Working in a Neon Cage: Bodily Labor of Cosmetics Saleswomen in Taiwan
Author(s): Pei-Chia Lan
Source: Feminist Studies, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Spring, 2003), pp. 21-45
Published by: Feminist Studies, Inc.
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Working in a Neon Cage:
of
Cosmetics
Saleswomen in Taiwan
Bodily Labor
Pei-Chia Lan
Contemporarycapitalismis characterizedby its obsessionwith and anxiety about the body. With a never-endingexpansionof commoditiesand
services in dieting, slimming, and skin care, consumer cultureencourages individualsto combat the deteriorationof the body, a proclaimed
vehicle of pleasure and self-expression.'Feminist studies have further
pointedout the gendersignificanceof beautyculture.Mainstreammedia
and the beautyindustrydisciplinefemale consumersby reproducingthe
dominantideal of femininityin connectionwith the contemporarybody
discourseof self-control.2 One missing piece of the puzzle in the above
analysisinvolveswomenwho are not only consumersbut also employees
in the beautyindustry-theyare hiredto embodybeautyimages and convey normalizingdiscoursesto customerson the sellingfloor.
Through a case study of cosmetics saleswomen working in department stores in Taiwan, this article examines the making of gendered
bodies and subjectsin the nexus of labor,production,and consumption.
LaurenLangmandescribesthe departmentstore as a "neoncage"that
symbolizeshow consumersocietyorganizesour time, behavior,and subjectivity.3I borrow this metaphor in a broader sense to designate the
multiplelayersof controloverworkerswho sell productsor provideservices related to the culturalideal of the body. Workingin a shopping
space rampantwith images and desire, these workers'bodies are not
only subjectedto the supervisionof managersbut are also underthe surveillance gaze of customers.When these workersembody and promote
beautyimages at work,their own desire,body image, and personalconsumptionare integratedinto the intrinsicelementsof the laborprocess.
I propose the concept of "bodilylabor"to analyze the ambiguous
natureand multipledimensionsof the laborprocessof sellingcosmetics.
I explore the following questions in this article: What are the job requirementsfor cosmetics saleswomen hired to producebeauty images
FeministStudies 29, no. 1 (spring2003). @ 2003 by FeministStudies, Inc.
21
22
Pei-ChiaLan
and manipulateconsumer desire? How are their bodies and identities
constructedas an integralpartof the laborprocess?How do these women accomplishand resist the requirementsof bodilylabor?How do they
negotiatetheir gender and class identitieswhen workingin a shopping
space that promotes an ideal femininityand a middle-classlifestyle? I
identifythree differentcomponentsof the job requirementsfor cosmetics saleswomen:the disciplinedbody, the mirroringbody, and the communicative body. The tripartite components of bodily labor involve
diverse strategiesof labor control,conveyingcontradictorymessages to
customers. The performance of bodily labor also becomes a battlegroundfor saleswomento negotiatetheir genderand class identities on
a dailybasis.
Bringing the Body Back
As the famous 1970s' slogan "ourbodies, ourselves"declared,the body
has alwaysbeen a key concern in the history of Anglo-Americanfeminism. In the 199os, the signification of the body was debated in the
wake of "thelinguisticturn."Poststructuralistfeminists challengedthe
sex/gender distinction,that left the "sexed"biologicalbody as a kind of
"coatrack"upon which the social constructionof "gender"is expressed.'
Scholarssuch as Judith Butlerarguedthat women are neitherborn, nor
made;women appropriatethe normativeprescriptionon sex, according
to which their bodies are shaped, cultivated, and constructed. This
approach,however,faced the criticismthat it reducedthe body to a textual play designatingsemiotic differences,thereby owingjustice to the
materialityof the body.5
This debate indicated a broader concern in contemporaryfeminist
theories,that was, as Nancy Fraserphrasedit, a disconnectionbetween
the "discursive analysis of gender signification" and the "structural
analysis of institutions and political economy."6Giventhat most feminist scholarshipon the body is devotedto the analysisof media images
and culturaldiscoursesover female consumers,I suggest an alternative
research direction that focuses on the gendered body in the nexus of
labor, production, and consumption. This focus explores how gender
and sexualitybecome the integralelements of the servicelaborprocess,
in which the worker'sbody is constructedas a productivesubjectas well
as a sexualobjectgovernedby genderdiscoursesand consumerculture.7
In the literatureof labor process theory, the traditionalimage of a
workeris as an abstractlabor power that has no sexuality,emotion, or
body. Its gender-blindnesshas been challengedby many feminist studies that uncoverhow gender differenceand inequalityare constructed
and perpetuated from structural segregation to daily labor performance."
However, the gendered embodiment of workers has yet to be thoroughly examined. The missing body is a serious flaw particularly in the study
Pei-ChiaLan
23
of servicework,whose characteristicsbreakdown the old dichotomyof
mental labor and physical labor, a replication of the Cartesianmindbody dualism.
Recent scholarshave offeredinsights on the specificityof the service
labor process and how workersare, in CandaceWest and Don Zimmerman'swords, "doinggender"in their workplaces.Arlie Hochschilduses
the concept of "emotionallabor"to describe how service workers are
required to produce particularemotions in customers and how their
feelings become controlledby employersthroughtrainingand supervision. Througha comparisonof female attendantsand male bill collectors, she furtherarguesthat, whereaswomen occupythe feminine side
(caring,sympathy,deference),men are usually assigned to the masculine type of emotionallabor (threatening,no sympathy,truth claiming).
RobinLeidnerdefines "interactiveservicework"as the jobs that require
workers to interact directly with customers or clients. She also found
that fast-food counterworkers(mostly women) accordwith stereotypical feminine characteristicswhen submissivelyserving customers and
taking orders, but the work scripts of insurance sales (used mostly by
men) emphasizeheroism,aggressiveness,and dominationoverclients.9
Althoughthese scholars have shed light on how service workersinteract with customers through facial expressions and bodily gestures,
the significanceof the body in the servicelaborprocess is not yet sufficiently theorized. Further,I raise the concept of "bodilylabor"to describeservicejobs with three characteristics.First,the servicesprovided
or productssold by the workersinvolve consumptionrelatedto the cultural ideals of the body. Second, the mainjob content of these workers
includesthe use of bodilypostures,expression,display,and movements
to interactwith customers.Third,labormanagementfocuses on the discipline,maintenance,and transformationof workers'bodies.
As much as the body is fundamentalto the constructionof gendered
selves in contemporarysocieties, gender is an integral part of bodily
labor. DebraGilmancoins the term "bodywork"to describehow women negotiate gendered identity by transformingtheir bodies through
hair styles, aerobics, and plastic surgery.'o However, such body work
cannotbe accomplishedwithoutthe assistanceof workersin the beauty
industry-hair stylists, aerobics instructors, and cosmetics surgeons.
Their bodily labor normalizes dominant body images and reproduces
culturalmeanings of femininity and masculinityduring their encounters with consumers.
The concept of bodilylabor contributesto Marxistlaborprocesstheoryby examiningworkers'embodiedsubjectivityin the beautyindustry.
Drawingon MichelFoucault,"I look at laborcontrolnot only as repressive violence relatedto the appropriationof surplusvalue, but also as a
productive and discursive exercise to make workers into appropriate
24
Pei-ChiaLan
subjects.Capitalistswho purchasebodily laborto promotethe cultural
ideal of the body want their workers to be productive, docile, and
tractablebodies. Workers'bodies become a means of conveying consumer images and normalizingdiscoursesto customers,as well as a target of management,discipline,and transmutation.
Research Methods
My data collection was conducted in Taipei mainly between October
1994 and May 1995.A brief periodof follow-upresearchwas carriedout
in the summer of 1998. The main researchmethods were field observations, in-depth interviews,archivalanalysis, and a small-scale survey.
AlthoughI did not get a chance to work on the site, throughan insider
contact (one saleswomanwho was my high school classmate), I hung
out at a cosmetics counteron a regularbasis. I observedthe employees'
dailywork and interactionswith customers,chattedwith them when no
customers were around, had lunch, and socialized with other saleswomen from neighboringcounters.My researchpurposewas knownby
the saleswomenbut not the managers,a decision made at the suggestion of some saleswomen("Thatwould be too much hassle. You may be
kicked out").When a manageror supervisoroccasionallyshowed up, I
disguisedmyselfas a customerbrowsingaroundat the counters.
