The Monroe Doctrine: Meanings and Implications Author(s): Mark T. Gilderhus Source: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 1, Presidential Doctrines (Mar., 2006), pp. 5-16 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27552742 . Accessed: 19/08/2011 13:21 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Blackwell Publishing and Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Presidential Studies Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org ARTICLES The Monroe Doctrine: and Meanings Implications MARK T. GILDERHUS Texas Christian University since its articulation in presents a brief history of the Monroe Doctrine as a statement to European in opposition in the Americas, intrusions it a under President Theodore U.S. intervention. To cultivate Roosevelt justification for American trade and goodwill the Great and the Second World Depression during This First article Franklin administration Roosevelt's onset of the Cold War, perceived in countries such as Guatemala, in idealistic couched racy, means the various rhetorical Cold War such style rhetoric emphasizing of the Monroe what they understood as articulated associated many of or humankind, at a freedom, democracy, ennobling purposes connected contained beyond what Doctrine also Over tions, some the the depending instituted years, upon of threat States by Monroe's shifting policies of take as regarded a pattern James to affirming doctrine and pronouncements to by and strategic took preferences, as if other bounds. appropriate defensive values economic countermeasures the the advance served a cause of as such cover less for and interests went nations The Monroe objectives. on various but meanings nevertheless and implica consistently holds the Lyndon B. Johnson Chair in the department of history at Texas Christian Mark T. Gilderhus U.S.-Mexican under Wilson Relations and Revolution: include Diplomacy versity. His publications in the Western Pan American Visions: Woodrow Wilson 1913-1921; Carranza; History Hemisphere, American Relations A Historiographical and The Second Century: U.S.-Latin Historians: Introduction; 1889. Presidential Studies Quarterly 36, no. 1 (March) 5 ? 2006 Center for the Study of the Presidency the during and high principle, upholding sometimes defense interests. in 1823 established of idealism purported language the economic Congress thereof, portion Such and similar often purpose with kind United with later in the language substantial peace. strategic the U.S. before years couched presidential least and usually as national Doctrine affirmations Latin imperatives the Dominican and Chile. Though Republic, typically to solidarity Pan-American commitments and democ as a Doctrine served U.S. policy makers consistently Cuba, and after. Typically became War, Later with the of nonintervention. led to a series of new interventions the principle accepted international versions advancing for The Monroe a 1823. conceived Uni and and since 6 I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 as a served sphere. to order the but dren of and and Latin of much not could same. function Europeans, open varied the a the to ensure access to time to from them, Underlying as viewed Usually to according Americans keep and condescension. direction, out implementation remained racist of to concern, Hemi in the Western purposes wanted special objectives a sense discipline makers, policy of the means sure, these of and goals makers Policy in areas be projected in need U.S. To of U.S. them. stability pursuit constant another articulation among and resources. and time, out stood safeguard markets in the mainstay Three prevailing chil unruly among assumption without paternalistic oversight supervision. emerged in response to the exigencies of European politics In efforts to put the world back together again, the Wars. The Monroe Doctrine at the end of the Napoleonic Great that Powers, of the Treaty to with Alliance Prussians, in 1815 formed and order, peace, the Austrians, is, of Paris status the Three quo. turned into terms the an alignment it rehabilitated under British, Alliance, later, years of France, a newly the admission and Russians, the Quadruple committed the Quintuple under the restored monarchy Bourbon kings. For good reason in the aftermath the threat in 1820, ever A of they agreed supported caused John took forces the Ottoman 1821, things. down action armies to also might harbor similar ambitions Spanish American empire. of the United As Clay San Mart?n very have too attributed but For U.S. nevertheless das preoccupied Americans Spanish institutions was Civil 4, stamped dissension 1821, pendence tion, of and he he well, In government." upon was elaborated their prayers infused upon be. his education, into his has or shall be unfurled, her scant But she all levels high the Great to reinstate American in not official their view, "arbitrary their their seminal and Jos? de perceptions probably to enough of indigenous enthusiasm. reactions. the newly not to power, habits, The negotiation of the Flori standard her [the United abroad in search "free and all of wishing or liberal ecclesiastical, their In a proclamation principles." the establish