and forgiveness come about…10
Traditional conflict resolution remains one of the best practices that Pacific cultures
have to offer the PCTN.
Ultimately, if the aim of all existing Networks is to achieve PEACE, then a loose Network
such as the PCTN could well serve as an all-encompassing one.
6.
Best practice for Early Warning System
The survey finds that there is no early warning system in place so far in the region
although UNIFEM’s project on Women, Peace and Security which focuses on women in
areas of armed conflict, is working on a pilot scheme in the Solomon Islands to integrate
gender into an early warning system. This is based on UNIFEM’s work in other conflict
areas in the world, which would be an important tool once developed.
10
Peace Foundation Melanesia Inc. 2004. "
19
Other findings include:

The lack of an early warning checklist for NGOs/CSOs to monitor the possibility
of conflict. A good start would be the European Commission checklist on the root
causes of conflict which is appended as Annex III in this report.

The need to develop an early response policy for NGOs that would complement
the Biketawa Declaration by the Pacific Island Forum, which is appended as
Annex II.

The lack of an NGO protocol or code of conduct during times of conflict. This
often leads to conflicts among NGOs themselves which can stem from a
difference of opinion on one’s position or one how to respond to armed conflicts
such as the Fiji and Solomon Islands coups.

A lesson learnt from Fiji is an incident in which an NGO official expressed
opinions contrary to indigenous sentiments during a television interview at the
height of the May 2000 crisis. While the comments would be appropriate in a
normal situation, many saw it as insensitive at the time and which may have
contributed to the spate of destruction and killing on the night in which the TV
station was trashed and a police officer gunned down. This raises an important
issue on the responsibility of NGOs to contribute to normalizing the situation
without compromising on principles or aggravating the situation.
It would be interesting to compare notes with National Disaster Management offices, to
gauge their early warning systems for natural disasters and with Red Cross to
determine their response to natural disasters.
7.
Relevance of a PCTN
While everyone has a fair idea of what networking is all about, I wish to draw on
relevant notes from the example of the International Action Network on Small Arms 11
(IANSA).
20
A Network:

has a common purpose derived from a shared perceived need for action;

encourages interaction, which builds relationships and trust, so that individuals
work together and create a more effective, coordinated approach in addressing a
significant problem.

benefits individual members through their participation in activities, pooling of
resources and being part of a larger movement.

provides a framework within which organizations can support and learn from
each other.
Most of the individuals and organizations interviewed are willing to contribute their
individual areas of expertise to the Network.
The PCTN is an idea “whose time has come,” if not long overdue. Pacific people must
take responsibility in preventing conflicts in their own region. Being in default would give
rise to outsiders, who are less familiar with the peculiarities of each country, to capitalize
on the lack of coordinated regional action. NGOs must learn from academics in local
universities who are taking an increasing role and interest in peace and conflict studies
in the region.
8.
Role of the Network
The following suggestions have been put forward as potential roles of the PCTN:

Clearing house for exchange of information

Identify lessons learned and document best practices

Deal with issues that are sensitive at local level or refer to appropriate regional
bodies e.g. human rights violations, justice issues, whistleblowers, etc.

Monitor and alert members on early warning indicators
11
Drawn from the Information Kit of the London-based International Action Network on Small Arms, available
from their website, www.iansa.org
21

Create a database of existing Peace Agreements and monitor implementation
through advocacy and lobby e.g. Noumea Accord, Solomon Islands Townsville
Peace Agreement, Bougainville peace process.

Monitor post-conflict constitutional processes and facilitate exchange of
information or visits

Facilitate youth exchange or internship programs for youths in conflict areas

Monitor disarmament process, weapons disposal programs, demobilization,
reintegration of ex-combatants into productive civilian service

Facilitate and promote peace education and conflict resolution curriculum and
strategies at all levels of society

Facilitate capacity building for traditional chiefs, women and youth leaders in
mediation, negotiation, restorative justice or preventive diplomacy skills

Document best practices in traditional means of conflict prevention, conflict
resolution and peace-building

Facilitate the development of a CSO policy of responding to conflicts in the
region (to complement the Biketawa Declaration of the PIF).

Develop strategies for future action and how to influence peace agendas

Consolidate various international instruments and Action Plans dealing with
conflicts around the world

Coordinate and harmonize peace-building strategies in the region by working
with other existing Networks for effective peace consolidation in the region.

Facilitate Networking and exchange of information, capacity building in
leadership and good governance, for traditional chiefs in the region to strengthen
their role in the conflict prevention

Maintain a directory or database of PCTN members, CSO expertise, eminent
persons, who could be nominated to Peace negotiation team (to complement the
government Eminent Persons teams).

Maintain a directory of peace monitors at national/local level based on existing
traditional networks such as that used by the National Peace Council in the
Solomon Islands
22

Work in coordination with unarmed peace workers such as the Non-Violent
Peace-force, peace brigade, and others which can take over the work of armed
UN peace-keepers in the region.
9.
Structure and Location of PCTN

Who should network?
Located within the ambit of the PCTN is the potential for sub-networks of Traditional
Leaders (Chiefs), Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) including women and youth
groups; Human Rights NGOs, Trade Unions, Political Parties, Parliamentarians; Former
Combatants; Faith-based groups, Media, Musicians/Artists/Writers, Sportspeople,
Academics, Schools, Tertiary institutions and individuals who are committed to realizing
a more peaceful Pacific.
The structure can be a loose one, broad-based and fully inclusive with national focal
points, to ensure local ownership, loyalty and connectedness to the Network.

Name of the Network : Pacific Peace Network (PPN) or PCTN?
Highlighted elsewhere in the report, is the concern expressed by indigenous peoples
that conflict transformation is a big word that is difficult for grassroots people to
understand, as only the educated people and palagis would understand easily.
For Pacific people struggling as second language speakers, a Pacific Peace Network is
a preferred name which can be part of a wider, bigger, Pacific Conflict Transformation
Network.
A Peace Network places emphasis on peace because it is more positive, inclusive,
easily understandable and which many people can identify with.
23

Location of PCTN
Fiji seems to be the preferred location because of its easy accessibility to all parts of the
region and because of its proximity to most regional NGOs, Network secretariats,
media outlets and inter-government agencies such as the UN, PIF, and others.
Most of the organizations consulted preferred that the Network be initially located at
PCRC given its wider coverage and mandate, and a key consideration by contributors,
is the fact that perpetrators of the conflicts have been indigenous peoples, PCRC is well
placed as an organization that was originally set up to advocate for the concerns and
struggles of indigenous peoples.
However, at the risk of what can be seen as a conflict of interest for PCRC, given that
PCRC has conducted the survey, the format of the Network such as preferred location,
structure, name and role of the Network, should be formalized by a wider representation
of CSOs in a formal consultation that the PCTN Steering Committee may take forward.
Many of these findings are included in the recommendations in Section V of this Report.
From the many expectations expressed on the role of the PCTN, it has become clear
that this Network has the potential to develop into a stand alone Pacific Centre for
Peace and Conflict Transformation. Only time and effort will tell.
24
SECTION II
INTRODUCTION
Between February 20-22 2004, a hui was organized at the Auckland University of
Technology (AUT) marae by founding members of the Aotearoa-based Pacific Conflict
Transformation Network (PCTN), and Pacific participants, Lopeti Senituli of Tonga
(THRDM) and Ema Tagicakibau of the Fiji-based PCRC. The objectives of the hui were
to:
1. Establish a formal Pacific Conflict Transformation Network.
2. Establish a brief for the Network.
3. Develop a “community” of practitioners.
4. Lobby Parliamentary members to be partners.
5. Provide input into a Conference on “Conflict Resolution in the Pacific” organized
by John Henderson at Canterbury University in October 2004
One of the key outcomes of the hui was the recommendation that a Pacific-wide survey
on the feasibility of the PCTN be carried out in consultation with a wide-cross section of
CSOs in the Pacific. Because PCRC was already funded to travel out to the region, and
network–building for Conflict Prevention and Peace-building in the Pacific was already a
component of its work agenda as mandated by the 9 th NFIP Conference in Nuku’alofa,
Tonga in January 2003, it made economic and strategic sense for PCRC to combine the
two surveys.
2.1. Objectives of the Survey
The main aim of the survey was to gauge whether those CSOs and individuals
consulted see the value of establishing and linking into a Pacific Conflict Transformation
Network (PCTN).
The specific objectives of the survey were
1. To find out and document activities currently being carried out in the field of
conflict transformation throughout the Pacific region.
2. To ascertain whether there is a perceived need for regional co-ordination
facilities or any other support for conflict transformation activities.
25
3. To gauge what value those consulted see in linking to the PCTN, what
contribution they could make and what needs they have with regards to conflict
transformation and peace-building.
4. To discuss how that linkage would operate with those who support the concept,
including preferred location and the structure of the Network.
5. To learn how those active in the area of conflict transformation operate, and
whether they have developed any methods of identifying early warning or
potential sources of conflict.
2.2. Methodology
The survey took a span of four months between June and October 2004.
The countries covered include Papua New Guinea (PNG), Bougainville, the Solomon
Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga, Samoa, Kanaky (New Caledonia) and Fiji. At the time of this
report, only Kiribati had not been visited. PCRC had to re-schedule its fact-finding
mission to the Northern Pacific to early 2005 to include Kiribati. However, the option to
consult by e-mail and telephone is available for a more inclusive survey with those
islands nations not on the list.
To ensure local ownership of the project, PCRC worked through a national NGO partner
in each country. A list of key CSOs and individuals consulted is appended as Annex I.
The survey involved face-to-face interview based on a questionnaire. After the first few
interviews the formal questionnaire had to be abandoned for the more informal story
telling or talanoa sessions around lunch or dinner, coffee or kava sessions. This was
found to be the most stimulating, informative and relaxing means of gathering
information. It was not possible to find out what was already available in terms of conflict
prevention, without understanding the root causes or potential sources of conflict in
each country. Thus informal sessions centred mainly around the following areas:
Country profiles vary in length according to the scale and protraction of violence and the
lessons offered. The report attempts to avoid repetitions wherever possible especially
where similar cases are evident in the country profiles. To add flavour to the report,
personal anecdotes of relevance to the subject of the survey are included.
26
2.3. Limitations of the Survey
The survey is limited in scope and coverage. Among the countries covered are those
that have suffered devastation from armed and violent conflicts or displaying potential
signs of conflict.
Whilst being disinclined towards categorization or labels such as
“failed states” or “axis of instability,” the majority of these countries are Melanesian.
Perhaps further investigation should be carried out, which is well beyond the scope of
this survey, to ascertain why Melanesia exhibits more tendency towards violent conflicts
and a breakdown in law and order, compared to Polynesia or Micronesia. Furthermore,
why and how certain Pacific societies have remained peaceful and what lessons they
have to offer to the rest of the region.
It was not possible to cover all CSOs or NGOs in each country for various reasons,
including having to divide up my time between the two surveys. In most cases, I arrived
to find most of the partner NGOs preferred to wait for my arrival before arranging
meeting schedules. Despite the many challenges, I am optimistic that once the PCTN is
established, recognized and widely accepted, more NGOs and existing Networks would
see the strategic importance of being part of it.
27
SECTION III.
OVERVIEW OF CONFLICT IN THE PACIFIC
The Pacific
The Pacific is home to around six million people of indigenous and immigrant ethnic
groups, which occupy the 6,000 islands spread across the Pacific ocean and broadly
categorized into three main ethnic groupings: Melanesia, Polynesia and Micronesia. Of
the fifty island nations, twenty have gained political independence from colonial powers,
while the remaining territories and colonies continue to press for self-determination.
Of the eight countries covered by the survey, six are categorized as Melanesian:
Bougainville, Fiji, PNG, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Kanaky; while Tonga and Samoa
are Polynesian. Although Bougainville has not become independent yet from PNG, it is
treated individually in this survey because of its unique place in the history of violent
conflicts in the region since World War Two.
In July 2003, the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands
(RAMSI) which consisted of police and military personnel from nine countries in the
Pacific, arrived in the Solomons in response to the PIF Biketawa Declaration that
mandated a regional response to violent conflicts on the islands over the past five
years.
As Nic Maclellan stated in his observation, these conflicts were “small
by global
standards but significant for small island developing states and included the following