I also conductedopen-endedinterviewswith twelve saleswomenand
two salesmen duringtheir lunch breaksor off-hours.At the time of the
interviews, seven worked at the same department store where I observed, four worked in other departmentstores, and two had left this
occupation. The informants were selected based on snowballing and
theoreticalsampling to cover enough variationsin maritalstatus, age,
and company.Among the ten women who were workingin sales, only
one was olderthan thirty;threewere married,two had children,and the
rest were single. The two informantswho had left this occupationwere
both married,over thirty-fiveyears old, and had children.All the saleswomen interviewedwere high school graduates.One salesman was in
his early thirties and had a junior college degree. The other salesman
was only nineteen years old; he was attending college in the evening.
Laterin the researchprocess, I interviewedtwo female managersof cosmetics companiesand one male departmentstore supervisor.The work
experiencesof all the informantscovereight differentcosmeticscompanies. All interviewswere conducted and transcribedin MandarinChinese and later translatedinto Englishwhen quoted. All names used in
this articleare pseudonyms.
In addition,I coded articlesand advertisementsin recent Taiwanese
fashion magazinesregardingbeauty culture and cosmetics products. I
also widely collectedtrainingmanuals,workingrules, recruitmentclassified ads, and other relevant archivalmaterial.At the end of my re-
Pei-Chia
Lan
25
search, I conducteda small-scalesurveywith twenty-eightsaleswomen
in the departmentstore I had observedto double-checkmy field findings.
The following analysis is divided into four parts. First, I document
the development of the cosmetics industry and the transformationof
body discoursesin Taiwan.Second,I identifythree types of bodilylabor
in the job requirementsof cosmetics saleswomen.Third,I explore how
saleswomenaccomplishbodilylabor in differentways to negotiatetheir
gender and class identities.And fourth,the last section presents a case
of men selling cosmetics to underscorethe constructionof hierarchical
genderdifferencein the performanceof bodilylabor.
The Cosmetics Industry in Taiwan
The cosmetics industry in Taiwan has grown rapidly in the past four
decades in keeping with the developmentof Taiwan'seconomy. Before
the 196os, only a few small local factoriesproduceda limited varietyof
traditional cosmetics products. Due to the agriculturallifestyle and
modest economic conditions then, most women neither needed nor
could affordthese luxuries.Women wearing heavy makeupwere often
associated with "badwomen,"which carried an implicit reference to
prostitution. In contrast, the body image of "goodwomen" featured
plain faces and straightlong hair;their chastityand moralitywere clear
withoutthe "blemish"of makeupand hair perms.
Some U.S. and Japanese cosmetics companies started establishing
local franchisesin Taiwanin the early 196os. The cosmetics marketrapidly expanded in the 1970s because the growth of the gross national
productraisedthe averageabilityof consumption,industrializationdramaticallyincreasedwomen's wage work, and the physical and cultural
boundariesof Taiwanesewomen's daily lives were redefined."Foreign
cosmetics companiesdrew on distinct culturalelements to rewritelocal
discoursesabout makeup.Max Factordiffusedimages based on a Caucasian ideal of beauty and thus imported U.S. popular culture. Hollywood movie stars in cosmetics advertisementscalled for Asian women
to wear makeup to produce the illusion of wide eyes, narrow cheeks,
and pointed noses.'3The meanings of wearing makeupwere connected
with a Western,modernizedstyle of femininityand liberatedsexuality.
In contrast, Japanese companies gained a market advantage in skinwhitening products, making reference to the image of Asian women
with properdelicacyand elegantmanners.
The discoursesdeliveredby U.S. and Japanese companiesconverged
to the point that skin care or wearingmakeupbecame a key element in
the look of "modernwomen."Youngsinglewomenborn afterWorldWar
II were the pioneergenerationof Taiwanesewomen who left their agriculturalhometownsand migratedto urbanfactoriesfar awayfrom their
26
Lan
Pei-Chia
patriarchalfamilies. BorrowingMike Featherstone'smetaphor, these
young women no longerviewedtheirbodies as "avessel of sin to hide or
cover,"but ratherused them to displaytheir recentlyachievedindependence and freedom.This was similar to what KathyPeiss describedas
occurringin the United States in the early twentieth century:"Thisacceptance[of cosmetics]was no merefad or fashion,but a largechangein
the way women perceivedtheiridentitiesand displayedthem on the face
and body.""'
They used lotion and creamto maintaintheir light, smooth
skin that was no longer exposed to sunshine in the field. They put on
powderand lipstickto attractthe attentionsof male coworkerswho were
potentialmates for marriagesbased on free love. Cosmeticsmarkedthe
women'snew membershipin urbanlife as well as their rebellionagainst
traditionalnormsof femininityand sexuality.
The Taiwanesegovernmentdid not permit the direct import of foreign cosmetics until 1981, and from 1981 to 1985 it charged a high tariff
thus making cosmetics accessible only to a small group of people who
had the privilegeof travelingabroador who could affordexpensiveindirect imports (two to three times that of local products).The consumption of foreign cosmetics was considered a sign of fashion and status
due to limited availabilityand expensiveprices.After 1985, the trend of
economic liberalizationpushed the governmentto lower the tariff for
cosmetics from 85 percent to 55 percent. Meanwhile, in 1986, after
almost fortyyears of enforcement,martiallaw in Taiwanwas terminated and as a consequencemost regulationsfrom state and school authorities over adult and teenagers' bodies were lifted.'5The growth of the
beauty industry, in both kind and scale, indicated the celebration of
individualfreedomas well as the collectiveworshipof globalfashion.
Parallelingthe proliferationof cosmeticsand otherbeautyindustries,
the social images associated with the occupation of cosmetics saleswomen also changed over time. In the 1970s, parents, husbands, and
especially mothers-in-law objected to women working in department
stores because this occupationwas stigmatizedas an inappropriatejob
for "good women." Most resigned after getting married. A manager
reportedthat cosmetics companieshad a difficulttime recruitingsaleswomen beforethey successfullytransformedthe image of this job into a
"fashionprofession."The companies provided saleswomen with fancy
uniformsand free cosmetics,and they offeredtrainingsessions on styles
of conversation and manners. Cosmetics saleswomen often traveled
aroundthe whole country,even to a small fishingisland,to promoteforeign cosmeticsproductsand demonstratewearingmakeup.Two retired
saleswomenproudlyrecalledthat cosmeticssales was consideredone of
the most glamorous jobs for Taiwanese women at that time, second only
to flight attendants who enjoyed the privilege of traveling worldwide.
Lin-Yi, who worked as a saleswoman in a department store for more
Pei-ChiaLan
27
thantenyears,recalledthesituationin theearly1970s:
AfterI graduatedfromhigh school,my firstjob was sellingaccessoriesin a
store.I wasso excitedwhenI gotthatjob!I wasjust a 19-year-old
department
from
the
girl
countryside.I was amazedhow beautifulthe departmentstore
was.Therewas music,airconditioning.
... Andwe couldeventalkto friends
whilewe wereworking!Not likeworkingin the factory;[thatwas]boring.In
those days, workingin a departmentstore, you had to stand from 10 A.M.to 10
P.M.ButI didn'tfeeltiredat all.I wasso happy,thinkingthisjobwaswonderful.EverydayI gotto see lotsofforeigners,
richpeopleandfashionwomen!
Many young women such as Lin-Yiwere so fascinatedby the sparklingly decorated, music-playing, and air-conditioned department
stores that they never complained about standing twelve hours every
day. In contrast to dirty, noisy, and enclosed factories, department
stores attractedthem with excitement,publicexposure,and the fantasy
of middle-class identification. This is similar to what Susan Benson
wrote about departmentstore sales work in the early-twentieth-century
United Stateswherethese jobs were viewed as a "Cinderellaoccupation"
that offered young women upward mobility, glamor, and white-collar
respectability.'6
In the 1990s, the saturationand tight competitionof foreigncosmetics marketsresultedin huge reductionsin retail prices. The availability
of importedcosmeticsmade previousmarketingstrategies,that focused
on status or exoticism, no longer sufficient to attract Taiwanese consumers. The cosmetics companiesthen institutednew marketingplans
to establish brand distinction based on claims of "professionalism."
