Peer pressure and poverty: Exploring fashion brands and consumption symbolism among children of the ‘British poor’ Received in revised form. Richard Elliott is Professor of Marketing and Consumer Research at Warwick Business School and a Fellow of St Anne’s College, Oxford. He is Associate Editor of the British Journal of Management and European Editor of the Journal of Product and Brand Management. His research focuses on the symbolic meaning of brands, consumer culture and identity and the dynamics of brand ecology. Clare Leonard graduated in Management from Exeter University and is currently travelling the world. symbolism, fashion Abstract Attitudes towards fashion brands (trainers/athletic shoes) and their symbolic meanings are explored among a sample of 30 children aged 8–12 years from poor homes in the UK, in an interpretive study using projective methods. The children form stereotypes about the owners of trainers: if the trainers are obviously branded and expensive the children believe the owner to be rich and young, if the trainer is unbranded and inexpensive looking the children believe the owner to be poor and old. If a child is wearing branded trainers they are seen as popular and able to fit in with their peers. These opinions are so strongly held that the children would prefer to talk to someone wearing branded trainers than unbranded trainers. The children also feel pressure to wear the trainers that their friends wear, partly to make friends and fit in and partly because of the teasing experienced if they are wearing unbranded clothes or are clearly from a poor home. Richard Elliott Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, Warwick, CV4 7AL, UK Tel: +44 024 7652 4800 Fax: +44 01392 263242 e-mail: richard.elliott@ relliott.demon.co.uk INTRODUCTION Despite anecdotal evidence that peers exert a very powerful influence over children’s consumer behaviour, ‘there has been a surprising lack of research on the topic’ (Bachmann et al., 1993). Peer pressure is most likely to be experienced for ‘public luxuries’ such as branded fashion items (Childers and Rao, 1992) and the authors concentrate here on the case of branded trainers (athletic shoes) rather than clothes, as they are considered to be a high fashion item, but do not have the extreme variance in their types that clothing does. The emergence of a ‘British Keywords: Children, peerpressure, brands, poverty, underclass’, of which single mothers and children are a major element, has been widely discussed (Murray, 1990; Smith, 1992) and an international lifestyle segmentation study identified a unique social group termed the ‘British poor’ who make up 10 per cent of the UK population (Solomon et al., 1999). The pressures felt by inner-city young people to fit in with the prevailing fashions are discussed by Chin (1992). ‘The almighty dollar is the guiding factor. Kids as young as 9 got involved (with the drug trade) just to get a dollar to get what other kids have. The peer pressure is unbelievable, especially for material Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 347 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard CHILDREN AND PEER PRESSURE Probably the strongest influence on children is their peer groups: friends and siblings (Pilgrim and Lawrence, 2001), starting as early as six years old (McNeal, 1987) and becoming particularly significant as they enter adolescence when they ‘learn about their peers’ product favourites and take them into account when evaluating products on their own’ (Gunter and Furnham, 1998). This influence is at its height in relation to symbolic goods such as clothes and fashion items (Brittain, 1963). more (Coe, 1971). This suggests that branded items are purchased by poorer families, not just because children have a huge desire to own them but because their parents choose the most readily available and most well-known option. Darley and Johnson (1985) suggest that generations hand down a ‘design for living’, which gives the poor a different set of values to those of the middle class. This implies that both parents and children have a similar perception of branded items, and that parents may understand fully their children’s desire to own branded trainers. Belk et al. (1982) explored perceptions of product ownership and consumer stereotypes among young children and found that product owners who were judged to be more successful were also more likely to be the subjects of aspiration. Lower social class children saw these persons as ‘lucky’, higher social class children saw them as the type of person they would ‘like to be’. Lower social class people seem to be more fatalistic and believe in external control of their lives while higher social class people appear to believe that they have personal control over their lives (Herzog, 1963). It has been demonstrated that children with low self-esteem are more likely to be susceptible to peer-group purchase influence (Achenreiner, 1997). POVERTY AND ITS EFFECTS ON CONSUMPTION The poor are often treated as ‘strangers’ who are outside the concerns of mainstream consumer and marketing research (Alwitt, 1996). Low-income households have more restricted shopping scope and know less about shopping alternatives available, because they have physical and psychological restrictions on mobility (Goldman, 1976). In addition, the poor have little knowledge about less well-known brands and prefer information about more popular brands, thus spending BRANDS AS SYMBOLIC RESOURCES Consumers do not make consumption choices based solely on products’ utilities but also utilise their symbolic meanings; social symbolism and selfidentity are provided largely by advertising and are transferred to brands, allowing the consumer to exercise free will to form images of who or what he or she wants to be (Elliott and Wattanasuwan, 1998). Children may learn much of the symbolic meaning of goods from their peers, however (Gunter and Furnham, 1998). The possession of branded goods may things. They wear gold chains, $120 pump Nike Air sneaks, $300 sweat suits. Kids who can’t get those things suffer and are the centre of teasing.’ Page and Ridgway (2001) point out that ‘little attention has been focused on the consumption patterns of economically disadvantaged children’ and Chin (1997) argues that consumption has not been examined often as a medium through which social inequality is engendered. This study’s informants were children aged 8–12 years referred by Social Services Departments for help from a voluntary agency because of being on the ‘At Risk’ register. Placement on the register is highly correlated with poverty (Kumar, 1993) and with the British underclass (Smith, 1992). 348 Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty be an aspect of ‘symbolic selfcompletion’ where individuals who perceive themselves as lacking in a personal quality attempt to fill the gap using symbolic resources (Wicklund and Gollwitzer, 1982). This suggests that a poor family may be more likely to buy their child branded trainers because they are aware of the absence of money in their life and are using the symbolic meaning of branded goods to fill that gap. RESEARCH QUESTIONS — Do poor children own branded trainers? This will consider the brands they own, the circumstances in which they receive them and the importance they place on them. — To what extent do children form stereotypes about the owners of trainers? This will consider the symbolic meaning of brands, the links the children form between individuals and their trainers and any connections with the children’s view of themselves and their future. — To what extent does peer pressure influence perceptions of brands? How do the children feel about it? — To what extent can brands influence the children’s popularity? This will consider the children’s perceptions of their peers’ beliefs about branded trainers, any bullying related to the brands the children do or do not own and any bullying relating to the children’s financial situation. METHODOLOGY General issues when conducting research with children It is important to ensure that children understand the questions being asked, reading out questions to the younger children ensures that the reading ability of the children does not affect the results (Achenreiner, 1997). Audio-taping is necessary to ensure that children’s answers are not limited by their writing skills, nor the speed at which the interviewer can write. Children in the age group 8–12 years are in Piaget’s cognitive stage of Concrete Operational Thought, and it is important to recognise that they can only work with concepts related to concrete objects (Roedder John, 1999). Belk et al. (1982) used paired pictures of three houses and four automobiles, and then elicited a response from participants to measure impressions of the owners of each object. The methodology of showing pictures to respondents appears successful as it gives the respondents something tangible with which to frame their answer. This method is appropriate here as children may struggle to form and articulate clear opinions without a concrete stimulus. Elliott (1993) highlights another problem of data collection when working with children, which is that of the double meaning of words such as ‘bad’ which can mean both ‘cool’ and ‘rubbish’, ie children are likely to use slang of which the interviewer may not be aware. Therefore the interviewer must endeavour to offer the children terms that they use in their everyday lives (Peracchio, 1990). The environmental context is a vital issue in research with children as an unfamiliar environment may severely inhibit a child’s ability to respond accurately (Peracchio, 1990). In this case, the children were used to travelling in a minibus every week to and from fun activities. This was a familiar and friendly environment which, although far from ideal from a research point of view, meant that the children could be interviewed singly by talking to them at the rear of the bus but without taking them out of the relaxed surroundings. Development of an appropriate methodology The choice of research methodology was based on the specifics of the group being interviewed. It proved difficult to access children from poor families, as within the UK education system Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 349 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard enquiries about access from researchers at a Business School were treated with some suspicion. Eventually, direct access was obtained to 30 children, 18 girls and 12 boys, aged between 8 and 12, who had been referred by Social Services Departments for help from a voluntary agency because they were on the ‘At Risk’ register. All of the children’s parents or guardians proved willing to allow their children to be interviewed if they could remain anonymous. To ensure anonymity the names of the children were changed in the transcripts and in any discussion of the data. These children were all from socially disadvantaged backgrounds, with the vast majority being from single-parent homes and also experiencing quite severe financial difficulties. This had the drawback, however, of making it impossible to access a directly comparable sample of children. Consequently, this must be treated as an exploratory study focused on only one sociodemographic group. One-to-one interviews were deemed the most appropriate method of data collection. As the reading and writing skills of the children to be interviewed were known to be poor, a decision was taken to eliminate the need for any reading and writing by reading the questions out