12:
Conflicts over democratic rights, land and indigenous paramountcy which led to the
military coups in Fiji in 1987 and 2000;
Nic Maclellan, 2004. “Creating Peace in the Pacific: Conflict Resolution, Reconciliation and Restorative Justice”
Draft chapter for ECCP book on “Conflict Prevention in the Asia-Pacific region” (forthcoming, 2004).
12
28

Bougainville war between 1989-1998 where up to 15,000 people died during a
blockade of rebel areas and armed clashes between the PNGDF, pro-PNG
Resistance Forces (BRF) and the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA);

Armed conflict in the Solomon Islands in 1998 between rival militias, the Isatabu
Freedom Fighters of Guadalcanal and the Malaita Eagle Forces, the overthrow of
the government in June 2000 and taking hostage of the Prime Minister, and the
death of more than 200 people with an estimated 15,000-20,000 people being
displaced;

Violent clashes in 1984-88 in Kanaky between the French state, local European
settlers and the Kanak independence political movement, FLNKS which led to the
killing of Kanak pro-independence leader Jean Marie Tjibaou; and the more recent
inter-ethnic clashes and shootings between Kanaks and Wallisian settlers in St Louis
near Noumea between 2003-2004;

The assassination of a Samoan Cabinet Minister in July 1999 in a conspiracy by two
former Cabinet Ministers with the killer-hitman being the son of one of the latter;

The on-going Indonesian military occupation and murder of West Papuans who are
fighting for independence from Indonesia and the displacement of thousands of
refugees across the border to PNG;

The on-going tribal fights, killings and raskol warfare in the highlands of Papua New
Guinea.
While East Timor gained its independence in 2003, the struggle for self
determination by West Papua, Bougainville, French Polynesia and Kanaky have
dominated regional political agenda for almost two decades to the new millennium.
Political instability, changing governments and leaders has become a norm in some
countries of the region, the main ones being Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea,
where politicians are known to cross the floor of Parliament according to their whims,
posing political challenges for their countries, people and the region. On the other
hand, Tonga’s pro-democracy movement continues to struggle against an absolute
monarchy which is not accountable to the people.
29
The phrase “failed states” that were used in Africa have also been brandished
around in the Pacific, particularly in reference to the Solomon Islands, Papua New
Guinea and Nauru.
Except for the global US-led War on Terror, a quick assessment of conflicts in the
region recognizes that the main threat to national peace and security is internal
rather than external. Conflicts in the region are now fought within borders, amongst
people who have lived side by side for close to a century with the main casualties
being civilians.
SECTION IV
COUNTRY PROFILE
1.0. BOUGAINVILLE
I have found it necessary to dwell at length on the context of the Bougainville Crisis
because of the many lessons that it has to offer the area of conflict transformation in the
Pacific. Contacts for the trip was made through Sydney-based International spokesman
and Board Member for PCRC, Moses Havini, and other local contacts.
1.1. Colonial History
In 1884, Germany set up its colonial administration on Rabaul, New Britain after laying
claim to the North-eastern quarter of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. In
1898, following a trade-off between Britain, the United States and Germany over the two
Samoa, Germany gave up the southern Solomon Islands to Britain, but retained control
of Bougainville.
This effectively separated Bougainville from their Solomon Islands
relatives, with whom they share common cultural and ethnic ties compared to PNG.
In 1914 when the first World War began, Bougainville came under Australian military
control after Australia took over German New Guinea and remained administered under
Australian mandate in 1920 through the League of Nations. In 1949 Papua and New
Guinea became integrated, with Australia maintaining control of PNG and Bougainville
30
until PNG’s independence in 1975, although Bougainville had declared its own
independence from PNG much earlier.
1.2. Australian Copper Mine
Between 1969 and 1988, the Panguna copper mine in Bougainville became the world's
largest open cut mine. Operated by the Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), the PNG
government owned 20 per cent of the shares, while 53 per cent was owned by Conzinc
Rio Tinto Australia Ltd (CRA), generating much profits for PNG and Australia.
As early as 1972, Bougainvilleans had protested against the mine as they were never
informed nor part of the decision-making in the early stages of the operation and
exploration. Women as traditional landowners were never consulted, hence the
operation was insensitive and insulting to the cultural norms of the land. The Nasioi
people to whom the land belonged witnessed the destruction of their traditional
agricultural and forest lands which had sustained them, and their spiritual roots and
identity for centuries. When Bougainville women, some holding babies, lay in protest in
front of the bulldozers that came to clear the forest, they were confronted with riot police
wielding tear gas and batons.
1.3. Environmental and Social Disaster
While the mine generated millions of dollars of profit to PNG and Australia and provided
PNG's main source of income, there was little financial benefit flowing back to the
landowners, through inadequate compensation for the disruption on their lives and
exploitation of their environment. They saw the mine as an environmental and social
disaster. As around 800 Bougainvilleans were displaced from their lands and more lost
their fishing rights, New Guineans who flooded in to work on the mine illegally squatted
on Bougainville land, inciting ill feelings and violence.
A major part of the area was deforested with tonnes of mine waste or tailings dumped
into the Jaba River, polluting their source of food and fishing rights. Environmental
damage extended down to the coastal area to the mining town of Arawa, a great
contrast from the squalid conditions of the landowners.
31
1.4. The Crisis 1988 -1998
In 1988, Bougainvilleans landowners presented a claim for compensation of 10 million
kina (NZD$3 million) to the PNG government and CRA. This was ignored, and group,
led by Francis Ona, responded by blowing up the electricity pylons servicing the mine,
thus forcing the mine's closure.
The PNG government responded with a military
solution, by sending the PNG Defence Force (PNGDF), which soon declared a state of
emergency, and rounded up civilians into “care centres,” triggering a reign of terror that
protracted into a decade of displacement, destruction and violence with more than
10,000 lives being lost.
Francis Ona and his supporters formed the Bouganivlle Revolutionary Army (BRA) and
declared an outright guerrilla war claiming, "Our land is being polluted, our water is
being polluted, the air we breathe is being polluted with dangerous chemicals that are
slowly killing us and destroying our land for future generations. Better that we die
fighting than to be slowly poisoned." 13
The civil war that forced the closure of the mine at Panguna, became a war for
independence from PNG, the protection of the environment and indigenous rights.
Between 1989 and 1998 PNGDF imposed a sea and air blockade on Bougainville to
force the BRA to surrender to PNG control. The BRA resisted armed with sticks, spears
and home-made or captured weapons. The Australian government assisted PNG with
financial aid, training and equipment while naval boats patrolled the sea border with the
Solomon Islands where thousands of Bougainvilleans had fled to their relatives as
refugees.
The blockade resulted in thousands more dying from lack of access to basic healthcare,
medicines, the destruction of infrastructure, roads and public services such as hospitals
13
The main source for the quotation and information on this section on Bougainville is from the website :
http://www.planet.org.nz/pacific_action/home_index.html
32
and schools. Many women gave birth in the bushes while many more could not make it.
Women were raped as weapons of war, and thousands of children were born out of
such violation.
Finally, weary from war, a series of peace negotiations were facilitated by the New
Zealand government by 1997 which included the Burnham Declaration and Truce
(July/Oct1997), the Cairns Commitment (Nov 1997) that endorsed a Truce Monitoring
Group (TMG), the Lincoln Agreement (Jan 1998) and the 1998 UN Security Council
endorsement for a UN Observer Mission to Bougainville (UNOMB). Finally the
Bougainville Peace Agreement was signed in Arawa in 2001, bringing to an end the
most violent conflict in the South Pacific since Pacific soldiers fought against the
Japanese on Bougainville during the second world war.
Lasting almost a decade, with up to fifteen thousand deaths and many more missing
persons, the Bougainville crisis resulted in a lost generation and a traumatized nation
struggling to heal from the wounds, the battering, the rape and the violence inflicted on
themselves, on each other and on their loved ones by the PNGDF, BRA and BRF.
1.5. Survey Findings
The lesson of Bougainville has much to offer those working for peace in the Pacific or
elsewhere in the world. The words of a friend, “The crisis has made us Bougainville
women even stronger” are very encouraging. Indeed as Shakespeare teaches us in
Julius Caesar, conflicts have the potential for re-generation, renewal, resilience and refocusing towards greater reconstruction if those involved can learn constructive lessons
from the bitter memories.
1.5.1. Other Sources of Concern
In Bougainville, time begins from the “crisis,” hence sources or potential sources of
conflict are seen to be associated with the Crisis. These include:
33
i.
Socio-Economic Impact

Domestic and Sexual Violence

Home brew and drug abuse (and betel nut abuse) to cope with trauma

Youth Issues and Idleness
Like elsewhere in the region, unemployment and the lack of opportunities due to
disruptions to education, youths spend time on drugs (marijuana) and home brew, and
face threats from HIV/Aids, teenage pregnancies.

Trauma faced by those who have missing relatives and loved ones and feelings
of injustice, frustration and anger for those responsible (e.g. PNGDF, excombatants) who are most likely to be granted impunity and pardon for the
violations.

Lack of economic opportunities and/or abuse of BETA funds
(ii) Dispute over Economic Resources
Land Disputes remain one of the hottest issues and as early as July when I was there,
and quite recently the Ieta landowners had shut down the Buka airport and the wharf for
what they claim are unpaid leases and royalties.
(iii) Justice and Good Governance

Human Rights Violations during the Crisis and lack of efforts towards justice as a
priority. Prosecution is a non-issue as main priority has been to get the infrastructure
going again in order to move the country forward. However, everyone knows that
there can be no peace without justice hence anger towards impunity and pardon.

Weak governance structures e.g. weak Police Force, Judiciary, remote control
from Port Moresby and low budgetary allocation for public services and basic
amenities cause much frustration and lack of faith.

Abuse of BETA funds, an AusAID-funded Bougainville Ex-combatants Trust
Account that was aimed at compensating ex-combatants so they could engage in
meaningful economic activities. Some felt that this was a form of bribery to buy the
loyalty of the ex-combatants but which only resulted in abuse of funds and the lack
of any real attempt towards addressing genuine peace efforts.
34
iv) Disarmament through Weapons Disposal Program
This is a pre-condition for the Peace process and autonomous government
structure. There is a general suspicion that key people are still holding on to
weapons. There is also a great concern that Francis Ona, the key player in the
Crisis, is still out of the peace process in his “No-Go Zone” and until he becomes
involved, there can be no guarantee for genuine peace in Bougainville.
v) Political Process

Lack of confidence in the process leading to an autonomous government

Some felt that the people are not ready for an autonomous government as there
are priority issues to be fulfilled first such as re-building basic infrastructure,
public service amenities, education and hospitals.