EverettHughes argues that the essence of professionalismis the claim
"to know better than others the nature of certain matters,and to know
better than their clients what ails them or their affairs."''7
Professional
authorityin the cosmeticsindustryis built on a complexsystem of esoteric knowledgeaboutthe maintenanceand decorationof women'sbodies. It dividesconsumerbodies into endless typologieswith subtle differences to allow an increasing complex proliferationof products.'8Cosmetics companies consolidatetheir professionallegitimacyand market
advantageson the basis of alleged scientific innovations,such as antiwrinkle and hydroxyacid products. In Taiwan,these professionaldiscourses gained extra credibilitywhen they were transplantedfrom advancedWesterncountrieslike France,Switzerland,or the UnitedStates.
As cosmetics companiesin contemporaryTaiwan"professionalized,"
the tendency of new managementwas to produce "skilled"salespeople
who were capable of deliveringprofessionalclaims and other complex
messages to consumers.Workerswere assigned an increasingvarietyof
tasks on the selling floor, involving multiple performances of bodily
labor.
28
Pei-Chia
Lan
Tripartite Requirements of Bodily Labor
Although cosmetics saleswomen are hired by cosmetics companies,
their work sites are scatteredamong differentdepartmentstores. Their
labor process, as such, is under the supervision of "two bosses."
from cosmetics compaSaleswomenare overseen by the "coordinator"
nies, who is in chargeof five to ten counterslocated in differentdepartment stores, as well as the "floorsupervisor"of departmentstores, who
patrols all the counters on the same floor. Although saleswomen are
paid by cosmetics companiesratherthan by departmentstores, the latter can deduct money from the share of sales profitsthey releaseto cosmetics companies.In Taiwan,customerpaymentscollectedby counter
saleswomen are submitted to departmentstores first. After deducting
an agreed portion covering rent and management fees, department
stores give the remainingportion to individualcosmetics companiesat
the end of everymonth.Yet,becausethe coordinatorfromthe cosmetics
companies cannot constantly watch over all counters and the department store supervisorcannot directlycontrolsaleswomen'swages, neither is constantlypresent in dailylaboractivities.As a saleswomansaid,
"youcan say we have two bosses,but you can also say we have no boss!"
Anothergroup of agents involved in the supervisionof saleswomen
are the customersbrowsingand shoppingin departmentstores.Previous
studies have revealedthat customersand clients are often recruitedas
agents to evaluate and monitor the activities of service workers."This
practiceis especiallytrue at cosmeticssales counterswhereno supervisor
is stationed on a constantbasis. Both departmentstores and cosmetics
companies encourage customers to participate in the surveillance of
saleswomenas a "thirdboss." Customerswho fill out serviceevaluation
formscan receivebonus gifts.Theirlettersof complaintare often used by
managersas evidencein evaluatingor punishingsaleswomen.
Traditional labor process theory, grounded in the experiences of
manufacturingworkers,presumesthat the majorgoal of laborcontrolis
to ensure the appropriationof surplus values produced by workers.20
However, salespeople and other service workers produce no material
products.Theirinteractionswith customersconstitutethe raw material
of the labor process, and the deals they make are the only quantitative
criteria for the measurement of productivity. Cosmetics saleswomen
typicallyreceivea small basic salaryand earn most of their income from
commissions based on either individual sales (one salesperson) or
group sales (all salespeople at one counter). Some companies calculate
commissionson individualsales to avoid "freeriding"by "lazy"workers.
Other companies adopt group sales calculations because of concerns
that competitionamong saleswomen could create a bad impressionfor
customers.Veryfew cosmetics companiesin Taiwanoffer retirementor
pension programs.Moreover,sales recordsonly cover part of the labor
Pei-Chia
Lan
29
activitiesof cosmeticssaleswomen.Theireverydaytasks actuallyinclude two major components:backstagepreparationand counter performance.Behindthe counter,saleswomentake inventoryof commodities, clean the surroundings,and keep sales records.
Their more visible activitiesare their interactionswith customersup
front-they smile, greet, explain commodities, make deals, and collect
payment.Whatthey sell at the countersare not merelycosmeticsproducts but the signs and images attached to the process of shopping.
Cosmeticssaleswomen'sbodies not only providephysical strength and
movement to conductlabor activitiesbut also function as the medium
of conveyingspecificimages and emotionalstatusto customers.
From the symbolic labor performance of cosmetics saleswomen,
some questionsfollow:What are the images and messages conveyedto
customerson the selling floor?How do saleswomenembodyand convey
these signs in their labor practices?How does managementsupervise
their laborperformancein these regards?I identifythree componentsof
bodily laborthat are requiredfor cosmeticssaleswomento perform:the
disciplined body (providingdeferentialservices through standardized
bodily gestures and emotional management), the mirroring body
(embodyingthe beauty images as a reflection of cosmetics products),
and the communicating body (pursuing the professional authorityof
body/knowledge)."The tripartiteperformanceof bodily labor conveys
multiple and even contradictorymessages to customers. Saleswomen
are expected to provide submissive services for customersat the same
time that they pursue dominationover them. They become a sexy idol
but also a figureof scientificauthorityin the eyes of consumers.
To supervise these different components of bodily labor, management exercises diverse or even conflicting strategies of labor control.
Richard Edwardsreviews the transformationof the workplacein the
twentieth century and identifies two major strategies of labor control:
exploitation,which assuresthe appropriationof surplusvalue produced
by workers, and standardization or routinization, which disciplines
workersto performstandardizedbodily actionunderthe scrutinyof scientific work-study.I identifytwo more strategiesinvolvedin the supervision of bodily labor performedby cosmetics saleswomen. In contrast
to maximizingthe exploitationof workers'physicalstrengths,managers
also need to maintain the beauty of their mirroringbodies. In addition
to the standardizationof work scripts to minimize uncertainty,managers have to grant a certain degree of flexibility and autonomy to
workersin their communicationwith a varietyof customers.2
The disciplined body. One of the major messages delivered to customers
on the selling floor is that "we provide better service than other stores."
Deference is a major characteristic of quality service and such work is
30
Pei-ChiaLan
usually carried out by women. In department stores, management
adopts many disciplinarymeasuresin the work scriptsthat enforcemeticulous control over the operation of saleswomen's bodies to assure
theirutilityas well as theirdocility."3
Three to four saleswomen are usually assigned to each counter.
During store hours (10:30 A.M.to 9:oo P.M.),each takes two or three
shifts to keep a minimumof two staff on duty.A dailywork shift is usually eight hours. The time allotted for taking meals and going to the
bathroom is limited. Most department stores require saleswomen to
stand all day, even without the presence of customers.Theirlunch and
dinner schedules are irregulardepending on their shifts and are often
delayedby customers.These workingconditionsmay cause healthproblems (e.g., back, kidney, or stomach) that I regularlyheard about from
my informants.Each saleswomanis eligible for four or five days off a
month. Duringpeak seasons, saleswomenare usually requiredto work
overtimein the evening,withoutextrapay in some cases.