to the children and audiotaping their replies. The method for research was interpretive in order to glean rich, descriptive data from the children without the limitations of the closed-end measures of experimental research (Moore and Lutz, 2000). The authors pretested asking questions with a more quantitative focus, with the hope that the children would find this easy to understand and reply to. It was found that after asking a small sample group of children if they had recently bought a new pair of trainers and whether they had seen them advertised, however, that a very limited spectrum of what the children thought was actually being represented. In addition, the questions 350 used also meant that no feedback was received about their motivations for buying trainers or what they thought about themselves and their friends based on their purchases. Therefore, it was decided to adopt a more projective approach and show the children detailed picture boards and lists of words as stimuli and ask for a response to more probing questions which asked the children to point out pictures and words which described the person they thought would wear a certain pair of trainers. This was again tested on a small sample of children, and it was discovered that the task was too difficult for the children, as they struggled to take in all the available information and to answer coherently. In addition, the back of the bus where the children were to be interviewed had limited light so complex pictures were unsuitable. The successful approach proved to be asking the children factual questions to get them used to being interviewed, such as what brands of trainers they had and which is their favourite (see the Appendix). This gave an overview of the children’s brand awareness and which trainers they desired, before moving on to the questions they found harder. Pictures of trainers were used as a stimulus for the children and they were asked to choose a trainer they liked the most and the least, and to comment on who might wear them (see Figure 1). The interviews were informal and unstructured, all children were asked the same questions, but when an interesting topic came up additional questions were asked to glean further information. This flexible method helped to produce interesting and rich data and made the children more relaxed as they were able to say as much or as little as they wished. The children also found it hard to understand the idea of imagining a person being described from their trainers. Some of the children tried to think of someone they knew who actually wore the trainers described. Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty 2 1 4 3 5 7 6 9 8 No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Brand Nike Air Turbulence Amulet (Reebok) Unbranded shoe for men (Kee) Nike Air Max 90 Walk-Lite (Hi-Tec) Detroit Unbranded shoe for women (Kee) Nike Air Tremble Cross Nike Air International Trait 3 Retail Price (approx.) £80 £28 £22 £105 £30 £20 £22 £90 £90 Figure 1: Stimulus board Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 351 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard The analogy of the playground ‘would you talk to someone who wore these shoes’ worked well, however, as did making the interviewer the subject ‘what kind of person would I be if I wore these’. The interviews were audio-taped, fully transcribed, and analysed for interpretive themes, relationships with the literature and assumptions using pattern-coding methods (Miles and Huberman, 1984). FINDINGS Brands — The dominance of Nike Almost all the children interviewed said that they owned branded trainers; this is surprising considering the relative poverty of many of the children. Some of the ‘branded trainers’ were from the cheaper end of the market and had been worn until ripped and frayed. The range of trainers the children owned varied from Nike to Donnay, but the range of trainers the children wished to own was far narrower, with the majority wishing to own Nike. The children’s reasons for wanting to own Nike varied, but most of the children came up with a practical and then an emotional response. . . . why did you choose Nike ones? L (girl) cos I have had Nike ones before and they are really, really, really soft on the feet and they don’t hurt when you run did you choose them because they are comfy, or cos they looked cool? L cos they are comfy and cool which is the coolest trainer? L Nike The majority of the children desired branded trainers, and they particularly asked for Nike shoes. This may be because they are the most well known and are perceived to be the most expensive trainer on the market; the children appeared to desire goods which they were aware cost a lot of money, perhaps because of the lack of money in their own lives. All of the children expressed a preference for the expensive, ‘flash’ and branded trainers; 352 once again this may be explained by the children’s poverty and their desire to have what they could not afford. . . . if you could buy any trainer in the world ever, if money was no object, what would you have? D (boy) the most expensive pair ever what make are those? D Nike Consumption symbolism and brand stereotyping When asked to describe the kind of person who might wear the trainers that they liked, the children portrayed the potential wearer in a positive light. . . . imagine someone walking down the street wearing these shoes (indicating the ones she likes) tell me what they would be like B (girl) they would be happy and they would be nice and fun wearing them . . . what sort of person would they be? B they would have lots of children why do you think that? B cos cos they have got, cos they are rich why do you think they are rich? B cos they buy decent stuff like them shoes and like that Conversely, they