Lack of trust in the PNG government to facilitate the autonomous government
according to the Peace Agreement.
1.5.2. Existing strategies/work on conflict transformation
I was only confined to the Buka-based CSOs as it was not possible to get across to
Arawa due to rains and flooding. There are many faith-based and women’s
organizations based in Buka and all CSOs come under the umbrella body,
Bougainville Alliance of Community Development Agencies. (BACDA). In Arawa
NGOS such as OSITANATA (formerly Oxfam NZ Program), and the Women for
Peace and Freedom and others would have been visited had the opportunity arisen.
However, areas of conflict transformation currently being covered include:
i) Domestic Violence and Crisis Counselling
Leitana Nehan Women’s Development Agency, headed by Helen Hakena in Buka is
a well-established NGO offering counselling to victims of domestic and sexual
violence and child abuse. It also conducts awareness-raising on violence against
women, voter education and women’s empowerment. The Centre is a key member
of the Pacific Network Against Violence Against Women, (PNAVAW), with the
secretariat at the Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre.
35
ii) Humanitarian and Relief Services
Most of the faith-based organisations such as Caritas Bougainville, ADRA
(Adventist Relief Agency) and Red Cross offer humanitarian aid and relief
services.
iii) Restorative Justice, Mediation
The Melanesia Peace Foundation with its head office in Port Moresby conducts
training on mediation skills, restorative justice and reconciliation.
iv) Traditional means of Reconciliation and Forgiveness
This has played a large role in bringing together people and the mending of
relationships.
v) Post-Conflict Trauma Counselling and Peace-building
All churches offer pastoral counseling for members. These include the Catholic
church, Uniting Church, Seventh Day Adventist and others. Women and youth
issues are an integral part of the pastoral care of the Churches.
The Bougainville Trauma Counselling Institute (BTCI), a partner of the Caritas
(Bougainville, PNG, NZ and Australia) Pacific Network on Post-Conflict Trauma
and Peace-building is a non-denominational post-conflict trauma counseling
centre that conducts school-based peace-building and conflict resolution
programs, and community programs through an AusAID funded Community
Development Scheme (CDS).
vi) Weapons Disposal Programme (UN/UNDP monitored)
Many people expressed faith and hope in the UN-monitored weapons collection
and disposal program which has resulted in the successful collection of 80
percent of weapons, and is a key condition in the autonomous government
process. However, fear remains that key personnel are still holding on to
weapons in an atmosphere of negative peace and distrust.
36
 Small Arms and IANSA
Leitana Nehan is a key member of the International Action Network on Small
Arms (IANSA), and is very active on small arms disarmament issues, with its
Executive Director, Helen Hakena having represented the Pacific in the 2001 UN
Conference on Small Arms and Light Weapons in New York. The late George
Lesi, Programme Director of Leitana, who sadly passed away in August, was
involved in participatory research and was writing a report for IANSA at the time
of his demise.
vii) Women, Peace and Security project (UNIFEM)
UNIFEM has conducted capacity building for the Provincial Council of Women in
Bougainville on voter education, reconciliation, documentation of women’s
experience of the Crisis, participatory research in small arms issues, and efforts
towards identifying early warning signs. However, women feel that training must
be on-going to ensure that local women take over ownership of their own peace
and security concerns.
 Pacific Women’s Peacemakers Network (IFOR)
This Network was set up through a consultation jointly organized in East Timor
by the Netherlands-based International Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR) and
the Peace and Democracy Foundation (PDF) in January 2004. This brought
together Melanesian women from areas of conflict to share lessons and propose
strategies to establish and strengthen a Pacific Women’s Peace Network in the
region. Helen Hakena, Monica and Genevieve Pisi, of the Women for Peace and
Freedom of the BICWF were important contacts I had met in Timor Leste in
January and who greatly assisted in the survey.
 Women’s Capacity Building, Economic and Political Empowerment
Through the Bougainville Inter-Church Women’s Forum, Women for Peace and
Freedom, Leitana Nehan and the Provincial Council of Women. Also includes the
documenting of experiences such as the recently published, “As Mothers of the
Land” by Josephine Sirivi.
37
viii) Youth Ambassadors for Peace Program (YAP) Uniting Church
A number of youth workers and leaders that I spoke to had participated in the Peace
Program run by the Uniting Church in Sydney.
1.5.3. Relevance of PCTN and Potential Role
Most of the CSOs are already members of existing networks, however, most see the
potential in strengthening their positions through the proposed PCTN which can
specifically address conflict prevention in the region. As a country that has gone through
great adversity from the Crisis, Bougainvilleans are willing to offer their expertise based
on bitter lessons learnt, to save the rest of the region. The Network could ideally take up
“sensitive” issues that are difficult to advocate or handle at local level which include the
following:
i) Documentation and Advocacy for Justice from Human Rights Violations
The violations inflicted by the PNGDF and ex-combatants, through the rape of women
and the children born from the violations, the plight of Bougainville women, who, in their
desperation to escape the Crisis, married PNG soldiers, only to find on arrival in PNG
that the men were already married. Some concerns were raised on the justice aspect of
these violations especially when the PNGDF are granted impunity.
ii) Monitoring of Peace Process and Peace Agreements
iii)Youth Peace Internship Programmes
iv) Disarmament Campaign
Monitoring of disarmament and the demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of excombatants into meaningful civilian service.
1.5.4. Possible structure and location
Most NGOs would like to see added value in linking to the PCT Network, through
consistent local level input, such as through a desk in an existing organisation. The
Network host must also be seen to play a more pro-active role at local level.
38
1.5.5. Contribution to and Assistance from PCTN
Those consulted are happy to contribute their area of expertise and women’s groups
would like to strengthen their capacity in conflict resolution, mediation and negotiation at
formal level in order to realize UN Resolution (Oct 2000) 1325 on Women, Peace and
Security.
It is envisaged that the exchange of information, human resources and lessons learnt
could better contribute to the prevention of violent conflicts and saving of lives in the
region.
2.0. PAPUA NEW GUINEA
2.1. Sources Of Conflict
2.1.1. National Security and Gun-running
I left for PNG with a biased outlook based on security concerns raised by small arms
colleagues, Fijian friends and a travel advisory by the Fiji High Commission in Moresby
against taking a taxi or walking the streets alone. This was based on the frequency of
armed hold-ups which Fijians in Moresby had personally experienced and frequent
reports of rapes of women in public transport. High security gates and security guards
bear testimony to how upper class Moresby residents take personal security very
seriously. Needless to say, I felt like a prisoner in Moresby, which severely affected my
mobility to meet with relevant NGOs.
2.1.2. Socio-Economic and Political Indicators
Political instability has seen frequent changes in leadership and government, while
corrupt practices and abuse of office by prominent people impact greatly on the socioeconomic conditions of the nation. Bad leadership and bad governance incurs a heavy
cost in most countries of the Pacific which can least afford it.
The latest Asian Development Bank (ADB) assessment of Pacific Island countries
(PICs) ranks PNG last in the human development index and notes that it remains
39
“extremely poor” as the least developed amongst Pacific Island nations. 14 The report
states that up to 40 per cent of the population, or about 2.8 million people live in
poverty, surviving on USD $1 (or 3.16 kina) a day, an increase of 25 per cent since
1996.
The Report highlighted poor governance and ineffective public sector management with
law and order problems, lack of rural infrastructure, inadequate macroeconomic
policies, and lack of good governance, as obstacles to economic growth and human
development in PNG. Other issues highlighted are corruption especially by politicians,
gun running, and HIV/Aids which has reached epidemic proportions in PNG with close
to 7,000 being officially known.
The sprawling urban squatter settlements beside the high-rise security gates of wealthy
residents, remains a symbol of the wide economic disparity between the minority elites
and the majority of people who are marginalized from the benefits of development who
are desperate to make a living in the urban areas. These settlements become
incubators for scenes of crime and violence in the city.
2.1.3. Ethnic, Cultural and Linguistic Diversity
However, it must be acknowledged that Papua New Guinea is a land of contrast and
diversity. There are more than 7,000 languages, signifying the same number of ethnic
groups and distinct cultures. Flying over PNG to Rabaul, I was struck by the rich natural
resources and the immense beauty of the islands. There is so much potential in the
land. Yet, a nation that cannot adequately meet the basic needs of its people, cannot
guarantee peace, security and stability for them.
2.1.4. Environmental Destruction
That a resource-rich nation like PNG could rank lowest in terms of development in the
region, is a great irony. The on going land disputes, environmental destruction from
logging and mining corporations and unfair legislations provide another dimension to
internal conflicts. The government cannot leave the development of parts of this great
14
PNG - DEVELOPMENT: NATIONAL
in PACNEWS, Mon 22 Nov 2004
40
land mass to the whims of private Asian logging or mining investors, or TNCs, which
can turn out to control parts of the country as overlords with power to control the police
through bribery and corruption. The lesson of Bougainville cannot be ignored by the
PNG government.
2.1.5. Spillover from Self Determination struggle across borders
The struggle for self-determination by West Papua and Bougainville have imposed extra
responsibilities for PNG to cope with. These include the influx of refugees across the
West Papua border, and the sea border between the Solomon Islands and Bougainville.
However, an important lesson that PNG and the rest of the region should learn, with
regards to the Bougainville crisis, is that, military solution should never be used to
resolve a conflict where civilians are struggling to realize their human rights and
security.
2.1.6. Military Destabilisation
PNG is one of the three PICs with a standing army, the others being Tonga and Fiji. In
2001 the PNG government announced plans to lay off 2,000 soldiers, which is about
half of the PNGDF to save costs for an ailing economy. In March 2001, soldiers
protested, rioted and seized arms from the Murray Barracks, calling for the resignation
of Prime Minister Morauta, the expulsion of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
World Bank consultants and Australian military advisors.
In March 2002, soldiers at the Moem Barracks staged another mutiny demanding that
government immediately halt the retrenchment and made political demands to address
economic reforms including a halt to privatization, land mobilization and the expulsion of
World Bank officials who had recommended the job cuts. The soldiers claimed that
there was too much interference from outside, particularly from international institutions
like the IMF and World Bank.
At the time of the survey in July 2004, the Australian government was assisting with the
funding of redundancy packages for the soldiers who are being laid off and also in the
41
construction, greater security and accountability of those responsible for the state
armoury. However, an important lesson from this is how those who are charged with
national security, can become the very source of instability in the country such as
happened in Fiji in 1987 and 2000, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and PNG, where
soldiers and para-military police are the very ones leaking out guns from the state
armoury for illegal activities.
2.1.
Existing strategies in Conflict Transformation
(i)
Restorative Justice, Mediation and Reconciliation by The Melanesia
Peace Foundation which also has an office in Buka, Bougainville.
(ii)
Women’s Human Rights, Domestic Violence, Rape Crisis Centre through
CSOs like the Individual and Community Rights and Advocacy Forum
(ICRAF)
(iii)
Small Arms and gun control issues – by Caritas PNG
(iv)
Faith-based conflict resolution and counseling – such as the National
Council of Churches and the Catholic Church through the Catholic Bishops
Conference (CBC) for PNG and the Solomon Islands, Lutheran, SDA, Uniting
Church and others. The churches have programs for women and youth
empowerment and strengthening of the family unit.
(v)
Traditional institutions of reconciliation and conflict resolution are
common, and certain kustom practices such as “pay-back” must be reviewed
to be consistent with international and national human rights law.
2.3. Catholic General Assembly in Rabaul – An anecdote
Through the facilitation of the General Secretary for the Catholic Bishops
Conference, Lawrence Stephens, one of our key contacts in Moresby, I was invited
to the annual General Assembly of the Catholic Church for PNG and Bougainville
which was being held at the Catholic Mission in Vunapope, Rabaul, New Britain. I
was informed that many people I would not have been able to meet in the city would
42
be there also. It was the chance of a life-time which would definitely make up for the
lack of contacts in the city.
I arrived in Vunapope, thousands of miles from home, wondering what I was letting
myself in for. I was immediately whisked into the Hall where hundreds of delegates
were gathered for the Assembly. With a few others who were on a pilgrimage from
Australia, we were welcomed by the Chair, none other than Mr Bernard Narokobi,
former Speaker of Parliament and former PNG Cabinet Minister. I recognized him
from a previous life – when the PNG delegation and I were stuck for hours without
our luggage at the Amman International Airport, Jordan on our way to attend the
International Parliamentary Union Conference in April 2000, two weeks before the
May 2000 coup in Fiji.
I was assured by my host that I would not be expected to address the Assembly who
had been informed prior to our arrival that there were some visitors. So far so good,
as I would prefer to go about my mission quietly. Immediately after greeting us, Mr
Narokobi insisted that our visitor from Fiji take the floor. I was not prepared for this.
But, this was as good an opportunity to tell the hundreds of people who had come
from all over this land of diversity and contrast, which I am never likely to visit in my
lifetime, about what I was doing here.
It was brief, but it spelled out the purpose of my visit, and why I was among them
that weekend. It tied in with the theme of peace explored throughout the week.
There was no shortage of ideas and people to talk to. I took part in all the
ceremonies and rituals and enjoyed my weekend with the Sisters at the Convent.
The weekend was spent mingling with the hundreds of delegates, men, women and
youths, and those in robes, through informal talanoa at meal times or sitting around
watching the cultural events. I was also privileged to meet with some public figures
that would have been impossible to meet under normal circumstances, such as
Bougainville Governor John Momis and his wife Elizabeth and the Bishops of
43
Bougainville and others. Mrs Momis became a key contact when I got to
Bougainville.
On Sunday morning there was a huge celebration to remember the beatification of
Peter Torott, the local hero who had saved many of his people during the Japanese
raid on the island in the second world war. I also met with the Prime Minister,
Michael Somare.
I learnt later that Mr Narokobi himself had been instrumental in setting up the
Melanesia Peace Foundation. The early morning tremors at around 4.00 a.m. (which
were regarded by islanders as normal for the island’s famous volcano, especially
when there were visitors around ) as I was preparing to leave for Bougainville, made
me realize that I was not prepared for any unexpected events as I was not insured
and being so far away from home. On the whole, I felt so enriched, and
acknowledged that indeed, there is a time, a place and a purpose for everything
under the sun.
2.4.
Potential Benefits for a PCTN
Many people I spoke to at this church gathering were openly supportive of the idea
of a PCTN and wished to be involved when the time comes. After all for most of the
delegates, conflict resolution and peace-building were part of the normal activities
they carried out in their daily contacts with the people in the diverse areas they
come from, whether from the islands, up north, down south, east or the western
highlands.
Many felt that PNG tends to be isolated from the rest of the region, because of its
closer proximity to Australia and high costs of traveling to the Pacific, but they have
a lot of valuable lessons to offer to the region and to learn from. The onus would be
on the organizers of the PCTN to keep in contact with them and to share information
and get them involved as resources. One example is the planned National Gun
Summit which is scheduled for April 2005. Caritas and Oxfam NZ and Australian
networks, the media, and IANSA networks are doing work on the ground to address
44
gun-running in the highlands and parts of PNG under the control of “raskols”. Those
I spoke to during the survey eagerly look forward to further action on the PCTN
through a regional consultation, forum or summit where the more formal structure of
the PCTN could be thrashed out.
3.0.
SOLOMON ISLANDS
I arrived in Honiara a week after the first anniversary of the PIF-sponsored Regional
Assistance Mission in Solomon Islands (RAMSI) in July 2004. The capital was still
in a celebration mood, with banners hung across the streets. I was told I was lucky I
had come then and not earlier before RAMSI as people were now beginning to walk
about with confidence following the arrest of some of the most notorious militant
leaders. I will not go into detail on the conflict and the apparent break down in law
and order from 1998 to 2003 which has been adequately covered elsewhere 15, but
will only highlight a few critical background issues.
3.1. Background and root causes of the Conflict16
The current estimated population of the Solomon Islands is around half a million
(although figures vary between 450,000 in 2003 to current estimate 509,000). The
people speak 70 distinct languages, with their own historical, cultural and ethnic
diversity, but with pidjin as the common language. The two main islands are
matrilineal-based Guadalcanal, where the capital Honiara is located, and Malaita,
which is patrilineal.
During World War Two, around 5,000 Malaitans migrated to Guadalcanal to work in
the US military base in Honiara or as soldiers. They remained after the war to work
in the UK-led post-war transitional development and since then, descendants have
dominated every facet of Solomon Island life including Parliament, politics, public
service, police and employment.
15
16
See Amnesty International Report on “Solomon Islands: Women Confronting Violence, November, 2004.
Ib.id pp 47-49.
45
3.1.1. Disparity over resources and benefits of development
Some of the root causes of the inter-ethnic outbursts from 1998 which reared its ugly
head in the violent clashes of June 2000, can be attributed to the lack of sensitivity
on the part of outsiders to the cultural norms of the land. As a matrilineal society,
women are the traditional landowners in Guadalcanal, although they play no part in
local land dealings between community leaders and settlers, government officials, or
businessmen seeking to acquire land. According to the recently released Amnesty
International report on the Solomon Islands,
Local militants claimed that Malaitans established on an agreed
lease often mushroomed with successive generations squatting
around an original lease. After independence in 1978, poor
governance contributed to ethnic friction, with perceptions
among Malaitans of having contributed most to the nation,
while views expressed in rural Guadalcanal saw Malaitans as
taking more than their fair share of economic benefits17.
Among root causes that triggered off the escalation of violence in 2000 are
unresolved socio-economic and cultural rights which were contained in the demands
of the Honiara Peace Accord in 1999. These included the demand for the return of
alienated lands believed to have been acquired illegally by migrants from Malaita.
3.1.2. Socio-economic conditions and impact of globalization
The ADB estimated that between 1977-78, the Solomon Islands saw a 15-20
percent drop in GDP in just one year, which was partly due to the withdrawal of
capital after the financial crash in Asia and was exacerbated by the El Nino drought
in 1978.18
17
Ib.id. p. 48
Maclellan, Nic. 2004. “Creating Peace in the Pacific: Conflict Resolution, Reconciliation and Restorative Justice”
Draft chapter for ECCP book on Conflict Prevention in the Asia-Pacific region (forthcoming, 2004).
18
46
3.1.3. Poor governance and failure of state apparatus
The failure of the Malaita-dominated government to address the conflict, fuelled
further resentment by Malaitans who had fallen victim to local militancy and
terrorism and had lost property, income and lives. The illegal access to arms leaked
from state armoury, exacerbated the conflict. More than 20,000 people sought
refuge n Honiara while Malaitans demanded compensation from government for
their losses and violations.
3.1.4. Spill over from Bougainville Crisis
The fact that thousands of Bougainvilleans fled as refugees to neighbouring
Solomon Islands, imposed a heavy toll on the host country, causing increased
pressure on the land, environment, public service and provision of basic amenities,
and the already depleted law enforcement and military resources.
Frequent cross-border raids by members of the PNGDF to hunt down BRA militants
had influenced the purchase of high powered military style weapons by the Police
force for use in border patrols in the Solomon Islands. This not only chewed up
scarce resources, but was perhaps a signal of worse things to come, with the Police
stocking up on high powered arms that were unsuited to normal police operations.
Some of these weapons eventually ended up in the hands of the militant groups by
being leaked out from legal police armoury, which greatly exacerbated the conflict.
3.2.