Attitudestowardcustomersare often standardizedand instrumentalin their work scripts. For example,salespeopleare requiredto
coded
ly
repeat scripted statements, such as "how are you doing today?"and
"thanksfor coming,"wheneverthey greet a customer, A management
manualpublishedby the departmentstore trade associationin Taiwan
boldly suggests directionsfor the angles of bowingto customers(fifteen
degrees for "pleasewait a moment,"thirty degrees for "welcome,"and
forty-five degrees for "thanksfor coming").The extreme example of
body engineeringis that of elevatorladies in Japanese-styledepartment
stores. These young ladies, dressed in skirt suits and wearinghats, repeat the same greetingscripts,smile, and bow to everycustomerentering the elevator-as elegant and mechanicalas a beautifulrobot. Before
the stores open every morning, some departmentstores request their
staff to stand in line, repeating greeting words loudly and practicing
bowing together.This practiceis a common exercise in Japanese management cultureand aims to "inculcatereceptivenessand a willingness
to greet and appreciateothers and to eliminate resistance toward respondingpositivelytowardauthority."24
Saleswomenperformthe disciplinedbody not only with their physical movementsbut also with their emotions and feelings. As a department store supervisoreloquentlytold me during an interview,training
in mannersand bodily gesturesis not completeuntil they have become
part of the workers'nature. Salespeopleare instructedto love this job
based on the belief that "servingother people makes me proud and
happy.""Customersfirst"and "customersare alwaysright"are the guiding principles they have to keep in mind always. A female manager drew
an analogy between the roles of saleswomen and daughters-in-law in
Chinese families. Customers, like parents-in-law, should be served with
Lan
Pei-Chia
31
courteous manners and submissive attitudes. And knowing that customers are recruitedas surveillanceagents, saleswomen need to manage their emotions and suppress their anger and frustration toward
rude customers even without the presence of managers. Some saleswomen keep slogans written on the back of the counter or on their
accountingbooks, such as "Yousee a clearersky and a widerocean after
takingone step backward,"and "Thosewho get angryare reallosers."
The abovediscussionrevealsstrategiesof standardizationand routinization that can be tracedback to the developmentof scientificmanagement in the earlytwentieth century.It is best exemplifiedby Tayloism,
which treats workers'bodies as objectsunder scientificwork-studyand
disciplinesworkersto performstandardizedbodilyactionsin a deskilled
and fracturedmanufacturinglaborprocess.' Yet,in a servicesettingthat
involves high unpredictabilityin accommodatingthe needs of various
workscriptsmay become a barrierto commuclients,over-standardized
nication ratherthan a facilitator.A serviceworkercarryinga standardized smile may be criticizedby customers for being "phony"or acting
"likea robot.""6
Managers,thus, need to grantsome degreeof autonomy
and flexibilityto saleswomenfor dealingwith diversecustomersand situations. The professionalizationof the cosmetic industry in the 199os
furthercalls for the additionof anothertype of bodily labor to enhance
saleswomen'sstatus,whichwillbe discussedin a latersection.
The mirroring body. When customersapproachthe counter,they purchase not only cosmetic productsper se but also the cultural images
attached to the products and the process of shopping. The consumer
images are multilayered.The shiny mirrors,stylish counters, and the
displays of delicate product packages refer to a lifestyle of fashion,
wealth, and taste. The super-sizedpictures of models and movie stars
hangingover the countersdeliverthe promisesof achievingbeauty and
preservingyouth. This point is well made by a Revlon manager, who
was quoted by an informant,"Infactorieswe producelipstick,in stores
we sell hope!"And saleswomenwho stand and smile behindthe counter
act like living mannequins to display commodities and mirrorbeauty
images. A saleswoman recalled the day when the cosmetics company
came to her high school to recruitemployees. "Wewere asked to walk
on stage. It is like a beauty contest."Age, height, weight, appearance,
and skin condition, ratherthan relevant educationor previous experience, are considered more important qualificationsfor matching the
culturalimage of this occupation,"theambassadorof beauty."
Afterbeing recruitedinto this occupation,the bodies of saleswomen
continue to be monitored and transformed during and after work. During the working day, they have to wear stockings, black high heels, and
fitted uniforms. Long hair has to be worn in a bun, and bangs are not
32
Pei-ChiaLan
allowed.Theirmakeupand nail polish have to complywith the fashionable colors being promotedthat season. Attentive supervisorsperiodically show up without notice to make sure that these regulations are
obeyed. Ubiquitous mirrors around the counters also remind saleswomen to check on makeupand hairdos a dozen times a day. In addition, the companyprovidesfree makeupand skin care that is used both
duringworkinghours and afterwork.These free productsrepresentnot
only a benefit for employees but also a measure for maintainingtheir
bodies. Just as ammoniais used to maintainthe shininess of shop windows and mirrors, saleswomen are encouraged to constantly engage
themselves in body maintenanceso they can effectivelyembodybeauty
images at work.
However,humanbodies are not mirrors.Theyget old, sick, and pregnant, therebybecoming "unable"to performthe image of young, pretty
bodies. Duringthe 196os and 1970s, most cosmetics companiesin Taiwan forcedpregnantsaleswomento quit theirjobs. In 1995,when I conductedmy fieldwork,at least one companystill requiredpregnantsaleswomen to be off duty duringthe last six months at half their basic pay.
Discriminationagainstpregnantwomen is differentin the cases of cosmetics saleswomen and factoryworkers.Taiwan'snewspapersused to
reportthat some factoryemployersexploited pregnantworkersby coercingthem to continueworkinguntilthe day of givingbirth.In contrast,
pregnantcosmetics saleswomenare forcedto take a leave and deprived
of their rightsto work.This contrastunderscoresthe significanceof the
mirroringbody in the labor process of selling cosmetics,which emphasizes beautymaintenanceratherthan physicalexploitationonly.
For a young woman who just graduatedfrom high school with little
workexperienceor skills, selling cosmeticsis one of the best-payingjobs
she can get. Women'syouth and beauty constitute one kind of capital
that derivesjob opportunitiesand monetaryvalue in the beauty industry. Yet, unlike economic or cultural capital, "bodycapital"cannot be
accumulatedover time and will decline with increasingage. In Taiwan,
the occupationof cosmetics sales is perceivedas limited.A saleswoman
will become unqualifiedfor the job after reachinga certain age, when
her body is no longeryoung and pretty.Almostall of my informantsrecognized strong social pressuresin this regard(e.g.,"anold lady will feel
embarrassedto stay in the job"). This social perception pushes many
saleswomen to voluntarilyquit or shift to other positions after getting
pregnant or turning thirty. When I asked my informants about their
companies'retirementpolicies, most had no knowledgeand showed no
concernabout it. One laughedat me and said, "Comeon, almost everybody leavesthe job afterthirty.Who needs retirement,anyway?"
The dead-end nature of this occupationreflects the social depreciation of body capital.Most cosmeticscompaniesofferfew promotionsfor
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33
saleswomenexcept for a limited numberof positions as patrol supervisors and training instructors. Only lower-ranking supervisors are
recruited from counter workers, whereas higher-ranking"areamanagers"are recruitedfrom office employees and are mostly men. In fact,
the salaries of instructors and supervisors are usually lower than the
commission-based wages of saleswomen. Most saleswomen shift to
supervisorpositions aftergetting marriedor havingchildrenin orderto
seek a nine-to-five work schedule that allows them to accommodate
their family life more easily. I later discuss how saleswomen cope with
the limited opportunitieson this career ladder and how this situation
impactstheir performancesof bodilylabor.
The communicating body. Shopping for cosmetics may be a pleasure
trip, but it is also an occasion for consumers to acquire information
about beauty products and rituals. As mentioned earlier, cosmetics
companieshave establishedtheir professionalauthorityby developinga
complicated knowledge/ power system regardingskin care and body
maintenance.They constantlyupdate fashion-sensitiveadvertisements
about makeup products and styles. Saleswomen serve as their on-site
agents who enact the normalizingbody discoursesthrough their communicationwith customersin verbalas well as body language.
Cosmeticscompanieshave improvedupon many aspects of the work
scriptsto achieveprofessionalizationof the selling floor.The title, saleswoman, is euphemizedas "beautycounselor"or "beautydirector."Some
companyuniformseven imitate the pharmacist'swhite suit. Theirwork
has expandedto includeexplainingthe chemicalcomponentsof cosmetics, providingpersonal skin care direction,using technicalinstruments
for skin tests, and even performingcybernetics (computer skin tests,
video make-upsimulations,and so forth).The trainingprogramfor cosmetics saleswomenhas also been broadenedto includemore varietiesof
professional courses. Saleswomen are trained to be familiar with the
whole system of products that are designed and classified for women
with differentskin types and ages and for their uses in differentseasons,
climates, regions, altitudes,times of day, modes of activity,and so on.
Some saleswomen still recall the pain of taking quizes every morning
duringthe month-longtrainingprogram.Cosmeticscompaniesperiodically offer courses on makeupskills and prescribefashion magazinesas
requiredreadingsfor saleswomento catchup on currenttrends.