upon Latin independent military and the employed to the acquisition ability "Wherever there will the Revolution. . . . and of popular leading upon thoughts. goes whether Such and recognition faith also actions Such leaders and ruin his diplomacy. While Spanish put the papers." example Spain Premature alienate wher in Italy. Europeans possibly institutions governed realpolitik Treaty with Adams. Secretary states might U.S. indicated they in contrast, leaders, the to wonder emulate our revolutionary to The leaders such as Sim?n Bol?var copied our importance of the 1819 Transcontinental American of to attempts principles, sentiments much circumstances, conscious our "adopted and language as in 1818, Latin American observed and revolts inspired a great deal of interest among such as Congressman Henry Clay of States. them regarded Kentucky, of in Greece. in the New World, wars for independence Indeed, many, The Latin American a rebellion state, of Troppau whenever a series in Spain. uprising of the Congress activities suppressed out snuff secretary Powers citizens an against the U.S. Adams, Consequently leaders feared European at insurrectionist Austrian in efforts Turks Quincy of the French upheaval, most to put in after, French later than forcibly Soon necessary. year more revolution freedom institutions. on and July inde States] heart, her benedic of monsters to destroy." / THE MONROE Gilderhus In the spring of 1823, commercial possibilities diplomatic and cultivate new the later and expulsion America. Spanish to the recognition and Mexico bia, the defeat in President governments others. of Spanish Monroe and trade. He worried armies opened up new extended Colom Peru, Argentina, U.S. instructed meanwhile, Adams, I 7 consequently with beginning DOCTRINE to diplomats about British goodwill especially rivalry. British policy, at the same time, entered a period of flux. Following the Congress of Vienna, Lord had in the foreign secretary, believed the alliance Castlereagh, system maintaining for responsible the against implications reversed Canning successor, Austrian the risk of the of reacted Canning, in other countries, a long struggle had waged possibility out Britain Great George intervened troops of Wellington than took course, The superiority Canning's decision. command of of Great British Britain's transactions commercial a remove and continental and alliance, against entanglements, a pursued of policy naval America. Spanish facilitated also capabilities on such advantages The by taking minister foreign connive with King Ferdinand VII in efforts to restore Such an outcome would nullify British commercial source lucrative potentially the discussed and to capitalize with in a conversation Subsequently minister, economic leaders intended that his former allies might authority in the Americas. ambitions U.S. the Duke his contrast, and isolation." "splendid Spanish French Rather domination. Napoleonic worried when in Spain, where especially In Napoleon. defeating in August ramifications of of trade. and Richard 1823, Canning the French in involvement Spain. the Rush, When Rush expressed his view that fundamental British interests required that Great Britain oppose French intervention or seizure of territory in the New World, Canning inquired whether a in the United States might with Great Britain unified declaration of join policy. Further, as a sign of good faith, he suggested a pledge of self-denial in which the British and Americans When Rush discussions. Thomas to nothing ally. He fear proposed made no the from early self-denying sense. words, rest clause; an He as Meanwhile, French diplomats intervention of the intentions distrusted the against advice preferred "a cockboat Canning signed of the proposal forwarded Seeking intention any in a him, lost interest America. promise of a British for themselves. he set off a flurry of high-level contacted former presidents favored acting in tandem with the as an ally, the United States had contrast, as commercial statement independent the wake in Adams, estate Monroe Britain Great of the British the Polignac in Spanish 1823, both of whom Europe. for real seeking toWashington, in October Jefferson and James Madison, that with arguing essentially British, in his renounce would preferred to competitors. against annexing unilater He of disliked or Cuba Texas instead of policy act appearing, man-of-war."1 in a joint declaration. On October 9, British and in which France made a pledge Memorandum Nevertheless, rumors of a French fleet poised and Kenneth G. Paterson, 1. All the foregoing appear in Thomas J. J. Garry Clifford, quotations to 1920, American Foreign Relations: A History 101-03. 5th ed. (Boston: Houghton 2000), Mifflin, Hagan, see Dexter Perkins's For more details on the European and the framing of the Monroe Doctrine, background rev. ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, the role classic work, A History 1963), chaps. 