Current strategies for Conflict Transformation
National Peace Council (NPC) and Community Peace and Restoration Fund
(CPRF) an AusAID-funded project with a multi-sectoral approach that involves
NGOs who have expertise in particular areas to provide training for youth
workers and peace monitors in conflict resolution, healing and restorative justice,
counseling, conflict transformation.

Utilizing traditional means of conflict resolution and mediation, restorative
justice through NPC, and through the facilitation of leaders and chiefs.
47

Advancing women’s capacity and efforts towards Peace building and decisionmaking through the National Council of Women, Women for Peace, and
information dissemination through the media by Vois Belong Meri (Women’s
NGO):

Addressing women’s and children’s human/legal rights, tackling violence
against women and children through the Family Support Centre and RRRTsponsored training for women’s NGOs.

Women, Peace and Security through UNIFEM which is located within the
Government’s Department for Women with four key components:
(i) Research and data collection and analysis for early warning signs, root
causes of conflict and impact of conflict on women and children and small
arms research survey.
(ii) Education, advocacy and training
(iii) Conflict Resolution, and Peace-building
(iv) Gender perspective

Church-based peace-building facilitation and conflict prevention, resolution,
mediation, negotiation through the Melanesian Brotherhood, Catholic Bishops
Conference, Adventist Church, Anglican, Church of Melanesia, Solomon Islands
Christian Association (SICA).

Weapons disposal programme and disarmament (RAMSI and NPC)
Some of the reported achievements of RAMSI to date have included:19
 The disarming of militants with around 3,700 guns including 700 highpowered military style weapons collected.
 The arrest of Weathercoast militant leader, Harold Keke which was a critical
component for peace restoration in the SI for a number of reasons. People
19
Solomon Islands National Peace Council, unpublished source, July 2004.
48
felt safe and secure while other armed militants felt confident to surrender
their guns knowing that he was behind bars.
 The investigation and arrest of criminal groups with potential of becoming
lawless and violent.
 Restore confidence in the RSI (Royal Solomon Islands) Police Force and
good governance within the structure of the Police. Prior to this the Police had
been considered corrupt, weak and lawless after members leaked guns from
the state armoury in June 2000 which defeated the very purpose of the Police
to maintain and enforce law and order.

Peace and Conflict Development Analysis (UNDP tool)
NPC to build capacity of chiefs, traditional leaders, women leaders, youths and
other community leaders as peace monitors and responsible leaders. Despite the
presence of RAMSI, the ultimate responsibility for peace and order in SI falls on the
people.
3.3. Relevance in linking to a PCTN and potential Role

Having a Network would greatly enhance opportunities for capacity building and
sharing of information, lessons learnt, financial and human resources. Increased
interaction means greater impact.

Members will benefit from a “Who’s Who” database on who is doing, what,
where and how in Conflict Transformation in the region, which is to be one of the
outcomes of the PCTN.

The Network can be tasked to monitor the implementation of peace agreements
and post-conflict constitutional processes.