Saleswomen establish their professional status over customers by
claimingtheir expertiseon skin care ("Theproductsyou are using now,
whatever brand they are, are not working for you"), aesthetics ("I don't
think this color [of makeup] you are wearing really fits you"), and fashion ("'Yourstyle of makeup is kind of out-of-date. Would you like to try
something more fashionable?"). They increase their credibility by dis-
34
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playing high-tech instruments for skin examination or showing off
chemicaljargonaboutproductcomponents.
Saleswomenalso develop their own skills for dominatingcustomers
of different ages and genders and share them with each other. They
warn adult women of the urgency of fighting the decay of the body
("Didn'tyou notice that? More and more wrinkles have appeared on
your forehead").They pressureteenage girls to start beautificationas a
feminine rite of passage ("It'snevertoo earlyto starttakingcare of your
skin. You don'twant to wait until it's too late").And, they drawon their
personal experiences to convince embarrassedmale customers to approachthe counterand buy cosmeticsfor their wives or girlfriends("We
understandwhat women want.Yourwife will definitelylove this!").
In general,saleswomenagreewith ratherthan resist these work routines in their pursuit of the professionalization of cosmetics sales.
Adoptingthe managementrhetoricof professionalism,they positively
interpretthe disciplinarymeasuresover their bodies, such as their uniform, makeup,and even standardizedbehaviors,as things "justto help
us look more professional."The reason saleswomen love to practice
these work routines is because their professionalstatus provideswhat
Hochschildcalled a "statusshield"that protects saleswomenfrom customers' attacksupon their self-esteem. Leidneralso points out that, in
the triangularrelationshipamong serviceworkers,employers,and customers, the interests of workersand employersare not necessarilyopposed to each other. Insuranceagents in her study embracedmanagerially imposed routinizationbecause these routinesincreasedthe agents'
controlover serviceinteractions."
In the triangularrelationshipamongsaleswomen,managers,and customers, I observeddifferentkinds of alliances occurringdependingon
what kind of bodilylaborand what kind of messagewas involved.As the
disciplinedbody and the mirroring body, saleswomen are requiredto
provide humble service and to convey beauty images. The interests of
employersand customerstend to be congruent,and customersare incorporatedinto the managerial"team"to assist body disciplineover workers. Yet, as the communicatingbody, the interestsof the employerand
saleswomenare consistent.Employersdependon saleswomento convey
the professionalauthorityon the selling floor, and saleswomenare willing to acceptthe workrulesthat empowerthem vis-A-viscustomers.
Performance of Bodily Labor
So far,I have documentedthe tripartiterequirementsof bodilylabor;this
sectionfurtherexploresagencyand diversityin the performanceof bodily
labor. Individual saleswomen accomplish bodily labor in different ways-
some complywith it and some resist it, and they may embracepart of it
while challenging another part of it. Hochschild suggests that emotional
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35
labor can be accomplishedthrough either "surfaceacting"-to disguise
what you feel and pretendto feel what you do not, or "deepacting"- to
take over "thelevers of feeling production"and actuallyalter what you
feel.28Drawingon this distinction,I raisea similarquestionto analyzethe
performanceof bodily labor. Do cosmetics saleswomen internalizethe
body disciplineenforcedby employersas deep acting,or do they perform
bodilylaboronly on the surfaceandleavetheirbodiesintact?
My researchfound both ways for saleswomen to accomplishbodily
labor.On the one hand, saleswomenengagethemselvesin a deep acting
of bodily labor. They may internalizethe body disciplineto achieve the
ideal feminizedbody, or they embracethe professionalrole to downplay
more sexualizedcomponentsof bodily labor. On the other hand, saleswomen limit theirperformanceof bodilylaboron the surfaceby resisting
or loosening labor control on a daily basis. The temporarynature and
high turnoverrate of this occupationencouragesaleswomento stage a
skin-deep performanceof emotional labor, but reinforcetheir engagement in restlessmaintenanceagainstthe agingof theirbody capital.
Deep acting of bodily labor. The performanceof the mirroringbody,
inseparable from the personal consumer experiences of saleswomen,
usually involves deep acting. Some saleswomen admittedto me that a
major sense of their job satisfaction came from the public admiration
and confirmationof theirbeauty."Thereasonwhy I chose this job is very
simple-for vanity! Everywoman is obsessed with beauty.""Ifyou are
able to workat a cosmeticscounter,you'vegot to be pretty,right?"Some
male customerscome to the counterto strikeup conversations.Thereis
even a Cinderella story circulating among the counters-some saleswomen marriedhandsomerich men whom they met at work.An invisible but effectivemechanismof oversightactuallycomes from customers
passing by every day in departmentstores. The gazes from male customersevaluatethe saleswomen'sbodies, and the gazesfromfemale customers representan imitationor envy of the beauty of saleswomen.As
Sandra Barktyargues, "the disciplinarypracticesof femininity usually
lacka formalinstitutionalstructure,creatingthe impressionthat the production of femininityis voluntaryor natural."29The disciplinarymechanisms for feminizedbodies extend beyond the boundariesof the workplace. They are not centralizedor oppressivebut are dispersed,anonymous, and seductive.
Workingin a neon cage, a saleswomanis also a consumersurrounded and seduced by abundant commodities and images. The performance of her bodily labor is inseparable from her consumer activities,
which require extensive knowledge and constant efforts as well. Susan
Benson insightfully described, "What a saleswoman learned behind the
counter helped her consume more intelligently, while what she learned
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from the other side of the counterenabledher to sell with extra assurMany saleswomen, especially single and young ones, spend
ance.'"30
large amounts of money shopping in their workplace.Two informants
explained:
store,youneedstrongwillpower[laugh].I amnot
Workingin the department
I haveto forbidmyselfto bringmy
kiddingyou.It canbecomereallyhorrifying.
walletwhenI go to the bathroom.Otherwise... [smiles],especiallybecause
nowyoucanputeverything
on thecreditcard.
We all spenda hell a lot of money.Becausewhenyou workin a department
store,you alwaysknowwhat'son sale.Andpeopleworkingin othercounters
willgiveyoudiscountsandallthat.Thenyoujustcan'thelpit.
These remarks,along with my observations,identify three institutional factors that facilitate and acceleratethe consumer behaviors of
saleswomen. First, because the workplaceoverlaps a consumer space,
the activities of labor and consumptionare convenientlyconnected in
time and space. I often noticed that many saleswomen returnedfrom
their lunch breaks, and even from the bathroom,with shopping bags.
Second, on a particularday of everymonth (usuallyright afterpayday),
all departmentstore staff enjoy a twenty- to forty-percentdiscount on
commodities. They also get informal discounts from saleswomen at
neighboringcounters, called "favorprice"or "mutual-helpprice."The
third mechanism stimulatingconsumptionis credit cards, which have
only become popular in Taiwan since the mid-199os. One credit card
agent I ran into in a departmentstore told me that saleswomenare one
of the majortargetsin their promotionplan. With the convenienceprovided by credit cards, saleswomen are able to delay payments,enlarge
purchases,and defer rationalcalculationon debts. As a result, most of
their monthlywages go to their shoppingbills.
Saleswomenalso performbodily labor in the way of deep acting to
negotiatetheir identities among contesteddiscoursesat work.As I have
demonstrated,the performanceof bodily labor involves contradictory
messages and diversecomponents.Saleswomenmay identifyand internalize some aspects of bodily labor in an attempt to minimize other
aspects of it. Some saleswomenembraceand internalizethe professional identity not only to safeguardthemselves from customerattacksbut
also to resist the deprecatingimage of a "sexylady"that is imposed on
their bodies and occupation. For example, Pin-Yu graduated from a
prestigioushigh school but gave up her plan of going to college due to
financial difficulties. During our conversations,she often emphasized
the professionalaspectof herjob:
Mostof my high schoolclassmatesare collegestudentsnow. Someof them
store.Theywouldsay,"how
weresurprisedto see meworkingin a department
comeyouaredoingthis"andso on. I knowwhattheyarethinking.I amnotas
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37
vainas someothersaleswomenyoumet.I believethis occupationis changing.
It'sbecomingmoreandmoreprofessional,
really.