1, 2. On of theMonroe Doctrine, see Lars Schoultz, Beneath the United States: A History of U.S. Policy Toward Latin America of racist assumptions, MA: Harvard 1998). Press, University (Cambridge, I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 8 and ready to move a Clay, the New World against of Latin champion self-appointed tered on the interest of Tsar Alexander a into America, I in extending States and put in the United raised anxiety A panic. Russian cen concern related from southward territory Alaska. In close gress to a States free and not to the Old World the as as considered endorsed Europeans "dangerous three essential by any by the Con the United continents, European the by are and maintain, assumed colonization future to message first committed "the American that have they to subjects The points. affirming which condition Monroe's recommendation, of noncolonization independent second Adams' 2 set forth policy be with conformance on December henceforth The powers." a policy of "hands off" while arguing that the monarchical system of that America" that and of "is essentially different from "any attempt" by to "extend to our their peace to any system and safety" of portion as and this would hemisphere" "an of evidence appear disposition unfriendly toward the United States." The third recalled Washington's farewell address by embrac a "In the wars of the European from affairs: of abstention European political ing policy in matters powers to relating we themselves never have taken nor part, it comport does our policy to do so." A related policy of "no transfer" already had taken shape in In his 1823 when Adams warned Spain against selling Cuba to Great Britain. April with words, pable U.S. all For the most leaders, Latin while American leaders, from its bosom." scant expressed an States arrogant sent the the United States under standing to defend Mexico, Monroe international its own basic Following most the Cuba, during and Latin con to enforce power in the for quest to government Memorandum French. Tsar international advantage of it when and at Americans first the United States rejected the Monroe for upholding Central a unilateral Doctrine, law, committed statement presidential the United States to do very without little, except interests.3 the initial Americans of A Doctrine. of Austria alliance. Ironically, the responsibility the result of a common concern with upon the Royal British Navy, for maintaining and free trade. As historian John J. markets open the observes, Johnson an Polignac constraining expressed high their offers of military devolved the Monroe worthy gained levels of interest but then lost much Doctrine in Metternich gesture had of copies in role by guided expectation lacked the naval and military that Monroe Canning inca which Union, an Such and Spain, American interest von Klemens it as the United with connection the North off Minister Britain's showing unnatural towards century.2 Europeans worrying trade, her nineteenth disdained In their view, contrast, gravitate cast Foreign I of Russia tempt. In the part, as only cannot through such Alexander it. of nature law policy few can own its from disjoined self-support, same the once "Cuba, of stir, the Monroe the remainder America, of Latin Doctrine the America receded nineteenth passed into the background century. out of vogue Indeed, as a except for for compelling 2. Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, ed., The Evolution of Our Latin-American chap. 2; James W Gantenbein, (New York: Columbia Press, 1950), 323-26. Policy: A Documentary History University A Hemisphere Apart: The Foundations 3. John J. Johnson, of United States Policy Toward Latin America (Baltimore: Press, 1990), 80-81. Johns Hopkins University Gilderhus / THE MONROE DOCTRINE interest. sented neither cultivated nor dangers economic regarded connections colossus. Driven by convictions following Mexico's national route to Asia, U.S. Destiny," in 1848, and America Central and territory northern aroused new northern of ideologi in south among search to the half of absorbed interest states in of Guadalupe States merchants in adding succeeded group the Treaty and the resulted expansion of also of power the United nations the British, a constellation territorial pre those Instead, growing a consequence As countries especially and ambition, continent. new States. the against with Mexico Cuba neither United American the Europeans, commercial American seeking but the counterweights "Manifest the War territory. owners slave for ties with hunger, as the North Hidalgo ern land known of conquest as South remote, culturally opportunities and political such cal and distant Geographically ( 9 a of shorter the Union. Early in his presidency, James Knox Polk briefly resurrected the Monroe Doctrine and invoked it in 1845 as a warning against British and French meddling in Texas and California, regions earmarked already for into incorporation the United States. Similarly, at the end of the Civil War, Secretary of State William Henry Seward warned the French to cease and desist in their intervention in Mexico but without explicitly mentioning the Monroe Doctrine. When the French later withdrew their forces, they left the hapless to meet Maximilian Emperor other in instances ditions against U.S. of urbanization, States more the United and powers the for them in attendance to creation of of tions of the "new of Blaine, America in States United