described the wearers of the trainers they did not like in a negative way. The majority of the children chose number 7 (unbranded) as the trainer they disliked most and, in contrast to imagery associated with the trainers they prefered, the image they formed about the wearer of the trainers was homogenous. so what about number 7, why don’t you like that one? L (girl) because it looks like something my grandma would wear so imagine walking along behind a granny who wears those, tell me other stuff about this granny L I think this granny would be wearing a flowery skirt and a long woolly jumper which trainers don’t you like? J (boy) number 7 what is wrong with those? J well an old granny would wear them and I don’t think any of my Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty friends would wear them so if you went into school wearing number 7 what would your friends say to you? J oohhh look who is a little granny, or something, I don’t know The children described the wearers of the trainers they liked best in a positive way. There is a strong positive correlation between these characteristics and the descriptions the children gave of who they wanted to be when they were older. They appeared to desire, and identify with, the positive characteristics they used to describe the wearers of the trainers they prefered. imagine if you met me for the first time ever, and you saw me wearing those trainers (number 8), you didn’t know anything about me at all, all you saw was the trainers, what sort of person do you think I was like? T (boy) very good paid job . . . in 20 years’ time what would you really like to be doing? Would you like to have kids or have a big house, anything like that? T I’d have a big mansion yeah, why do you want that? T out in a big field, so I have a big enough field to ride a motorbike in and in 20 years time what kind of trainers would you like to be wearing? T number 8 again When the children were asked what they would like to be when they grew up, almost all answered with the job they would like to do. All the children chose aspirational careers such as lawyers and pop stars; these well-paid and successful careers again correlate with their choice of trainers, as they chose expensive, ‘flash’ trainers that their parents currently could not afford. Their choice of trainer appears to reflect how they would like to see themselves, and how they hoped to be in the future. When asked to look at the pictures of trainers and talk about what they thought the owner might look like, the children associated the more expensive and more obviously branded trainers with richer and younger owners. so you talked about the kind of person who might wear these trainers, can you tell me anything else about them? S (girl) they would be young people why do you think they would be young? S because I don’t think old people would wear these trainers ok, would they be rich or poor? S quite rich why do you think that? S because some parents won’t buy those trainers for their children what kind of parent doesn’t buy trainers for their children? S like ordinary people . . . cos not many people can afford trainers like that In addition they associated the unbranded, ‘old-fashioned’ trainers with poorer and older owners. what about number 7? Z (girl) poor why? Z cos they are not that good, and number 9 is better and bigger The children formed very strong opinions regarding money and trainers and they formed stereotypes of who would wear a certain trainer brand or style. The opinion seemed to be that if someone is wearing expensive-looking shoes, they could not be poor, as ‘ordinary’ parents cannot afford to buy branded trainers. so if you saw someone in number 9 you would think, they can’t be poor? J (boy) yeah Poverty is an important factor in the consumption of branded trainers, few of the children said that they had ever been bought trainers because they wanted a new pair, most children said that they had got new trainers because the old ones were worn out or too small. . . . when you last got your trainers, why did you get them? T (boy) I got my last pair cos my shoe size got bigger and my trainers got smaller so I had to get a new pair The children also appeared to value the trainers’ physical attributes as well as Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 353 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard the brand; this may be a message they have learnt from their parents. They were aware of their parents’ financial situation and were expressing the same frugal views as them, demonstrating an understanding that trainers are for practical purposes as well as being fashion accessories. can you remember why you chose the ones you did? V (boy) um cos the leather ones are if when you fall they won’t get scratched and the others I wanted them cos when I play football I always kick it so hard they can’t beat me so can you remember when you were walking around the shop why you chose the exact ones that you did? V I wanted to choose the pair because cos they have got quite good grip on the bottom In addition to the children’s understanding of the importance of the practical need for trainers, there is also evidence that the children shared trainers and that they are passed down from other family members when they have been grown out of. why did you get some (new trainers) B? B (girl) um well I didn’t get them, my sister did because like Tess got them for me, cos they are very special and they are from my sister Once again this implies that the children had less say in the brand of trainers they wore and that a practical or financial issue dictated what they wore, in this case what an older sister passed down. The family also appeared to have an effect on the consumption choices of children with many children citing their