Anotherevent in the summerof 1996 demonstratedhow saleswomen
maneuveredthe contradictorymessages in their performanceof bodily
labor to empower themselves. A French-Taiwaneseco-capitalizeddepartmentstore that had allowed saleswomento sit in chairs to convey
an elegant Europeanstyle decided to copy a managementrule from its
Japanese-styledcompetitors.The new rule,which requiredsaleswomen
to stand during all of their workingtime even without the presence of
customers, induced strong reaction among its saleswomen.They organized on-site oppositionby sitting in chairswhile servingcustomersas a
way of defending their "elegant service style." This collective action,
however,failed in the end. The departmentstore refusedto rescindthe
new rule, and those who were visible figures in the protest had to quit
theirjobs underthe pressureof their cosmeticsor clothingcompanies.
This scenario reveals that the multiple components of bodily labor
are actuallylopsided. The "professional"status and "elegant"images of
saleswomen (as they performin the communicatingbody and the mirroringbody) are prone to break down, exposingtheir vulnerablestatus
in performingsubmissive services (the disciplinedbody). Saleswomen
hold no professionalpower based on exclusivetraining,licensed privilege, or collectiveorganization.Theypossess only limited autonomyand
temporaryauthoritygrantedby the "twobosses,"the cosmetics company and the department store, instead of "no boss." For example, one
saleswomantold this story:A saleswomanonce had an argumentwith a
departmentstore supervisor.She said to him that "Thisis none of your
business! I am not paid by your company.Don'tbother me!"She then
got fired after the cosmetics companywas informed of this event. Besides, saleswomen also need to defer to the demands and judgments of
customers, the third boss. When customers challenge the professional
authority of saleswomen or treat them rudely, the two bosses usually
stand on the side of customers,who are "alwaysright."
Surface acting of bodily labor. Laborcontrol in the neon cage is not
seamless; it is filled with fracturesthat allow resistanceand subversion
on a local scale. Saleswomenmay performbodily labor on the surface
level by resistingdisciplinaryrules on a dailybasis. In my observations,
when no supervisors or customers were present, saleswomen sat in
chairs or chatted with the saleswomen at neighboringcounters.When
the supervisor, who patrolled many counters with no fixed schedule,
showed up at the end of the hall, the first saleswoman to notice would
instantly inform others. The warning passed around the floor so rapidly
that most workers could return to their positions upon the supervisor's
arrival. Right after the supervisor's visit, some saleswomen called to
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their friends workingin nearbydepartments:"Getready!The supervisorjust left our counterand will get to yourssoon!"
A similar surface acting occurs in the dimension of the mirroring
body. Although many saleswomen enjoy the role of "beautyambassador," some others complained to me about the trouble of wearing
heavy makeup: "I have to spend at least half an hour in putting on
makeupbefore coming to work.I am often late because of this trouble."
"I don't like to wear makeup as heavy as the companyasks us to. It is
weird to wear heavy makeupstandingon the bus. People looked at me,
because that is so unnatural."What attracts more resistance among
saleswomenis the regulationby cosmetics companieson their styles of
makeup:"Sometimesthe companyasks us to wear a particularcolor of
makeupfor promotion.I hate that! The color may be fashionable,but it
does not fit me." Some try to wear less makeupor wear it in their own
styles. To some extent, these actionslessen the dominationof a normalizing beauty image and defend saleswomen's autonomy against the
body disciplineenforcedby the management.31
A surface performanceof bodily labor also results from the temporarynatureof the occupation.Basedon my surveyof twenty-eightsaleswomen at seventeen cosmeticscountersin one departmentstore, twenty expresseda desire to changejobs in the near future, and twelve had
held their currentjob for less than two years. Onlysix saleswomenhad
stayed in their present job over five years. In an organizationwith a
glass ceiling and age discrimination, cosmetics saleswomen tend to
choose quitting and job-hoppingas their strategiesfor maximizinginterests. Once, I asked a saleswomanhow she and her colleaguesdealt
with the unfair and often arbitrarysales goal for calculatingcommissions. She loweredher voice and said, "Ourmanageris too stingy.Many
of us are 'hopping'to other companiesafterthe New Year."
Saleswomenadopt the attitudesof conformityand toleranceinstead
of open confrontationnot only because they lack enough skills to bargain with employersbut also because they assume they will stay in the
occupationfor only a short period.Jun-Jun,who plans to open her own
lingerie store in the future, told me, "Youonly do this job when you're
young, so nobodywill go to protest even though the sales goal is unreasonable. Grabthe chance to make money while you can! Then save an
easy life for yourolder age."
The temporalityof theirjob identityhas an impacton how cosmetics
saleswomen performemotional labor. Shu-Fen,single and twenty-two
years old, has never stayed in the same job for more than two years
since graduatingfrom high school. She abidesby the rules of emotional
management only superficiallybecause, she says, "I only earn a little
money from them. They don't have the right to treat me like a maid!
Findinga new job is no big deal for me anyway."The foreseeableresult
Pei-Chia
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39
of having to leave because of aging also discouragessaleswomen from
developinga long-termidentificationwith this profession.For example,
Hui-Mei, married for just three months, was thinking about quitting
soon. She told me: "WheneverI meet some disgustingcustomers,I tell
myself in my heart that I will leave this job soon. Then I won't need to
bow to them anymore."
Yet, in the meantime, the short-lived nature of this occupation encourages saleswomen to intensively participatein the maintenanceof
the mirroringbody. Because preserving beauty and youth seems the
only way to prolongtheir careers,most regularlyand intensivelyengage
in the practicesof beautification.Once I asked a saleswomanhow long
she plannedto stay in the occupation.She answeredwith a bitter smile:
"Well,as long as I can. So I have to take good care of my skin. Use more
products! Do more facials!" Her words disclose a circuit between a
saleswoman's bodily labor and her body consumption. To resist the
depreciationof body capital,saleswomenconsume a varietyof beautification productsto maintaintheir glamorousappearance,and they continue to work harderand longer to pay for the expenses accruedwhile
cultivatingtheirbodies.
Gender Division of Bodily Labor
Cosmetics sales is often defined as a "woman'sjob." A U.S. cosmetics
company in Taiwan recruited a group of men in the early 199os as a
ploy to boost its declining business. The rationale was explained succinctly by the company'sslogan at that time, "to see women's beauty
from men's eyes."Althoughthese men were selling cosmetics like their
female coworkers,they were constructedas "professionals"who enjoy
privileged treatment in benefits, training, and job assignments. I use
this case to demonstratehow bodily labor is dividedalong genderlines,
and how gender discourses become subtexts for making professional
claimsin the beautyindustry.32
When hired, men with a collegedegreewere preferred(women needed only a high school diploma),and no specific requirementswere imposed on their age or maritalstatus (womenhad to be young and preferably single). These men were called "malemakeup artists"or "MMAs"
(theirtitle was literallyin English),whichdifferedfromthe saleswomen's
title, "Mei-Ron-Shih"(meaning "beautyadvisor"in Chinese) or "BAs."
Instead of promotingfemale instructorswho had trainingand makeup
skills, the cosmetics company chose to construct a privilegedgroup of
male professionals based on the gender stereotypes prevalent among
customers.33
This projectof professionalizationwas achievedthroughthe
creation of vertical segregationwithin the occupation in keeping with
dichotomousgenderstereotypesand inequalityin the society.
In this case, professionalizationwas also a gender-segregatedprocess
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of transferringknowledgeand skills, in which men held privilegesand
women were excluded. MMAshad access to better cosmetic tools and
higherlevels of training.MMAsalso enjoyeda superiorstatus in the division of labor; they were assigned to duties associated with skill and
authority,such as skin-careadvisingand makeupdemonstrations,and
excused from lower-statustasks such as cleaning and emptying trash.
The recruitmentof men broughtabout the revaluationof the originally
feminized, degradedjob. The upgradingwas clearly indicated by the
wage differentialbetween genders.An MMAreceived a basic salary of
almost twice what a BA or female instructorreceived,even though an
instructorwould have performedsimilartasks and would have had even
more experienceand seniority.