Women’s groups see such a Network as taking a pro-active role at regional
level in the recognition and promotion of women’s efforts towards conflict
prevention and peace building to complement the role of international
organizations whose agenda is determined from outside the region.
49

Those consulted would like to see a Network that is functional and located in an
area, secretariat or host organisation that is easily accessible to all members,
and which understands the cultural history and factors that have contributed to
the conflict situation in each country. There is a need for local ownership of the
Network at local level either through the umbrella organizations or a desk at a
national NGO.
4.0. VANUATU
So far, Vanuatu has avoided the wide scale conflicts that have destabilized other
parts of Melanesia in the lead up to the new millenium. However, that is not to say
that it can remain immune from the potential sources conflicts and globalization.
4.1. Sources and Potential sources of conflict

There have been instances where conflict could have erupted into violence such
as that which occurred between the Vanuatu police and the para-military
Vanuatu Mobile Force (VMF) in August 2002. The conflict was resolved by
“kastom” peace reconciliation through the facilitation of the Malvatumauri or
Vanuatu National Council of Chiefs. The peaceful resolution signifies the
importance of timely and effective response. The public ceremony of peace was
attended by the Prime Minister, high chiefs, police and VMF leaders, and
involved customary exchange of pigs and mats as compensation for their actions
in disturbing public peace.20

Political instability has however dominated the local scene throughout 2004, with
see-saw swings in changing leadership which is recognized as one of the early
warning signs for potential conflicts. However, ni-Vanuatu people are quite used
to changing governments and leadership that they have stopped being
concerned.
20
Maclellan, 2004. Ib id.
50
Other sources of concern include:

The slow economic development of the country, which leaves Vanuatu to the
mercy of foreign investor;

Land disputes

Fear of Asian business people dominating the commerce sector

Domestic violence and child abuse

Lack of recognition of the capacity and potential role of women in the decision
making process of the country

Youth “time bomb” due to an education system that fails to prepare young people
for meaningful employment or to develop the natural resources of the land

Wide economic disparity between the rich and the poor especially the predominantly rural population and the minority who “have”

The very high cost of living ($1 vatu = USD$1).
4.2. Existing Conflict Transformation Strategies
4.2.1.Pacific Peace-Building Initiatives (PPI)
Through my discussion with Presbyterian church leader Pastor Fiame Rakau, I was
made aware of the existence of a Pacific Peace-building Initiative (PPBI) on
“Sustainable Reconciliation in divided societies,” available at the Sydney-based
Reverend Alan Walker College. Pacific participants are normally alerted through the
church network. There are six sessions with each session ranging from 5-7 days and
include:

Fundamentals of Peacebuilding

Practice of Reconciliation

Women in Peacebuilding

Conflict Transformation in a Corporate or Industrial Setting

Reconciliation Processes in Cultures of the Pacific

Religion as a Resource for Peace

Christian theology of Reconciliation and Justpeace

Poverty Reduction and the Peace-building process
51

Community-based Restorative Justice

Developing Initiatives and Strategies for Peace-building
The course is open to Pacific peoples from both conflict and “peaceful” countries
while many Pacific islanders are involved as tutors. Vanuatu’s involvement is
through Chairman, Mr George Sokomanu and Rev Rakua who acts as a
facilitator.
4.2.2.Capacity Building and Economic Empowerment
A number of NGOs are involved in capacity building at grassroots levels through
legal literacy, decision making and economic empowerment so that ordinary people
could take responsibility for their own sustainability rather than rely on the limited
resources of government. These NGOs are also part of larger national or regional
networks or affiliations such the umbrella body VANGO, National Komuniti
Development Trust (NKDT), VRDTCA, National Council of Women (NCW) and
others.
4.2.2.
Human Rights Organisations
Local NGOs in this category conduct training on human rights and legal rights of
women and children through the RRRT Network, Violence against women Network
such as Vanuatu Women’s Centre, Disabled Peoples group, Trade Unions.
4.2.3.
West Papua Solidarity Group
The Vanuatu government has been the most sympathetic to the West Papua cause
for self-determination, raising the issue in PIForum meetings, at UN level and
allowing an advocacy group to set up office in Port Vila. Former Prime Minister
Serge Vohor had spoken out Vanuatu has spoken in favour of West Papua joining
the Melanesia Spearhead Group, drawing ire from the PNG government which is
pro-Indonesian.
4.3. Benefits of PCTN
52
4.2. Potential benefits of linking to a PCTN
Most of the NGOs in Vanuatu are peace-time groups which have never had to deal
with the consequences of a large-scale conflict as in Bougainville, Fiji and the
Solomon Islands. However they are very keen to be involved in the Network as they
see a lot of potential in linking in to on-going efforts throughout the region in the area
of peace-building and conflict transformation and to learn lessons that could alert
them to recognize potential warning signs and hence to mobilize their efforts and
resources towards prevention.
All organizations and individuals see potential value in a PCTN for all the reasons
that have been highlighted in the previous three countries. For Vanuatu NGOs

membership will add value to their accessing more information on what is
happening in the region in the area of conflict prevention and peace-building,

share lessons, best practices and resources with other Melanesian countries
in terms of staff exchanges and

capacity building in the conflict transformation, restorative justice, mediation,
conflict management.
Regional Council of Chiefs Network
In Vanuatu, I was informed that a delegation of traditional chiefs from Vanuatu
(Malvatumauri) was in the process of making a goodwill visit to the chiefs in the
Solomon Islands. I found it an excellent idea and thought how wonderful it would
be if the traditional chiefs in the Pacific could form a Network, depending on the
relevance of a sub-regional (Melanesian, Polynesian or Micronesia) or a regional
network to strengthen and consolidate their leadership role.
The idea has been widely supported in the countries visited so far, and it seems
that the PCTN could be seen to play a facilitating role in the establishment of an
indigenous chiefs network across the region, particularly in their role to prevent
conflicts.
53
5. 0.
KANAKY (NEW CALEDONIA)
Although, culturally part of Melanesia, Kanaky is one of the remaining French
colonies in the Pacific, and the language barrier was identified as a key obstacle that
prevents Kanaks from effectively participating in and contributing towards peace
building efforts in the region, which is seen to be concentrated in the Anglophone
region. They regarded this as a source of discrimination and exclusion against them.
They were very gratified when PCRC’s French translator Marie Pierre and I arrived
in Noumea to conduct the survey, as it indicated how much we value their
contribution to peace consolidation in the region.
Those consulted included traditional chiefs through the Customary Senate, women’s
groups, Trade Union, political party members of the FLNKS, church leaders,
domestic violence advocacy groups, human rights groups including youths,
members of the NFIP Movement and former PCRC staff and board members.
5.1. Sources of Conflict
(i) Struggle for Self Determination - the root
The struggle for self-determination and political independence is the underlying
cause upon which all other sources of disputes and disparities are foundered. As a
traditional chief stated during discussions, “Peace for Kanaky means struggling
against colonization and finding legitimacy in facing colonization.”
In the 1980s the political party FLNKS led the struggle for independence under the
Matignon Accord until the assassination of late leader, Jean Marie Tjibaou. The
1998 Noumea Accord laid down progressive steps towards independence including
a referendum after 15 years. However the Accord is seen by some Kanaks as being
manipulated to benefit only businessmen and the interests of a pro-French
government, rather than the Kanaks. There is a feeling that Kanaks have already
lost 5 of these15 years through the previous government of President Lafleur.
54
(ii) Conflict between Tradition and Colonization
Colonialism has brought about challenges and inconsistencies within and between
the traditional ways of the Kanaks and the French system where citizens are fully
accommodated according to French governance, language, administration and
culture, leaving very little room for the sustainability of the indigenous way of life.
Just like the Aborigines of Australia who were put in missions, and the Fijians who
were administered under protectionist colonial administration, Kanaks were put into
reserves, where they were confined for a long time, to the detriment of their
traditional know-how and skills, making them vulnerable to the new ways introduced
by the colonizers. These had impacted heavily on their traditional systems of
governance and other aspects of their culture.
(iii) Customary law versus French law
One of its greatest impact is seen in the diminishing role of the traditional chief when
customary law mitigates against conflict. Their role is increasingly being usurped
either by the police or church leaders.
An example is how the practice and application of common law is used to settle
disputes previously settled by traditional means. Two women joined a new
Charismatic church sect, but were advised against this by their chief as it would
bring about inconsistency in the village. Upon refusing, they were beaten up
according to traditional means of dealing with deviants. However they took the
matter to court and the chief was later charged and sentenced to a few months in
jail. This has thrown much confusion among tribal members who had to struggle to
understand the role of the chief among his people and the punitive system of the
settlers, where even protocol in a tribal meeting is done by the national police. This
has been identified as a source of conflict.
Customary laws can be used to resolve conflicts or problems among Kanaks and to
complement colonial law. There needs to be a re-balance to ensure that customary
law is not discarded altogether as it has a place among the indigenous peoples.
55
(iv) Land Title Disputes
The management of land rights is a major source of conflict between the
government, settlers and Kanak landowners. Outsiders often fail to appreciate
the close connection and spiritual relationship that indigenous peoples have
towards their environment, particularly the land.
The identity of Kanaky is rooted in their land, and their relationship is based on
stewardship rather than the exploitation and destruction of the environment or the
alienation of lands for foreigners to lease, buy, own, or exploit.
The Kanaks are continuously being deprived of their land, a process which they
see as being supported by certain provisions of the Noumea Accord. The
government makes changes without informing the landowners on the reverting of
titles from “Public Land” into “Private Land” with a simple decree, and thousands
of hectares of land are being sold at a very cheap price to associates or private
companies. Additionally, whole islands are being given away for Tourism and
Commercial Ventures without the consent of the traditional landowners.
Indigenous people are calling for sensitivity when dealing with their own culture
because of their spiritual connection with the land and their environment
compared to the strictly legal aspect of possession by outsiders.
(v) Reaffirming Indigenous identity
We arrived in Noumea a week following the commemoration of the 151 years of
French rule where tribal leaders and the government officials witnessed the
erection of the “mwaka” pole at the entrance to the Anthropological Museum that
houses much of Kanak artefacts and history. The mwaka stands tall and proud
as a Kanak symbol in the heart of the “white” city of Noumea, representing the
eight custormary areas of Kanaky and reaffirming the Kanak identity, with its
base symbolizing the ancestors who are buried on the ground. It reflects hope
and a spirit of nation-building, to unite all communities towards a common
understanding, a sense of belonging and peace.
56
(vi) Environmental destruction through over-fishing and Mining
Where the sea is a resource in the smaller islands, the traditional annual
calendar ensures a time to plant and a time to harvest, a time to fish and a time
not to fish. There are taboo periods observed by resource owners to give time for
replenishment of the sea or land.
With the exploitation of the sea for commercial ventures, over-fishing has
become an issue, particularly as these people are in possession of bigger boats
which go further into the deep sea, threatening the traditional ways of controlling
sea resources. Kanak leaders are calling for greater regulation and policing of
boats to avoid over-fishing and hence conflicts that arise.