union. concrete diplomacy" clearing house later accomplishment, with its emphasis to to accept as Blaine's agenda on commerce promote proposals the and and DC. trade distrust but acquiesced Pan-American suggested and during invitations peace uninterested part ambitious known appeared Pan-Americanism, inWashington, whether efforts the most For thrust of Pan-Americanism, advocate considered consequences the great European on Conference a by diplomacy" change emphasis a staunch they resisted Blaine's most a commercial a dearth spite the "new of resulted measure the among indication American expe redressing century small instability, ensuing a new of form G. Latin a customs and ful of such initiatives, the the James from with cooperate arbitration through one sent of purpose in no and the In Qu?retaro. French objections.4 Driven policy. of uncertainty World, in of State the into the imperial struggle the New presidency Secretary by delegates to and in the late nineteenth industrialization, emphatically In no at squad Spanish for raised relations approach firing the Domingo officials in 1889 at the first International specifically Summoned the Santo at a time and Japanese. Harrison's Benjamin reactive immigration, when century, and foreign resources and for markets a Mexican before government less aggressive, fate Mexico, shift in U.S. A paradigm in a more his nineteenth Argentina, grievances, legitimate quest the mid the main in In Union. direc peace.3 Monroe Doctrine, chaps. 3,4. in my book, The Second Century: of this essay also appear in the remainder of the themes 5. Most see it for elabora DE: Scholarly American Relations Since 1889 U.S.-Latin Resources, 2000); (Wilmington, see Walter the "new diplomacy," tion and clarification. On LaFeber, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansion, 1860-1898 LaFeber, The American Press, 1963); Walter (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University vol. 2, in The Cambridge History (New York: Search for Opportunity, 1865-1913, of American Foreign Relations to the New, 2d L. Beisner, From the Old Diplomacy 1865-1900, Press, 1993); Robert University Cambridge IL: Harlan Davidson, ed. (Arlington 1986). Heights, 4. Perkins, 10 I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 Another tion the Monroe of secretary Monroe under Doctrine, cally sovereign fines its this in the British Olney's quently to managed a demand case, in his position annual a extract the U.S. assertively, the influence of more marked of William presidency arbitration to message The the the is practi it con to which subjects of dispute. Expressing agreed in the intervention and expansive This came decision to attitudes the in conflict on policy three nearly on arbitrate Spanish-Cuban after subse and by them for more territory occupied nationalistic McKinley. in December Congress British exclude would understanding than fifty years.6 more the upon to States the United "today law for compromise. that the proceedings Even is Olney, corollary a response for five months and then simply denied the in response took up the issue by sup Doctrine. Cleveland withheld of the Monroe applicability porting this that its fiat and continent, interposition," disdain, terms Richard his proclaimed defini Britain Great with and Venezuela, Cleveland, in unsubtle declaring on a controversy of Guiana British Grover President course in the 1895, between boundary state of In Doctrine. a disputed over shift took shape in a revived and more militant sign of paradigm 1898 the during of attempt years ing to find peaceful means for restoring order and stability to an island wracked by civil war. Though not explicitly 's request for a war linked to the Monroe Doctrine, McKinley aimed at goals consistent with declaration the it, specifically expulsion of the Spanish from presence special consequences, long-term overthrow also initiated of and of peace, the a of establishment whose Nevertheless, protectorates. oscillated In sevelt preferred Americans the between emphasis the on on the twentieth favorite U.S. techniques, Hemisphere and international debts, 11. for then 1904, intervention. taking in which off corrective case he States, attributes. to the United U.S. became Latin the point America differently, again. President to arrange very toward back to right the United an As corollary for warding responsibility the This interest of policy and TR's author States those or to make in December and protec Cuban Republic?also U.S. century, coercion of places Dominican and cajolery, Congress for Second Century, other model, and terms, against violations to nonintervention to and in resulted of coercion rationale the Western 6. Gilderhus, the message his affirmed reneged of intervention assumptions in rest displays annual presented uncompromisingly vention Haiti, Nicaragua, For Cuba the Cuban following States?Panama, an in actions subsequent a U.S. independence. not but Europeans in colonies into its United and sovereignty the the upon outcome The without of Cuba Under sig and Philippines Guam. empire transformation bestowed against an of Amendment. of Cuban Cuba and Rico, introduced the of acquisition Puerto construction Platt the matter, in