The componentof bodilylaborassignedto MMAswas differentfrom
theirfemalecolleagues.The bodies of MMAswere rarelyused as the disciplined body (providing deferential services) or the mirroring body
(displayingbeautyimages). Instead,they were used as the communicative body (pursuingprofessionaldomination).The male body was consistentlyconstructedas a seeing and talkingbody,playingthe role of professional authority.Manipulatingmasculinityas a subtext for making
professional claims is a relativelysmoother process, compared to the
contradictorycomponents of bodily labor for saleswomen. Although
saleswomen play a similar role as a professional communicator,their
bodies are simultaneouslyconstructedas sexualobjectsto be judged and
evaluatedas well as passivecarriersof deferentialservices,both in accordancewith the culturalidealsof femininityand women'sdomesticroles.
When MMAstook this "women'sjob," many of their parents and
friends (especially girlfriends)objected. To overcome the crisis of demasculinization,they sought the professionalclaim as a status shield to
safeguardtheir manhood and self-respect.34During my interviewwith
Jeh-Min, a formerMMAwho was later transferredto the office, he repeatedly emphasizedthat "we men look much more professionalthan
those BAs."To him, hierarchicallydividingMMAsand BAsby wage and
job assignment was legitimate consideringtheir "sacrifice"in taking a
degradedfeminizedjob. In his words, "Wehave sacrificeda lot! How
could a man bear doing ajob like cosmeticssales? We are professionals!
How couldwe collectmoney or emptytrash!"
AfterMMAswere recruitedfor a year, no obviousprogresswas made
in the company'sdecliningbusiness so the companycancelledthe project. The MMAswere then shifted to regular duties (i.e., standing at
counters together with the BAs). The companypaid a higher price for
salesmen who did not bring in extra profitswith their constructedprofessional charms.The company,therefore,tried to push out the MMAs
in informalways, for example,by puttingthem underthe supervisionof
senior BAs and assigning them the same jobs as BAs. Most of these
Pei-ChiaLan
41
MMAsleft aftera short periodonce the professionalimage of cosmetics
sales was peeled away to expose the devalued and feminine nature of
this occupation.Jeh-Min recountedhow he felt about workingconditions at that time, "WhenI stood behind the counter, people usually
thought I was the manageror the saleswoman'sboyfriend-it was really
embarrassing!Thatwas why most of us could not stand it anymore."
In recentyears, male consumers,both gay and straight,have become
a target marketfor cosmetics and other fashion products.The burgeoning male fitness and beauty culture is reconstructingthe mainstream
image of the male body and conception of manhood. Recent scholars
have paid attentionto the advertisementsfor male cosmetics and fashion productsthat celebratemale "femininity"and the erotic display of
the male body, in combinationwith masculinestatementssuch as assertion and activeness.35The job of selling male cosmetics further transforms the body perceptionand experiencesof salesmen. For example,a
nineteen-year-oldman who workedat a cosmetic counterwhile attending college in the eveningtold me with confidence,"Ofcourse I'venever
used skin care or makeupbefore. [I thought] that was too sissy. But, I
have startedusing them so I can persuadeother men to. And I am actually feeling reallygood! Times are changing.Who said men cannotwear
and sell makeup?"Male service workers in the beauty industry contribute their bodily labor to the cultivation of new male bodies while
also strugglingto detachthemselvesfrom the images of effeminacyand
homosexuality.This topic is beyond the scope of this article,but it does
requireattentionfor furtheranalysis.
Conclusion
This case study of cosmetics saleswomenin Taiwanexaminesthe making of genderedbodies in the laborprocess of selling cosmeticsand promotingbeautyculture.Taiwanesesaleswomen,employedat the low end
of the multinationalcosmetics industry,display and reproducea Western, heterosexual,cosmeticizedmode of femininity.Theyperformbodily labor not only during their interactionswith customers but also in
their personal consumption and daily body maintenance.My analysis
contributes to the studies of service labor and feminist literature in
three ways.
First, I raise the concept of bodily labor to describe the expanding
service occupationsassociatedwith the proliferatingbeauty industryin
contemporaryconsumer societies. In these workplaces,manipulating
images and delivering messages become the major work requirement
and bodily interactions with customers becomes the raw material of the
labor process. More dimensions of workers' bodies are involved in labor
performance and are subject to discipline and surveillance. There are
three components of bodily labor: the disciplined body, the mirroring
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body, and the communicatingbody. Laborcontrolover the saleswomen
not only targetsthe exploitationof surplusvalues createdby theirphysical laborbut also aims to ensurethat they adequatelyembodythe beauty images and successfullyappealto consumers'desire.
Second, I demonstrate how the discursive meanings of gender are
materially enacted and constantly negotiated in the performance of
bodily labor. My study shows that the female body, neither a biological
essence nor a discursivetext alone, is materiallylocated and discursively reconstructed in women's daily work. The content of bodily labor
assignedto cosmetics saleswomenis inscribedwith the culturalideal of
femininityand women'sdomestic roles. In contrast,the masculinebodies of salesmen signifythe professionalclaimsof the cosmeticsindustry.
Womenwith youth and beautypossess body capitalthat derivesmonetaryvalue in this labor market.However,to combatthe depreciationof
theirbody capital,saleswomenhave to engagein ceaselessbody maintenancebeyondthe territoryof workplaces.
Third,my analysisunderscorescontestationand agencyin the power
dynamics of labor control and gender politics. Cosmeticssaleswomen
are requiredto convey multiple messages to customers,a mix of deferential service, beauty performance,and professional communication.
Workersare not passive victims but active agents who maneuverthese
contradictorymeaningsto negotiatetheir identitiesand empowerthemselves. They endorse the professionalizationof cosmetics sales to challenge the traditionalconstructsof femininitysuch as a passive serveror
a sexy idol. Despite the scarcityof collective actions and organization,
saleswomen develop local tactics of resistance to enhance their life
chances given the structuraland culturalconstraints.The performance
of bodily labor also reveals contestation and fluidity in dichotomous
gender discourses.The case of recruitingmen into this feminizedoccupation reveals the concurrentreconstructionof masculinity and male
bodies in consumercapitalism.
My analysis of bodily labor can be appliedto other service workers
who sell commodities or provide services associated with the cultural
ideals of body, such as beauticians,hair stylists,body trainers,cosmetic
surgeons, and employees in clothing boutiques, dieting centers, bodyshaping studios, and so on. Giventheir variationsin gender, skill level,
and employmentconditions,these workersmay performthe three components of bodily labor in different patterns and with different emphases. We need furtherstudies to demonstratethe diversityand complexity of bodily labor in consumercapitalism.The oppressiveimage of
an iron cage no longer adequatelydescribesthe contemporaryservice
workplacewhich is ratherlike a seductive neon cage that features the
intertwiningof labor and consumption,sweat and glamor,and restraint
and desire.
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43
NOTES
I thank all the saleswomenwho satisfiedmy curiosityabout selling cosmetics and tolerated my ignoranceaboutwearingmakeup.I am gratefulto CarolHeimer,ArthurStinchcombe, Ken Dauber,GaryAlan Fine, OrvilleLee, BarrieThorne,G.S. Shieh, D.S. Chen,
Peter Levin,MariameKaba,and MichelleVanNattafor their commentsand assistances.
Specialthanksto the reviewersof FeministStudiesfor theirvaluablesuggestions.
1. See Brian Turner, "Recent Developments in the Theory of the Body," and Mike
Featherstone,"TheBody in ConsumerCulture,"in The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory,ed. MikeFeatherstone,Mike Hepworth,and BrianTurner(London:Sage,
1990), 1-35, 170-96.
2. SandraBartky,"Foucault,Femininity,and the Modernizationof PatriarchalPower,"
in Feminism and Foucault: Reflection and Resistance, ed. Irene Diamond and Lee
Quinby(Boston:NortheasternUniversityPress, 1988), 61-86; Susan Bordo,Unbearable
Weight:Feminism, WesternCulture,and the Body (Berkeley:Universityof California
Press, 1993).
3. Lauren Langman,"Neon Cage: Shoppingfor Subjectivity,"in Lifestyle Shopping:
TheSubjectof Consumption,ed. RobShields(NewYork:Routledge,1992), 40-82.