Mining
Two more mines are going to be opened up in Koniabo in the North and the
South where the Goro Nickel mining project is being operated by Canadian
Transnational Company, INCO. The Government’s issue of land titles to INCO
has become a subject of conflict between the company and landowners which
needs to be settled before work can continue on the Goro Nickel mine.
The tribes upon whose land the mine is, and who are among the poorest in
Kanak, need to fully endorse the land areas that are going to be affected by the
mine. Their struggle can be compared to that of the Panguna copper mine
landowners in Bougainville which had triggered off the ten-year war on the island.
A Committee (CNDPA) of landowners and traditional chiefs has been formed to
take up the plight of landowners and to advocate for a Code of Conduct so that
INCO can be accountable to sustainable environment and development. The
fact that INCO continues to resist means that this remains a potential source of
conflict. The Committee is also working with Inuits in Canada whose lands INCO
had exploited. Kanak leaders visited the Inuits early in 2004, to compare notes
57
and for solidarity against the strength of TNCs like INCO which, through the
impact of globalization, can be stronger than some governments.
However, if handled well, mining projects can be a source of employment for
youths which would hopefully keep them out of crime and delinquency.
(vii) Disparity in development
New Caledonia is a rich country but suffers from chronic underdevelopment. Today
development needs to be aimed at the actual needs of the population.
Development in New Caledonia has seen the disbursement of public funds towards
one category of population with the majority of Kanaks missing out. This unfair
distribution of funding and resources is a potential source of conflict as most often, it
is unequal treatment and uneven distribution of resources and benefits that can give
rise to conflicts arising out of inequalities.
This is obvious from the concentration of Kanaks in social housing and squatter
settlements in and around Noumea, while the thriving “white” city bustles with highrise upper class houses and the robust tourist –driven businesses and hotels.
However that is not to ignore the sources of disparity even among Kanaks
themselves.
The challenge remains for Kanaks to take responsibility in the
administration of the country and to manage their resources and build their capacity
in Finance and development.
A leadership training scheme has been put into place to train qualified Kanaks in
leading positions in finance, business, commerce, administration and trade unions.
Kanaks who hold middle-and upper level pubic service positions are also well placed
to take up leadership positions in future and must be groomed to do so.
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(viii) Youth Alienation
The plight facing young people is one of the most common issues in the region.
Kanak elders feel that young people are being alienated from their indigenous
cultures because they are no longer growing up in the villages.
Young people no longer appreciate the value of relationships such as happens in the
village where roles are clearly identified according to one’s position in the clan,
household, family, gender, age and social hierarchical system. In the village,
everyone knows each other and how they are related. Respect was maintained
among such relationships some of which were taboo and not on speaking terms.
When people move to the urban areas, there is a breakdown in values as people
forget who they are and their place in society.
Furthermore, as both parents have to earn money for the family to survive in this
modern cash economy, the child misses out on parental education as the mother
has to go to work and grandparents are dying early. Children enter kindergartens at
such an early age and are further removed from that close affinity with the
environment such as the village, bush, river, beach, sea, waterfalls, birds, wildlife,
and others. The school system teaches the child how to be a public servant in an
office and not about surviving in their own environments or role models of Pacific
leaders.
Children no longer learn about traditional navigators who traverse the
oceans by studying the waves and reading the positions of stars at night, or who
could tell signs of impending natural disasters by studying the behaviour patterns of
birds and animals or the environment. The information technology, computer and
video games have taken over, and they have lesser time to exercise their mental
faculties.
After school, children stay on their own until parents come home from work. The lack
of quality time that parents spend with their children mean that kids have to come up
with things to occupy their time such as watching TV, computer games or roaming
the streets.
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Kanaks who attend school in France become French citizens, and are brainwashed
by the French language, culture and way of life, leaving little room for Kanak
inculcation. The government has blocked any attempts by the Customary Senate to
introduce the Kanak language into schools.
The result is a generation of young people who are alienated from their own
cultures, remain unemployed, aimless, lack direction and increasingly involved in
drug abuse, crime and other social problems.
(ix) Role and position of women
The struggle by women’s groups in Kanaky is no different from that of other parts of
the region, with women’s organizations forming support groups against domestic
violence, women’s rights and others. Through the Francophone desk of the Pacific
Women’s Bureau at the Noumea-based Pacific Community, a lot of awareness
programs have been carried out and addressed. A planned workshop on the
Women’s Convention (CEDAW) was being organized at the time of our visit.
Despite Kanaky still being a colony, women have made great strides in the national
political and decision-making process. Two women now lead the country as
President and Vice President respectively, the latter also being a Kanak woman. A
woman heads one of the more powerful trade unions in the country, and listed her
strength in conflict transformation as a skill in “preventive dialogue.”
However, women remained marginalized from the Customary Senate which implies
that women do not hold traditional customary positions. This remains a challenge
both for the Customary Senate, who are intent on preserving the status quo on the
one hand, and women’s groups on the other, who see the integration of women into
the Senate as a partnership building for the betterment of the Kanak society. The
fact that women already hold leading positions in national government is definitely
something to learn from, not only in Kanak society but among independent nations in
60
the region who are struggling to increase the number of women in decision making
positions.
(x)
Immigration and Potential for Inter-ethnic conflicts
One of the issues highlighted is how professionals such as teachers, engineers and
technical advisers in fisheries, mining, environment, building and others tend take up
local jobs. The practice is to hire people from Europe rather from other Pacific
countries, hence creating further disparity among locals and expatriates in terms of
salary rates, up-market housing and others. Local demand for manual labour is
easily filled by other Pacific islanders such as Tahitians and Walllisians with Kanaks
losing out more. Such inequalities become sources of conflict among the locals.
While inter-ethnic conflict is easily identified as that between the Wallisians and
Kanaks, a source indicated that Wallisians are easily used as scapegoats to divert
attention away from the greater threat of around 15,000 Europeans that arrive every
year to settle locally.
(xi)
Racism and Human Rights
In certain pubs and nightclubs in up-market Noumea, Kanak male youths are barred
from entry. Such discriminatory practices has led to the formation of advocacy
groups such as the youth wing of the Human Rights League which has taken up the
issue by writing to the media and designing information leaflets on human rights.
Recently the churches spoke out against the Census that was being conducted by
the French government at the time. For the first time there is no mention of ethnicity
on the form similar to other French documents but Kanaks are protesting against this
as they wish to retain ethnicity on the form for the sake of their own identity.
(xii)
Militarism and Police intelligence
The issue of the re-militarization of Kanaky and the French region geopolitics was
highlighted as a potential source of conflict and risk. The installation of a military
61
device-spy intelligence to listen to all communications at Tontouta airport means
impacts on the privacy of people.
The French Police boasts its highly efficient intelligence source. I received first–hand
experience of this when I was detained at the Tontouta airport so they could check
the authenticity of my visit. We had booked in at the Le Lagoon hotel under the
name of my work colleague and French translator, Marie Pierre Hazera. However,
we were later informed by a Kanak leader that the Police had called him to check for
information on my whereabouts. While checking in at the airport on my return, I was
interrogated again by the Police as I had not been at the stated address when they
had called. It was certainly a lesson in monitoring the movements of visitors, and I
thought that if all Police agents were as vigilant in the region, I am sure there would
be little chance of illegal immigrants.
In what can be regarded as “chequebook diplomacy” the French military infiltrates
the sea highway between Noumea and French Polynesia where around 9 million
Euros worth of coral reef in the Pacific abound, and which UNESCO has tried to list
under the national wildlife protected sites. This is in addition to the 1.2 million sq. km
added to its EEZ, making France the third nation in control of the largest EEZ in the
world behind the US and Canada, with potential gas deposits in the sea between
Kanaky, New Zealand and Australia.
Unfortunately this is also an area monopolized by the French army for joint military
exercises with other Pacific armies particularly Tonga and Fiji, and the Vanuatu
para-military force.
The contribution of the French military towards increased
militarization of the Pacific is a cause of great concern for those who wish to reclaim
the Pacific a “region of peace.”
5.2. Role of Church in Reconciliation
One of the biggest lessons learnt from Kanaky on peace-building is the role played
by the church in bringing about reconciliation between the families of slain FLNKS
leader Jean Marie Tjibaou and the family of the assassin which took twelve years to
62
begin and a further three years to finally reconcile. The process involved the
combination of kinship ties, customary and traditional ways of reconciliation and
conflict resolution combined with pastoral counseling by the churches which included
the Roman Catholic, Protestant Church and the Free Church.
The reconciliation process was a low-profile one, with no media or press coverage,
which was necessary to avoid public scrutiny of a very private process of healing.
One of the lessons learnt was the accountability by the family of the assassin, who
had died in the killing, to take responsibility for the reconciliation in order for the
families of the victims to set them free from anger, hurt, guilt and ill feelings.
The process also involved the dramatization of a kidnapping incident in a cave on
the island of Ouve`a, which eventually led to the killing of the two leaders. The
drama which was held in the cave, was critical in order for the young people to know
and understand the truth and background to the killing. This signified the importance
of knowing the truth before reconciliation and forgiveness can genuinely take place
as part of the liberation of the mind and soul.
According to the President of the Protestant church, reconciliation can only begin
with humility which leads to repentance and then to seeking forgiveness and
reconciliation, which can then set people free. The healing allows everyone to be at
peace with their own selves and with each other.
Kanaky definitely has a lesson to offer countries in the region undergoing
reconciliation, truth and forgiveness processes in the aftermath of violent conflicts.
5.3. Benefits for a Pacific Peace-Conflict Transformation Network
It is relevant to share the philosophical views of a Kanak leader on what peace
means for an indigenous person struggling against the onslaught of globalization
and colonization.
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5.3.1.What peace means
Peace is harmony between my neighbour and I and the environment that we live in.
It means that there must be equilibrium in everything we do to our families,
neighbour, others and the environment.
This is reflected in the way we make traditional exchanges. We must not give too
much so that the recipient feels obliged to reciprocate as much even though they
can least afford it. There must be equilibrium between the donor and recipient to
avoid inequalities which can create conflicts. There is a need to rebalance all these
inequalities in order to achieve harmony.
Making reference to equilibrium with one’s environment as an indigenous person,
the same source stated:
In this modern era, we are far removed from our Environment. The
indigenous education system teaches the individual who you are;
where you stand; what values are important in the traditional system.
To complement the western education system with indigenous values
means we must not forget the little pictures, the particularities that
contribute to the general and whole development of a human being.
While the introduced education system ensures that a person can take
one’s place in the global village, the indigenous system ensures that
one knows one’s place, has a sense of identity, comfort and
confidence of who one is, where she/he is from and how to
complement the two. An indigenous person who knows oneself, feels
comfortable in his/her own community, will easily find his/her place in
the global community.
5.3.2. What does a PCT Network hold for Kanaky?
As expected, one of the issues highlighted by those consulted is the language
barrier between the Francophone and Anglophone region. The language of
colonizers has kept us apart, although as Melanesians and indigenous peoples
we think alike.
Any attempt to draw them into the PCTN must address the
language barrier. Of course the fact that PCRC’s French translator was available
64
was highly appreciated by the Kanaks as indicating our sensitivity to their
particular situation.
The following were highlighted as to how the Network could be relevant for
them:
(i)
Information sharing
The Network must be seen as a two-headed structure to mediate between the
two main languages of the Pacific. The Kanak can offer some tools for peace in
the Network. For example, the need to encourage palabre or consensus which is
a peace talk, where people sit together and talk, after which parties can not fight
any more. This may be similar to a talanoa in Fijian.
(ii) Facilitate Networking and exchange between Council of Chiefs
This is a step towards the formation of a Pacific Council of Chiefs that would
promote and protect indigenous rights in the Pacific. This followed indications in
Vanuatu that the Malvatumauri (Council of Chiefs) was planning a goodwill visit
to the Solomon Islands to meet with traditional chiefs and exchange information
on how to strengthen their links particularly, on their role in the prevention of
violent conflicts and lawlessness. The potential role of the Council of Chiefs in Fiji
is also anticipated.
(iii) Facilitate exchange of skills and information on constitutional
processes such as Bougainville, Fiji, Solomon Islands.
(iv) Monitoring of Noumea Accord – many of those consulted particularly in
Bougainville, Solomon Islands and Kanaky have indicated the need for a neutral
body to monitor the implementation of Peace Agreements in their own countries
and have people trained to monitor their own peace agreements. This is a
potential role of the Network which could begin with a database of all Peace
Agreements in the region and their current status.
65
(v) Youth exchange- more information and internship and language programs are
needed for young people in Kanaky as they would benefit more by joining the rest of
the region rather than going to France.
5.4. Structure and Location of Network
As mentioned above, Kanaks regard the PCTN as a two-headed structure, catering
for both Anglophone and Francophone. The PCTN cannot be legitimate if it fails to
include the French speaking territories.
Since most of those consulted are familiar with the work of PCRC and the fact that
PCRC coverage extends to Francophone countries, PCRC was the more obvious
choice to host the Network.
However, it was acknowledged that much more
resources would be necessary if the Network is to have any real impact in the
region.
6.0. TONGA
6.1. Potential sources of Conflict
6.1. 1. Lack of Good Governance and Democracy
Tonga’s potential for conflict is rooted in the lack of democratic processes in the
governance of the Pacific’s only Kingdom. Tongan society is based on a traditional
feudal system where the King rules with absolute power, is the sole authority in the
appointment and termination of Cabinet, which is accountable to the King and not to
the people. However despite this lack, there is a lot of respect and goodwill for the
King and the royal family by the people.
Most would agree that respect is a two-way channel, and the old feudal system was
based on reciprocity. The people are happy to give due respect and offerings to the
person of the King, who in turn, protects and takes care of their well being. As long
as the people see the Monarchy as a symbol of authority, unity, love and stability,
there is harmony and peace.
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The problem arises when the respect and love by the people for their monarch is not
reciprocated or is offset by the blatant abuse of power by the royal family for their own
vested interests.
As more Tongans get educated and exposed to new ideas and
modern technological influences, they begin to question the absolute power of the King
and the lack of accountability and transparency to the People.
Those consulted see the critical component of good governance as necessary for
economic sustainability, development, peace and security of the nation. If governance is
poor and unresponsive to the needs of the people, other institutions responsible for the
effective running of the nation will be deficient. This is seen as the biggest problem in
Tonga and the major source of tension in the country.
The King rules with absolute power and the royal family is seen to be above the law. He
appoints the Cabinet from the nine elected members of the Nobility. The King’s children
hold monopoly and exclusive rights over business interests which can lead to conflicts.
6.1. 2. Costs of the lack of good governance
The costs of the lack of good governance are enormous. The economy is going down,
the morale of the people is low, and there is a general lack of confidence for a
sustainable Tongan society.
Professionally qualified people are leaving because they are not happy with the work
environment, and the ‘brain-drain’ is a heavy cost as Tonga is a small nation and can
not afford to lose its professionals who could well contribute to a thriving economy. The
absence of a Labour Act means that workers are very insecure and there seems to be
no sign of any commitment to the signing of relevant ILO Conventions, although the
Government can get away with it by saying that because it has signed the Cotonou
Agreement, it has also complied with the Labour Act.
Political instability is another cost as seen in the recent sacking of three Cabinet
Ministers. As much as the people are confused with the lack of transparency, they are
67
powerless because the three were appointed by the King and are accountable to his
Majesty. There is also a tendency for those in positions of power who know the right
thing to do but are not doing it for fear of losing favour with the elites, a situation referred
to as “fakahekeheke lahi”.
As an anonymous contributor put it, “The lack of participation and representation of the
majority of Tongans in the governance of the country makes Tongan society an unfair,
unjust, uncivilized, immoral and ungodly system.”
6.1.3. Other Causes for Concern
(i) Immigration
One of the concerns highlighted, is the arrival of a new wave of Chinese or Asian
immigrants, who operate little corner stores or businesses in the city, and crowding out
locals.
It has been observed that a couple would stay for about six months then
disappear to be replaced by another couple, as if it was an extended family venture.
These people keep much to themselves, barricaded behind grilled bars, without
interaction or learning the local language. The lack of socialization breeds suspicion and
fear, a recipe for trouble.
(ii) Militarism
Tonga is one of three PICs with a standing army and the increasing participation of its
armed forces in the region and the world pose security concerns for the country. The
recent appointment of a former Military Commander as Minister for Defence, indicates
that the Prime Minister is trying to strategically surround himself by people with military
background, who can act as a buffer in times of conflict. Tonga military personnel have
been deployed to both RAMSI and Iraq, a trend which is likely to continue.
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6. 2. Existing Strategies to assert a democratic process
6.2.1.There exists two pressure groups:
(i)
The Human Rights and Democracy Movement which calls on the
Monarchy to give up its absolute power through a progressive democratic
process where people can elect their leaders. The Movement includes
members of the people’s representatives in Parliament, media personnel and
human rights organizations.
(ii)
The Kotoa Movement, a pro-Monarchy group made up of conservative
Tongans that include the King’s daughter, who wants to preserve the status
quo and tend to see the democratic proposal by the THRDM to have the King
give up his supreme power in place of a more participatory process, as a
threat to their own privileged position as the Nobility.
6.2.2. Role of the Church in Conflict Transformation
Like everywhere else in the region, the role of the church is integral to peace
building and peace-making. I have included the perspective shared by a church
leader21 at length because I believe that, in essence, it offers a blend of Christian
and indigenous values to address conflicts and maintain peace in the Pacific.
(i)
A Pacific Concept of Peace
A Pacific concept of peace must be defined, beginning with what already exists in
each traditional society and a blending of indigenous and Christian values. While it
would be valuable to learn from others, there is a need for each society to reassess
the core values that contribute to its conception of PEACE. While it is exciting to
learn about peace and conflict prevention initiatives in USA or Europe, we in the
Pacific need to understand that these societies are not good models for PEACE as
they are the least peaceful.
21
Rev. Dr Mohenoa Puloka, Director, Christian Education, Free Wesley Church Of Tonga
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The definition of Peace lies in “the gift of sharing my life with my neighbour, in a spirit
of love, share and care.” Peace is not merely the absence of war or violence but the
presence of GOD in one’s life. Peace is what one does with the next person, it is in
the way one speaks, relates to and connects with those around them. Peace is in
one’s being, in the air they breath because where there is no air, there is no life and
death results.
The Tongan words for Peace are melino or noga, which is like the calm after a storm
or a very rough sea. (This is similar to the Fijian words, vakacegu which can refer to
the peace of the grave, peace of heart, mind, or at rest; Veisaututaki refers to
peacemaking, peacekeeping or ceasefire after a war or conflict which is what
peacekeepers are doing overseas).
Each society in the Pacific has its own understanding or meaning of PEACE. Only
when we understands ourselves, and the meaning of peace within oneself, can we
reach out in a canoe to link us across the Pacific. Peace is practical, it is actionoriented thus it cannot be theoretical or abstract. When we are connected within,
then only can a Network connect us across the vast ocean and sky.
The church leader emphasized how we in the Pacific must learn to stand on our own
and not to copy other regions. Any attempt to create a Network of peacemakers,
peaceworkers or peacebuilders must be locally owned and grown. Do we need to go
to war in order to bring about Peace in the Pacific? Absolutely not! Violence will only
breed more violence, if not today or tomorrow, then in the not too distant future.
When we connect with others, it is through the love of GOD. So when we say, I love
you, or loloma yani (Fijian) or ofa atu (Tongan), it depends on our spiritual
connection with God to connect us with each other. We must therefore build on our
Pacific roots, what connects us with each other, as our source of strength. When we
disconnect, we lose peace with GOD and with ourselves, and what results is an unpeaceful region.
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It is because we have lost the personal touch in our lives that we are no longer at
peace. There is a peaceful way of resolving conflicts in the traditional way and to put
ideas across without confrontation. We, in the Pacific must therefore be mindful of
how western ideas and ways of confrontation and the use of the media or public
display can affect our traditional means of resolving conflicts peacefully.
(ii) Pacific Peace Network
From the perspective of the churches and civil society groups, a Pacific Peace
Network is more readily acceptable and inclusive compared to Conflict
Transformation. The ordinary Pacific islander can understand the concept of a
Peace Network as not many, except for academics or palagis understand what
Conflict Transformation mean. So language sensitivity is a very important peace
tool in the Pacific which can affect how indigenous peoples who are caught up in the
major conflicts, can be supportive towards a Network. Focusing on peace rather
than conflict is also a positive way of dealing with the issue in the Pacific.
6.2.2. Role of Civil Society in Peace and Development
Tonga has not experienced any major threat to its political development as a nation.
Despite the lack of a democratic system of governance, there exists an effective
human rights civil society Movement, which together with a vibrant media such as
the Auckland-based Taimi o Tonga, serve to monitor the actions of a nontransparent institution.
One of the reasons given for Tonga’s relative stability is that there is still a lot of
goodwill and respect by the people for the King as a symbol of authority. As much as
the people would like to have changes and amendments to the Constitution so that
they can participate more in the electoral process, they feel that they cannot do
without the King. Tongan society is foundered on respect, which is reflected in how
Tongans dress up with their taovala, a fine mat worn by both men and women
around the waist, symbolizing one’s respect for the King and authority, for tradition
and for one’s identity as a Tongan.
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The Tonga Human Rights and Democracy Movement (THRDM) plays a key role in
advocating for a more democratic process of governance, and this is slowly bearing
fruit in the Pacific’s remaining Kingdom. The nine members of the People’s
Representatives in Parliament, led by veteran Akilisi Pohiva, play a key role in
representing the interests of the ordinary people, and in holding the Monarchy and
his Cabinet to the principles of good governance. Women’s groups are taking their
place in Tongan society, advocating for both women’s and children’s rights, and for
greater integration of women in the decision making process.
6.3.Location and Structure of the PCTN
The popular view is that a PCTN or Pacific Peace Network would serve the Pacific
better if based in Fiji because of the location of most regional NGOs and intergovernmental organizations such as UN organizations, regional media outlets and
others.
Those consulted feel that PCRC is well placed to host such a Network because of its
wider coverage of indigenous peoples concerns, that are the root causes of conflict
in the region.
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7.0.
SAMOA
I arrived in Samoa at the beginning of the Fifth Civil Society Parallel Forum Meeting
in August, a few days prior to the Forum Meeting in Apia. The parallel meeting was
co-hosted by the Samoa Umbrella body of NGOs (SUNGO) and PCRC. Having
relied on SUNGO as the local partner to facilitate meetings, it was unfortunate that at
the time of my arrival, most other NGOs were quite busy with Forum matters, and
even government departments that I needed to meet with for the second survey,
were not available, due to their preoccupation with Forum affairs, or so they
excused.
However, my presentation on “Security at Community Level” at the Civil Society
Meeting in which I touched on bits of what I had gathered so far in the survey,
provided much food for thought and debate. The majority of participants were
members of SUNGO affiliates so there were opportunities to speak with them during
breaks and group discussions.
In general I found that, similar to Tonga and the rest of Polynesia, where there has
not been any major violent conflicts in the scale that have occurred across parts of
Melanesia, there are no NGOs working specifically on conflict prevention or
resolution. Mention the word, “peace-building” and the church leaders present are
ready to pick it up, as this is what they acknowledge that the churches are all about.
7.1.
POTENTIAL SOURCES OF CONCERN