defense safeguard the subsequent so-called in choice militarily might in Cuba, in the by the by scant with among resulting the them, sovereignty marked as authorized intervene from Spanish a process Caribbean, torate ment restoration States. relationship binding Cuba In this war, the fighting lasted only three months but nevertheless the ities, the region, to the United nificant the the Caribbean Theodore expression the Monroe threats action prescribed Roo of inter of European Latin whenever the his Doctrine use of pre I 11 Gilderhus / THE MONROE DOCTRINE ventative have intervention. While his country original meaning. wrongdoing" out rying meant an of that or "sooner assumptions ramifications, an such view, either/or "chronic and society" the Hemisphere the of obligation Roosevelt later car explained to the powers of Europe" ourselves."7 toward policy the whether of a difference. debate Mexico policy over the meaning a distinction presumes or strategic primarily coun the Caribbean among historians served formulation and economic without much TR and his successors, William Howard Taft and Woodrow Obviously intended to safeguard both sets of interests by keeping out the Europeans and Wilson, to markets claim laying Doctrine ated through U.S. As experts. in practice and effect a of Taft "dollar commerce. and often had In By the Monroe implication, called diplomacy" administration such methods reasoned, America. sword. two-edged on emphasis in Latin banks and for skilled order, peace, aging the the Taft, resources and had always Under have would contrast with customs of by encour by seldom they result negoti houses notably expectations, the loans copious effects, good consequences, counterproductive for of Caribbean worked med political by U.S. officials. the Monroe Doctrine became more and racial condescension dling Under Wilson, Hiram Bingham of Yale Professor as hallowed creed Bingham advised Western "an shibboleth" a multilateral definition would approach of his premises Wilson in ways inMexico that force, by New Columbus, he also used On I9I6. with in this acts and the seizing Mexico, in 1916. in pursuit methods each his occasion, actions 1914 to disorder, in Haiti elicited confused In and then Villa the for to response by violence and the Villa's and instability, resistance the ordering alleged in 1915 and in the Dominican violent goal. cooperative mil twice employed following an contra and of appeals the president of Francisco In response interventionist with of the Such trouble. implementation Americans. in to the of pretensions. all the nations response because in 1910, of Veracruz city in achieved Latin angered unilateralist to which intervention unilateral of puzzled never Wilson policies, into Chihuahua tive Expedition preferences, but the onset of revolution following first action its of because according collective take Wilson's combined endeavors itary with conformed explicitly an issue in 1913 when an article describing the published University obsolete Hemisphere dictory war order keep U.S. undergirded especially In my interests. in must As "to say 'Hands off the 1920s and inspired an ongoing tries until U.S. we later assume power." police a decision must the Doctrine words, civilized of In the Western cases" flagrant international of State Elihu Root, Such and exercise "the to Secretary in in his ties invert the Monroe when, "the nation." civilized act would intrusions, in he would Doctrine, an such intervention breakdowns reluctantly, of the Monroe though on European for U.S. "some by "however States, even right, caused "impotence" intercession compelled United a sanction became or things a prohibition Initially to TR according the authority invoking set in and step nearly Puni raid on threats, Republic produced Mexico. 7. Ibid., issue. chap. 1, quotes, 29- Serge Ricard examines the Roosevelt Corollary in detail in an article a 12 I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 in the forms of international cooperation M. Colonel Edward his and confidant friend House, Hemisphere. Encouraged by for a late in 1914 the negotiation of a Pan-American treaty providing proposed Wilson Western Wilson additionally collective regional a multilateral for new system featuring security of definition ians responded called the Monroe icans Doctrine. Although everywhere. Subsequently Doctrine and the loss of trust inWilson Venustiano and altogether issues These idency. demanded as many Carranza, own his announced American markets tution of property of various the a of of free the collective the of give commitment down cerebral while, implement to defeat thrombosis. the victory their victorious These the developed various asserted collective and security, his most Point, 1918. cherished, also appealed faced a political the notably what view, And forces? in difficult fight on two French, and British, the emerged, what while sovereignty? of Treaty Could the treaty. the League Doctrine? Could Hemisphere? his to make unwillingness all contributed Wilson the Monroe about the Western convincingly, about questions of U.S. conceptions respond Senate raised They in the fall of 1919 the Allies, In his take. intervention to in autocracy, in