4. Linda Nicholson, "Interpreting Gender," Signs 20 (spring 1994): 79-105.
5. Judith Butler asks herself in the introductionof Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex"(New York:Routledge,1993): "Ifeverythingis discourse,what
happens to the body? If everythingis a text, what about violence and bodily injury?"
(28).
6. Nancy Fraser, "Pragmatism,Feminism, and the LinguisticTurn,"in her Feminist
Contentions:A PhilosophicalExchange(New York:Routledge,1995), 160.
7. The making of sexual objects in the production process is discussed by Leslie
Salzingerin her study of a Mexicanexport-processingfactory, "ManufacturingSexual
Objects:'Harassment,'Desire, and Disciplineon a MaquiladoraShopfloor,"Ethnography 1 (spring 2000): 67-92.
8. Joan Acker,"Hierarchies,Jobs, Bodies:A Theoryof GenderedOrganizations,"Gender and Society 4 (summer 1990): 139-58. Also see BarbaraReskinand Irene Padavic,
Men and Womenat Work(ThousandOaks,Calif.:Pine Forge,1994); DavidKnightand
Hugh Willmott,Genderand the LabourProcess (London:Gower,1986); and Jennifer
Pierce,GenderTrials:EmotionalLives in ContemporaryLaw Firms (Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress, 1995).
9. CandaceWest and Don Zimmerman,"DoingGender,"in TheSocial Constructionof
Gender,ed. Judith Lorberand SusanA. Farrell(London:Sage, 1991);Arlie Hochschild,
The Managed Heart: Commercializationof Human Feeling (Berkeley:Universityof
CaliforniaPress, 1983); Robin Leidner,Fast Food, Fast Talk: Service Workand the
Routinizationof EverydayLife (Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1993).
10. DebraGilman,Body Work:Beauty and Self-Imagein American Culture(Berkeley:
Universityof CaliforniaPress, 2002).
11. Michel Foucault,Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York:Vintage, 1977).
12. Taiwan's"economicmiracle"was groundedin the cheap labor force of women. In
the early 1970s, only 18.6%of female workers were employed in manufacturing.By
1987, the percentagehad jumped to 41.5%.See Ping-ChunHsiung, Living Rooms as
Factories: Class, Gender, and the Satellite Factory System in Taiwan (Philadelphia:
TempleUniversityPress, 1996).
13. The dominationof Caucasianbody images has a similar effect on Asian American
women. Eugenia Kaw reported that a higher proportion of Asian American women pur-
Pei-ChiaLan
44
sue cosmeticsurgerythan any otherethnicgroupin the UnitedStates.Most choose nose
implantsor have double-eyelidsurgery.See her article,"'Opening'Faces:The Politicsof
CosmeticSurgeryand AsianAmericanWomen,"in Many Mirrors:Body Image and Social Relations, ed. Nicole Sault (New Brunswick,N.J.: RutgersUniversityPress, 1994),
241-65.
14. Featherstone,170; KathyPeiss, Hope in a Jar: The Making of America'sBeauty
Culture(NewYork:HenryHolt, 1998), 6.
15. For example, until 1987 high school students in Taiwanwere requiredby school
authoritiesto wear uniformsand particularhairstyles(no perms, no bangs, and no earlength cuts for girls, and military-likecroppedhair for boys). Even now, wearingmakeup is not allowedat high schools. Duringthe 196os and 1970s, the police often arrested
long-hairedmen for "disruptingsocial morality."
16. Susan PorterBenson, CounterCulture:Saleswomen,Managers, and Customersin
American DepartmentStores, 189o-1940 (Urbana:Universityof Illinois Press, 1986),
210.
in his TheSociologicalEyes: SelectedPapers (Chi17. EverettC. Hughes,"Professions"
cago:Aldineand Atherton,1971),375.
18. Gail Faurschou,"Obsolescenceand Desire: Fashionand the CommodityForm,"in
Postmodernism-Philosophyand theArts, ed. HughJ. Silverman(NewYork:Routledge,
1990), 234-59.
19. See Leidner,41-43; John Walsh, SupermarketsTransformed:UnderstandingOrganizational and TechnologicalInnovations (New Brunswick,N.J.: RutgersUniversity
Press, 1993); LindaFullerand VickiSmith, "Consumers'Reports:Managementby Customers in a ChangingEconomy,"in Workingin the ServiceSociety, ed. CameronLynne
MacDonaldand CarmenSirianni(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress, 1996), 74-89.
20. Michael Burawoy,The Politics of Production:Factory Regime under Capitalism
and Socialism (NewYork:Verso, 1985).
21. My typologyof bodily laboris partlyinspiredby ArthurFrank.In his article,"Fora
Sociology of Body: An Analytic Review,"in The Body: Social Process and Cultural
Theory, 36-102, Frankproposes four types of body use with different media of body
action: the disciplined body (regimentation),the mirroringbody (consumption), the
dominating body (force), and the communicatingbody (recognition). The difference
between my argument and Frank'sis that Frankaims to create a general theoretical
scheme appliedto all bodily action, and I situate my analysisin a particularsocial field
(the laborprocess)and powernexus (laborcontrol).
22. RichardEdwards,ContestedTerrains: The Transformationof the Workplacein
the TwentiethCentury(New York:BasicBooks,1979);elsewhere,I providemore details
on the multiple forms of labor control over the body. See my "BodyControlof Service
Workers:CosmeticsRetailersin DepartmentStores and DirectSelling,"in The Critical
Studies of Work: Labor, Technology, and Global Production, ed. Richard Baldoz,
CharlesKoeber,and PhilipKraft(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,2001), 83-105.
23. Elaine Hall, "Smiling,Deferring,and Flirting:Doing Genderby Giving'GoodService,' " Work and Occupation 20 (winter 1993): 452-71; Foucault, 137.
24. Dorinne Kondo,CraftingSelves: Power, Gender,and Discourses of Identity in a
Japanese Workplace(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1990), 87.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
Edwards, 94-107.
Leidner, 122; Hochschild, 136.
Hochschild, 163; Leidner, 127-28, 151.
Hochschild, 33.
Barkty, 75.
Benson, 233.
31. In some cases, wearingmakeupmaybecome an act of agencyfor women. For example, Page D. Delanofound that Americanwomen duringWorldWar II used makeupto
Pei-ChiaLan
45
disrupt wartime's masculine code of power. See "MakingUp for War: Sexuality and
Citizenshipin WartimeCulture,"Feminist Studies 26 (spring 2000): 33-68. Also see
KristenDellingerand ChristineWilliams,who discuss how employedwomen transform
the meanings of wearing makeup to subvert institutionalized norms in "Makeupat
Work:NegotiatingAppearanceRules in the Workplace,"Genderand Society 11 (April
1997):151-77.
32. My analysis here is limited to a supplementaryanalysis of the gendered construction of bodily labor. For a more detailed discussion on men in predominantlyfemale
occupations,see ChristineWilliams,Still a Men's World:Men WhoDo Women'sWork
(Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1995); on professionalizationas a gendered
social process,see AnnaWitz,Professionsand Patriarchy(New York:Routledge,1992).
33. Instead of attributing gender discrimination to intentional bias or prejudice in
employers,Cas Sustein arguesthat discriminationsometimes persistsbecause it is economicallyrationalto rely on a race- or sex-basedgeneralizationfor saving information
costs in surveyingconsumerneeds; see CasSustein, "WhyMarketsDon'tStop Discrimination,"Social Philosophyand Policy 8 (summer1991):22-37.
34. KathyPeiss also found that U.S. male cosmeticiansin the 1930s, such as Max Factor, erasedthe taint of effeminacyand homosexualityby creatingpublicimages as articulate, lab-coatedexperts(115-16).
35. Susan Bordo,TheMale Body: A New Look at Men in Public and in Private (New
York: Farrar,Straus, and Giroux, 2000), 179. The incorporationof masculinity into
advertisements for male toiletries and shaving products was initiated in the United
States in the 1920osand 1930S (Peiss, 160-66); for a contemporaryexample, see Pat
Kirkhamand Alex Welter,"Cosmetics:A CliniqueCaseStudy,"in The GenderedObject,
ed. Pat Kirkham(Manchester,U.K.:ManchesterUniversityPress, 1996), 196-203.