Domestic Violence
I met with the women’s domestic violence group, Mapusaga O’Aiga (MOA) who
were happy to share what they were doing to address violence against women and
to educate the people on the impact of violence in the home, which is recognized to
be where the seeds of violence and conflict is sown. MOA officials shared the work
done in relation to the struggle for women’s and children’s human rights especially in
relation to the two relevant Conventions on the Elimination of all forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Children’s Rights (CRC).
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
Gun Control
With reference to gun control, it was acknowledged that this was a cause for great
concern casting a shadow on Samoan politics after the fatal shooting of Public
Works Minister Luagalau Levaula Kamu in July 1999, the eighth such assassination
in the region. Two former Samoan Cabinet Ministers were charged for murder and
conspiring to murder, while the son of one them, was charged for the shooting,
pleaded guilty, and was given the mandatory death penalty which was later
commuted to life imprisonment by the Head of State, His Highness Malietoa
Tanumafili II.22

Corruption and Lack of Good Governance
Corruption in government was seen as a problem leading to the fatal shooting, along
with greed, personal ambition and revenge by failed politicians, a common trend in
the region. Some ordinary Samoans lament how access to political power remains
the monopoly of matai title-holders, similar to the Noble system in Tonga. One
contributor confided that getting into politics seems to be a passport to being a
millionaire, but with little improvement on the lives of the ordinary people.