role he security and the League, represented the best that he then had to deal with Republican opponents who had of military in outside illness influential goals. and Fourteenth and subvert incapacity sions, and his in Senate security result Wilson's went and purposes the over a process U.S. Consti of Nations. League for collective treaty and self-determination, The an play militarism, his of issues. providing could have hoped to gain. He compel colonialism, trade, to he the U.S. succeeded. the Mexican 1917 and later sent an army to France in April determination of his peace plan, Wilson through access to Euro 27 for expropriating private In 1938, President L?zaro C?rdenas took to win had for opportunities part of provisions from in Article the adoption Versailles over the most for radical them of support diplomatic new of of his pres some though concerned seeking First, Would the of war statement territorial creation Japanese, a them various even I denied Latin Americans initiatives resist his them, the world as Points While taken Another U.S. to Doctrine for the remainder to obtain need in defense industry. among among addressed Brazil renounced of Mexico, Carranza concerns, the possible. response, a declaration rid To making. fronts. In petroleum reasons, Fourteen the as in attempts obtained principles, for centered countries less well Wilson the on the authorization 1917, especially resources. and nationalizing mineral possession peace American the effects ofWorld War loans. and fared for One trade when efforts Latin transcended attention. Latin expanding pean and among Latin Amer the president of Mexican the inviolability sovereignty. war and making peace preoccupied Wilson Waging still and of disputes the Argentines particularly because of the expressed misgivings, such a treaty require Peru. with Would dispute as a in died 1916 consequence of the Persh treaty The proposed into Mexico Expedition the Monroe arbitration compulsory the Chileans positively, territorial for an ongoing implications outside intervention? ing Punitive the conces to another failure. The treaty from consequences of languished the a As a result, he left office in early 1921 with a broken heart. Mean in the presidential election of 1920 meant that Republicans could own vision of world order. In Latin America, they initiated a line of Gilderhus / THE MONROE DOCTRINE policy resulting Neighbor came innovations threat following European that believed interventionist State J. Reuben Clark wrote as a rationale for the hemispheric various reasons, defeat inWorld had relations, the Good the absence of exercise an of I. Republican Consequently, in 1928 in which by he disavowed and to According arousing of Undersecretary power police Doctrine. this a leaders also consequences counterproductive international the Monroe them, among War nationalism. American amemorandum from States under United Latin of intervention for practices forms of about the German anti-American right of conception policy.8 Such lary a new in eventually | 13 TR's corol disconnected the interpretation, the the right of intervention in defense of U.S. citizens and property but not in conjunction with the hallowed creed. This understanding played a vital role in shaping the Good Neighbor policy the essential parts of which conformed with Pan under President Franklin Roosevelt, American affairs to The assumptions. of nonintervention, ple the of effects ures for the Great II of in started the United FDR trade gave the up right States Another to the of the attack gained once policy security, on meas such Pearl the through War World in resulting and then to mobilize the fighting the in efforts self-proclaimed opportunities part after conflict intervention, princi domestic to combat attempt overseas, of hemispheric questions the region against entered markets of the in the cooperation an In part new finding to States intervene American commerce. by agreements. prominence to right for Latin called expand gave the United the has in return for new commercial first to insulate attempts when nation at home In effect, reciprocal Europe and Depression by his cousin Theodore, negotiation no Another security, a trade-off. entailed committed feature that reason. any maintain peace, central affirming of another uphold law retained international support Harbor. tactics implied a multilateral of the changes in diplomatic understanding came Doctrine and the payoff when administration, by leaders in the Roosevelt Such Monroe all but declared later. access. Mexico two Latin war on Roosevelt He sent American less ground with opment offers and air and sweet of military aid the American in actual interest of shrewd diplomacy, either pressure, Latin regarded took nations Under them. forces, exceptions, of vitally to Italy in the Axis Chile, and important Nevertheless, and the the administration loans the and participation. military respectively, promises with Argentina as resources talk, and bribery, and relations broke postwar era around wanted easy Brazil Philippines. obtained or powers came By and means its purposes to promote devel modernization.9 Pan American Visions: Woodrow Wilson in the Western Hemisphere, 8. Mark