Overseas Migration
Immigration of Samoans overseas causes brain-drain of professionals which is a
heavy cost to the development of the country. However, through their easy access to
New Zealand, Samoans overseas contribute to the local economy through their
remittances to family members back home, thus boosting the local economy.
7.2.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS OF A PCTN
It was quite an effort to introduce the idea of a PCTN to those who had never
experienced a large scale conflict and therefore see it as being irrelevant to their
situation at the time. However, given that Samoa had experienced political
assassination, means that it is not immune to violence and the type of high level
22
Pacnews, in PCRC Library Archiving Chronology.
74
killing that is prevalent in the more developed countries of the world. For that reason,
it is critical that NGOs be part of a regional initiative aimed at preventing such
destructive conflicts. If such a Network is about Peace in the region, then it was
incumbent for everyone working towards peace to be involved.
MOA was most happy to be part of any initiative to address conflicts across the
region as this would present an opportunity for sharing information, resources,
expertise and knowledge on how to resolve conflicts.
7.3.
CURRENT STRATEGIES AVAILABLE
Most NGOs which were represented at the Civil Society meeting are part of existing
networks that have the potential to be part of a larger PCTN. Such Networks include:

Environment Network

Human Rights Network

PIANGO

PACFAW

Violence against Women Network

Women in Politics/Business

Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC)
STRUCTURE AND LOCATION OF PCTN
My attempt to broach the subject of the structure and location of a PCTN was
hindered by a brewing difference of opinion amongst participants to the Civil Society
meeting regarding the setting up of a Pacific Human Rights Network. It became
necessary to let matters rest amongst NGOs caught in the debate without
unnecessarily pressuring them with a new Network when the timing was not right.
The more urgent task fell on my shoulders to facilitate an amicable resolution to the
differences of positions regarding the setting up of a Human Rights Network.
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8.0.
FIJI
Fiji has gone through two violent conflict periods, following the Rabuka-led military
coup of 1987 and the one led by George Speight with members of the CounterRevolutionary Warfare (CRW) Unit in May 2000. The army mutiny in November
2000 resulted in the death of eight soldiers.
8.1. Current Sources of Conflict
(i) Militarism and National security
The issue of current concern is the continuing standoff between the ruling SDL
government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase and the military forces under
Commander Frank Bainimarama. At the heart of the conflict is what the Military
views as the way the government is “rewarding” those implicated or being
investigated for the coup of 2000. These include a number of Cabinet Ministers,
senior public officials and Members of Parliament, some of whom are already
serving prison sentences. The recent release of jailed Vice President Seniloli by the
Attorney General Qoriniase Bale is seen as another attempt by the SDL government
to manipulate the judicial system to suit its political agenda.
The judicial system in Fiji has been clogged up by coup-related charges. The military
is conducting its own court martial for the soldiers that took part in the May 2000
coup and November 2000 mutiny. Sentences meted to some of those who had
been in custody for about two years, have ranged up to eight years, with most of the
families labeling the sentences as “too harsh.” However, both the military and the
judiciary are united in their resolve that the sentences should serve as a deterrent to
those who think they can resort to such criminal acts, without reaping the
consequences.
Since the 1987 coup and more so after 2000 after the jailing of a number of Fijian
chiefs implicated in the coup, the Council of Chiefs has lost the mana and respect
traditionally associated with it. This has been attributed to the participation of and
sanction by members of the Council in lawlessness and illegal activities. In rejecting
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the appeal by the former Vice President Seniloli against his 4-year sentencing by the
High Court, the Fiji Court of Appeal judge alluded to the fact that those chiefs who
used their positions to go against the law in order to assert their rights must
understand that those rights are born out of the law itself, and can not exist without
the law.
The appointment by the Council of Chiefs of senior lawyer, traditional chief,and
former High Court Judge, Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi as Vice President, brings a breath of
fresh air which could restore respect and credibility for the Great Council of Chiefs
and Fijian geopolitics since the May 2000 coup.
(ii) Political Coup and related issues
Fiji ‘s legacy of coups has destroyed the fabric of Fijian society which is based on
veivakaturagataki or chiefly respect and veirogorogoci or consensus in the Pacific
way. In this process, there was so much respect for law and order and for the
institutions that stand for its enforcement.
The overthrow of democratically elected governments by a few gunmen, and the
ease in which the Constitutions are abrogated and governments changed following
the 1987 and 2000 coups, has brought about a culture of boldness in which criminal
elements are not fearful of the law anymore. The increase in organized crimes by
unemployed youths is one of the symptoms of the acceptance of lawlessness at
political level.
(iii) Economic Disparity
Similar to other countries, the wide disparity between the rich and poor, increased
unemployment, pressures of rural to urban migration, increasing costs of living, are
sources of tension for the majority of people who feel marginalized from the benefits
of development. These include the aged, women, disabled, unemployed youths,
widows, orphans, the urban poor, rural poor and indigenous peoples, majority of
whom are barely making it on the land in rural areas and leaving the villages to settle
in squatter settlements around the city.
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(iv) Fiji is not a Homogeneous Society
Fiji is not a homogeneous society, hence calls by the ruling government for all
Fijians to form one major political party for the 2006 elections to counter the Indiandominated Labour Party, thrives on the politics of race and fear.
Inter-ethnic tensions between the two major racial groups of Indians and Fijians, is
an easy scapegoat to disguise the underlying tensions among the diverse strands of
Fijian geopolitics such as the vanua, provinces, confederacies, the Melanesian and
Polynesian influences in culture and tradition, religious diversity, education, gender
and political ideological differences.
Other sources of conflict among Fijians include:
(v)
Disputes over land and titles by chiefly members
(vi)
Fijian landowners attempts to get back their original lands that were
alienated during colonial days
(vii)
Compensation and lease claims by traditional landowners for land used
for mining, hydro-electricity, government or corporate sector buildings,
tourism ventures and loss of traditional fishing grounds to tourism ventures
(viii)
Domestic violence and sexual assaults against women remains a high
priority
8.2. Existing Strategies to address Conflicts
Fiji has a vibrant CSO community including the media which effectively monitors
the actions of government and officials. While no NGO specifically focuses on
conflict transformation, most organizations that existed prior to the first coup,
were set up to address human rights violations particularly women’s
organizations on violence against women, women’s legal rights and social justice
programs to address poverty alleviation.
Certain church leaders have also
played their part in condemning injustice including the Roman Catholic, Seventh
Day Adventist and Anglican churches.
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A number of organizations were established after the two coups by pressure
groups made up of academics and church leaders to address human rights
violations. As a result, Fiji CSOs have taken on programs related to aspects of
conflict prevention and resolution such as human rights education, monitoring of
political and constitutional processes, social justice and law and order. Most Fiji
NGOs are secretariats for existing regional networks, including the following:

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre – Pacific Women’s Network on Violence against
Women;

Regional Rights Resource Team (RRRT) – legal rights on family law and
human rights;

Citizens Constitutional Forum (CCF) – interim secretariat for Pacific Human
Rights Network, secretariat for Global Partnership Program Against Armed
Conflicts (GPPAC);
Regional CSOs and International agencies based in Suva also deal with various
aspects of conflict transformation by addressing issues of concern to their
diverse constituencies. These include:

Foundation of the People of the South Pacific International (FSPI)- with
counterparts all over the Pacific addressing good governance, food security,
development.

Pacific Concerns Resource Centre – secretariat for the Nuclear Free and
Independent Pacific Movement; Pacific focal point for the International
Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), Peace and Disarmament, Self
Determination; Pacific focal point for the UN Permanent Forum on
Indigenous Peoples.

Pacific Foundation for the Advancement of Women- secretariat for eight
regional umbrella women’s organizations
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
Pacific Conference of Churches

Pacific Islands Association of NGOs to which all national umbrella bodies
are affiliated.

UNIFEM project on Women, Peace and Security who are conducting
research on early warning indicators so far in the Solomon Islands.
In light of my knowledge of and awareness of the existing situation in Fiji, and
from my own informal discussions with individuals, groups and local partners, I
am aware that interest is high in the setting up of such a body as the PCTN. I
was very much aware of the issue of “territoriality” while going about the survey,
as I am aware that most NGOs tend to be possessive over their “turf” particularly
single issue NGOs.
However, it is encouraging to note the response from most NGOs and individuals
who would be supportive of an inclusive, broad-based and loose Network.
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IV.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The following recommendations on the PCTN, which are not in any order of priority, are
for the consideration of the PCTN Steering Committee:
1. The PCTN must be rooted in a wider Pacific Vision for Peace, consistent with the
PIF Leaders’ vision for the Pacific
2. Promotes a Culture of Prevention rather than Curative
3. Must be Proactive rather than reactive
4. Must have a clear understanding of the root sources of conflicts and potential
spillover effects of such conflicts, clearly identify the patterns of conflicts and
recommend ways to deal with such conflicts as and when they occur
5. Must be owned, driven and sustained by those who live within the conflict areas
6. Integrates a gender perspective
7. Rooted in the fundamental principles of Human Dignity and human worth
8. Utilises a human security, human rights, gender and incorporating an indigenous
perspective that is consistent with peaceful ways of responding to conflicts
9. The PCTN is about Pacific people managing their conflicts effectively. Perpetrators
of conflict throughout the region have been disgruntled indigenous groups, and any
attempt at reclaiming the Pacific as a region of peace, must take heed of the
concerns and struggles of indigenous peoples and invest in peaceful means of
addressing these concerns.
10. The Steering Committee to convene a regional consultation or forum as soon as
practical, to bring together representations of Pacific Civil Society institutions who
were part of the survey and other key organizations and networks that are key
stakeholders for the PCTN. The Committee to consider the proposed roles of the
PCTN and the needs expressed such as a code of conduct for NGOs during times of
conflict, policy on how to respond to early warning indicators, development of an
early warning checklist.
11. The Committee to work on a fundraising project proposal for the consultation and
follow up activities, and to set a program that reflects the views shared on the
proposed role of the PCTN.
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12. Given that there are two proposed names for the Network, as most grassroots
people consulted prefer to be part of a Pacific Peace Network, while the PCTN
would prefer to emphasize the conflict transformation aspect of conflicts, a
compromised name could be the Pacific Peace and Conflict Transformation Network
(PPCTN), which would be up to members which part they wish to emphasize.
13. Fiji is the more popular choice for its location, and PCRC as host. However, one
must be mindful that the proposed role for the PCTN would mean being a standalone project that has the potential to develop into a Pacific Centre for Conflict
Transformation. The Steering Committee must look at the long-term vision for the
PCTN.
14. The PCTN must respect, integrate and promote traditional know-how, traditional
practices, values and institutions that is consistent with universal values of human
rights, good governance, gender equity, and human security, in order to create a
more humane and compassionate society.
15. Accepts donor-partnership that is based on equity and not charity.
16. Opposed to any form of military intervention at any stage of the conflict (e.g.
Bougainville);
17. Supports the allocation of more resources to the Police to enforce and maintain law
and order rather than investing in the Military as a short-cut to dealing with the
ensuing conflicts.
18. Actively promotes the integration of Peace Education and Conflict Resolution skills
into the school curriculum from kindergarten level up to university, and at community
level, at the same time to identify and actively promote those elements of traditional
values that are complementary to the development of the full potential of the
individual, youths, women and men to actively participate as full citizens of society.
19. Fully supports the struggle for self-determination by linguistic and ethnic groups in
the Pacific such as West Papua, Malukus, Kanaky, Te Ao Maohi (Tahiti) and the US
territories of Hawaii, and Northern Pacific. This is about human dignity. In this new
millenium no linguistic or ethnic group should continue to be subjected to a colonial
master with whom they do not share ethnic, linguistic or tribal boundaries.
20. Supports and monitors arms proliferation, disarmament and weapons disposal
program, demobilization and re-integration (DDR) of ex-combatants into society to
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ensure that the Pacific remains free of the manufacture, testing and use of weapons
of war.
21. Promotes and facilitates training in Mediation, Negotiation and Conflict Resolution
skills to complement traditional means of resolving conflicts
22. Actively fundraises for the implementation of the PCTN. A proposal is to have
members of the Network (especially the well established NGOs and CSOs) to pay
subscription fees as part of their commitment towards the ideals of the PCTN.
23. Consider the publication of the PCTN survey report after all editions and
clarifications are dealt with.
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