T. Gilderhus, 1913-1921 Second Century, chaps. of Arizona 1, 2; Gantenbein, Evolution, (Tucson: University Press, 1986); Gilderhus, the Monroe Doctrine, and Theodore Roosevelt's Caribbean: The Panama Canal, 401. Richard H. Collin, 100-07, for example, Louisiana State University the Latin American Context Press, 1990), xiii-xiv, (Baton Rouge: to accounts which misrepresent aim. According TR's neo-Marxist disdain for predebt-minded, expresses than in "the exclusion in "the subjugation of Latin America" the president Collin, always took less interest definition On the proposed multilateral the Germans, from the Western of Europe," Hemisphere. especially see Thomas "Hiram Bingham L. Karnes, and His Obsolete of the Monroe Doctrine, Shibboieth," Diplomatic History versity 3 (Winter 1979): 39-57. 9- Fredrick B. Pike, FDR's Good Neighbor Policy, Sixty Years of Generally an exceptionally able analysis; Gilderhus, of Texas Press, 1995) presents Gentle Chaos (Austin: Second Century, chap. Uni 3. 14 I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 concerns shifted to peace making the fighting drew to a close, U.S. diplomatic of global and regional organization. After Roosevelt's death in April 1945, As and questions his successor, Nations, failures S Truman, Harry viewed by resulted the of intercourse. the creation to chance the of United the for compensate the leaders also proposed the creation of Hemisphere, This the traditions associated with the Monroe Doctrine. in Pact the Rio Pan-American a As in the on based political Charter OAS as the conceived commercial and solidarity the embraced also secu collective (OAS) in 1948, an entity to promote feature, alliance military States Union central a 1947, of American rity, and the Organization successor to as a second Democrats other to defend system endeavor a commitment retained and In the Western of 1919. a regional him of principle nonintervention. 1945, the exigencies leaders perceived regional of the Cold War After U.S. Hemisphere issues became ization of U.S. have depend the presidency During of ciple of power D. War upon the Plan. threats. within the and modern the obtained Europe Latin benefits in contrast, America, would former a example, Jacobo Arbenz In Company. the era of the Good Neighbor Eisenhower, came took into of Guzman reformers and under Colonel Carlos Castillo radicals era had administration Eisenhower Armas. prin the properties and confiscated the response, the in a new resulting priority, coalition with conflict had taken over and in 1954 clandestinely that Communists Consequently, consequences of development of Western imperatives the view, for Fruit United anti-Communists by Ike's under President the U.S.-owned charged Cold when In Soviet aid. of Dwight In Guatemala, intervention. sion end nonintervention. assumed of to an came formally trade, not countries the Marshall of back for purposes loans The terms turn depending of U.S. influenced U.S. policy when prism and saw the Western profoundly a Cold War to in which unimportant casualty. the on arena promise early under largess to The an became an or important context. War Cold as primarily issues through an inva sponsored congruen; Supposedly the requirements of the Monroe Doctrine but clearly not with the OAS Charter, means this intervention by indirect into exile and inadvertently drove Arbenz Guzman set off a civil war lasting for four decades and causing the deaths of over 100,000 with Guatemalans.10 The the Monroe creed by name, biggest Cold War the triumph a devotee of had erate no crisis since the Chinese of Cuban the Communist his to of John F. Kennedy faced the boldest challenge ever. Though Kennedy the hallowed seldom specifically mentioned he took strong measures in defense of it and became embroiled in the administration incoming Doctrine country revolutionaries Cuban nineteenth-century ties from but what intervention under favored he saw an as Fidel set and patriot anti-American foreign in Korea Castro in 1950. Early events the nationalist course domination. of His Jos? action in 1959, in motion. Castro, Mart?, initially in efforts execution of to lib political 10. Gaddis and Wang, 1945-1993 Smith, The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine, (New York: Hill of "the [George F.} Kennan in takes on special importance 1994), chaps. 1-4; Smith's discussion Corollary" connection with the Guatemalan reasoned that U.S. policy makers had no choice caper in 1954. Kennan to work with to keep communism if they wished at bay. Gilderhus, dictators Second except right-wing Century, chap. 4. Gilderhus / THE MONROE DOCTRINE his enemies, to natives Devised the Central Intelligence Agency clandestine to Alliance for would plan he over, invade the developed and a he popular At term, Cubans When uprising. the sponsored modernization. about second anti-Castro 1,500 trigger First, strategy. democracy of against for bringing in Eisenhower's army alter administration a plan emerged and radical spreading Eisenhower late an island a dual to promote Progress on relied operation in interest the from 1954, according Kennedy his turned model by took and property, America on the Guatemalan proposed who in Latin places him. Drawing his downfall. this of private expropriation other I 15 creation Latin last, an of Ameri cans would to them during World War II. Second, he get some of the funds promised to to eliminate Castro. Neither go ahead with the CIA plan part worked. Driven agreed the false and alliance foundered when policy assumptions by misleading expectations, makers the impossibility discovered traditional the elites, ruling very of promoting people invasion at the Bay of Pigs on April when Castro's and them, the U.S. the missiles ballistic range U-2 Various sessions. 1962, of promise of blockade, an latter nuclear grew beach, even worse. failure some killed he hastily under warheads of consideration, the including from invasion As Cuba. of Cuba a And blackmail. so by medium in the and air of possibility Kennedy that demanded For thirteen days in the middle of October insisted, the finally emerged. As Kennedy also secret such it when targets on diplomacy. "quarantine," Khrushchev and remained provision a called with against to response gambit from photos taken by a his top advisors into emergency summoned euphemistically In and got armed forces military learned of Khrushchev's came withdraw against this albeit the the Soviet Union nuclear carrying withdraw would then from send the troops and missiles. until a solution the tension mounted Soviets on attackers the U.S.-backed in a spectacular to defeat the through working In addition, an invasion, but in the end, the group decided a naval Khrushchev ance to agreed capable alternatives strikes or perhaps authorized it. down situation asked for help Kennedy over Cuba, spy plane high the the view, premier, and States. When United of point Khrushchev, to opposed 17, 1961 went overwhelmed to kill him, Castro CIA plots change while rest. the captured From Nikita forces superior most agree so the required, to that Americans would out of Turkey, missiles could Kennedy each means, their take could side claim avoid a the appear victory while of the Monroe Doctrine, such as Samuel Flagg its basic goals. Champions accomplishing at a the denounced Yale of Bemis, University, emphatically history diplomatic professor on outcome sphere, but that grounds nevertheless x Cuba still Kennedy a Soviet remained could express in the Western protectorate satisfaction that he had avoided Hemi a nuclear war.1 During America served the years remaining interests and of purposes the Cold implicitly War, other U.S. with associated interventions the Monroe in Latin Doctrine, for catastrophe because they failed to bring in potential the Soviet Union. President Lyndon B. Johnson premised his invasion of the Dominican in 1965 on the need to prevent "another Cuba." In 1973, President Richard Republic but none of them had as much 11. Smith, Last Years, chap. 5; Gilderhus, Second Century, chap. 5. I PRESIDENTIALSTUDIESQUARTERLY /March 2006 16 M. Nixon succeeded Salvador Allende's action, in bringing about the overthrow of President by indirect means leaders to take socialist regime in Chile while encouraging military the dominoes venting the Nicaragua government Sandinista with operation invoked explicitly Though the aims and purposes associated with in defense purpose Monroe of whether of liberty, States. the United and wisely As the and democracy, the Monroe always, during in insurgency and Moscow. American of way, and idealism the Doctrine serve could high of invocation it provided policy makers with underlying they defined as the strategic and economic for acting pre headed by Daniel Ortega, in expressions shrouded Typically and the assumptions on behalf of what Doctrine tification ests measures. interventionist for right-wing Havana from and Ronald Reagan and during the Cold War, the Monroe Doctrine it provided both a justification and an explana seldom tion a government backing interests corporate President sustained and supported a Communist U.S. safeguarding in the Andes. Under the reformist/radical against it as depicting of purpose from falling U.S. the 1980s, the for presumably the a jus inter purposes, multiple or not. effectively creed could not survive the end of the Cold War. As Gaddis Alas, the hallowed Smith has shown in his thoughtfully insightful book, The Last Days of theMonroe Doc the collapse of the Soviet Union removed all sense of external threat trine, 1945-1993, to the Western mitment. U.S. ricated policy also often Monroe The policy. as the coercion between revealed regarded of a sense as of inferiors radicals and nationalists a review and and ignorance on racial and historically what also for reveals the and have looked upon so many that wonder the United enemy. 12. Smith, Last Years, chaps. 6-10; Gilderhus, Second Century, chap. 6. practical things defined oscillations nonintervention. toward condescension No leaders U.S. reflected all for many Latin Latin com the retaining and purpose its history intervention built-in grounds. of and States cooperation a useful served consistently the United rationale principal served longer Nevertheless, Doctrine Monroe self-interest the denied no Doctrine to exist.12 ceased purposes and Hemisphere The about or fab in U.S. They Americans, American States as their natural