family as a motivation for wanting a particular trainer. why did you choose those shoes? E (girl) because I was copying my sister has she got a pair of Nikes? E cos she always gets the good stuff, so I thought I would copy her so you wanted the same shoes as her, does she look good in hers? 354 E yeah did you want to look good like her? E yeah do you think now that you have them you look kind of like your sister a bit? E yeah E thought that her sister ‘looks good’ in her Nike trainers and her jealousy of the sister who ‘always gets the good stuff’ seemed to prompt her to ask for the same brand. She appeared to want to emulate her sister by is asking for the same trainers as her in order to help effect this transformation. Some of the children seemed to be defensive about, and aware of, being poor. One girl said she would like to be a pop star so that she could give her mother more money. She also confided that money was tight at home. W (girl) I said to my mum that if I ever get really rich I will give her some of my money, cos my mum doesn’t really get much money to pay her bills and stuff, so I would like to give it to my mum is it sometimes hard for you at home, making sure you have got trainers like number one and stuff? W yeah, but I always make mine last cos my mum hasn’t got much money Many of the children displayed this attitude, they were very keen to own branded trainers, but they were aware of the financial trouble at home and wanted to help out if they could. The children were also very conscious of the stigma and difficulty of being poor and did not want the other children at school to know about the financial troubles at home. is it hard to be poor do you think? F (girl) yeah, I think it’s very hard to be poor why do you think that? F cos you wouldn’t have much money so you couldn’t buy food for your kids and things like that would they (friends at school) think that you couldn’t afford to buy other trainers? J (boy) yeah do you mind if they thought that? Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty J yeah so if they thought, oh look J can’t afford to buy number 8 would you be sad? J yeah Peer pressure People with ‘decent’ trainers also appeared to be popular with their peers, the children seemed to fit into gangs and groups of friends easier if they were appropriately dressed, one interviewee saying ‘my best friends wear trainers that I like’. This peer pressure seemed to lead to many of the children wanting branded trainers to fit in with their friends and the popular children at school. why are they (shoes you are now wearing) decent? R (boy) because everyone at my school wears them . . . why do you want to wear the same as the others? R because then I don’t feel left out . . . so if tomorrow everyone decided that they want to wear Nike trainers you would try and get some as well? R yeah When asked who they would talk to first in the playground, the person wearing the trainers they liked or those they disliked, almost all of the children said that they would talk to the person wearing the shoes they liked first. so would you prefer to be friends with someone who wears trainer number 1 or trainer number 3? Q (boy) trainer number 1 why do you think that? Q cos they look more decent than number 3 yeah, so would you be embarrassed to be a person in number 3? If your friend came towards you in those would you be umm aahh not too happy? Q well if they were my friend I would like them, but if they were not I would take the mick out of them do you prefer to talk to people wearing the kind of trainers you like? Q if they are my friends, if they are my best friends, they have my best trainers on that I like do you choose people to be friends who wear the stuff you like? Q um I change my friends so they are wearing the stuff that I like They appeared to see the choice of trainers as a good indicator of what the other child was like, and a way to help them decide who to talk to if they did not know anything about a group of people. Z was the only person who said she would talk to the person wearing the trainers she did not like, however, her answer is more telling us she was merely being charitable. ok, imagine the first day of school right and you have been introduced to a couple of people, one wearing trainer number 4 and one wearing trainer number 7, who would you talk to first? Z (girl) trainer number 7 . . . cos you can see that they are not as well off as the others and if you go to number 7 and you complement them on their trainers, even though you don’t think they are ok, just tell a little white lie, then maybe it would cheer them up . . . because they might feel teased because they might look at other people’s trainers and say that their trainers are better than mine, why can’t I have them There was also a lot of discussion about ‘taking the mick’ out of someone with ‘manky’ trainers and the possibility of being beaten up because of not being in the ‘in crowd’, a group one could not enter without the appropriate footwear. Most of the children were either the victim or the potential perpetrator of bullying, for example, one boy said he would be unwilling to let someone in ‘granny shoes’ join in his football game. People’s images seemed to be a big trigger for bullying, and many of the children chose their trainers accordingly. and what made you choose Nike ones when you came to get some more trainers? V (girl) I don’t know, I just prefer Nike cos they are the kind of brand that people in my school like now so you choose ones that all your friends like? Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 355 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard V yeah is it really important that you have the same ones as all your friends V yeah, cos if you want friends then, if you want to hang around with friends then it is best to look quite good and that, like um otherwise they are just going to go away cos that’s what they are like in our school oh right, so if you haven’t got the right sort of stuff they don’t want to be your friend? V yeah Many of the children talked about the bullying they had experienced or witnessed in school, a lot of which appeared to be centred around an individual’s clothes and financial situation. can you tell me a bit more about wearing the right shoes to fit in? P (girl) well if we don’t wear like what our other friends wear, like cool stuff and that, we get picked on like and we won’t quite fit in there and that cos we just get, like picked on and stuff. And I don’t think that’s fair really, because it’s not fair on other people if their mums and dads can’t afford stuff like other people, its not their fault so I don’t know why people have a go at them. have you been picked on for not wearing the right stuff? P yeah, people do pick on me, people wear stuff like this (indicates jeans) yeah and stuff like that and the cool people at school they always be horrible to you and I don’t know why, it just gets right on my nerves and I think it’s horrid. They pick on this girl, who her mum ain’t got enough money for stuff like other people wear . . . this girl called Kathryn who is new to the school and they always get picked on all the time, and I don’t know why they do it. People who do are just bullies. It annoys me, cos I don’t really like it myself. When some of the children talked about wanting to have branded trainers they appeared to want to use them as a defence mechanism. One girl described how she did not think that anyone 356 should have to have branded trainers, but that she had them ‘just in case’ to try and prevent the other children from picking on her. Surprisingly, a number of children recognised and desired branded trainers, but thought, ‘it’s what’s on the inside that counts’. They understood that at the moment they did not have access to expensive, branded trainers and were trying to play down their significance. It is quite possible that the children would like branded trainers, but by reaffirming that the brand of trainers they wore was not important they hoped that their lack of branded trainers would be viewed less negatively by their peers. . . . anything else you want to tell me about your friends at school and trainers or wearing the right clothes, stuff like that? G (girl) shoes aren’t everything in a person. You can’t always look at someone’s shoes and tell what they are like. It’s the person that you are meant to like, not the shoes. You are supposed to be liking the whole person, not the shoes, they are not everything they are only shoes, it’s not like they are friends or nothing is it? It’s like you are liking the shoes instead of the actual person themselves. DISCUSSION Very few of the children interviewed owned new, premium-branded trainers, despite saying that they desired them. The majority of the children indicated that their trainers had been bought when the previous pair wore out; this suggests that poor children have less control over their parent’s spending, as they do not have the trainers that they want. The children interviewed were from poor families and appeared to have little influence over the brand of trainers they had, the vast majority desiring Nike trainers, but often wearing cheaper brands. Although few of the children were able to afford expensive, top-of-therange trainers, the majority owned a Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty recognisable brand (Hi-Tec, Adidas etc) despite there being cheaper alternatives available. This implies that the children’s parents did have poor knowledge about the cheaper options available and bought branded trainers, albeit from the less expensive end of the market, because they were familiar with these popular brands and had some knowledge about them. These findings support those of Coe (1971) and Andreasen (1975) that the poor have little knowledge about less well-known brands and prefer information about more popular brands, thus spending more. These findings strongly support the suggestion of Pilgrim and Lawrence (2001) that the most powerful, and yet most unregulated, influence on children is their peer group. The children indicated that one of their primary motivations for desiring a certain brand of trainer was their need to fit in with their peers. They feared that their peers would refuse to be friends with them, or subject them to bullying, if they did not fit in with the group by wearing the same, fashionable, brand of trainers. When the children were asked what they would like to be doing when they were older, they all gave aspirational careers and said that they would like to be financially secure. This differed considerably from the situation in which their parents currently lived, so it could be that the children were beginning to think outside of Darley and Johnson’s (1985) ‘design for living’ handed down by their parents, even if they never achieved these goals. Most children interviewed discussed bullying and the pressure of wanting to wear fashionable clothing. Many of the children said that they would not talk to someone who was not wearing the right trainers and that they would be embarrassed to be seen with someone wearing unfashionable shoes. The pressures found in Chin’s (1992) US study of inner-city life are also found in much smaller cities in the South West of England but, unlike Chin’s study, these children made no mention of damaging other’s clothing through jealousy, although many of the children expressed strong desires to own branded clothes, a jealousy of those who were lucky enough to own branded trainers and a need to fit in with their peers. The children interviewed appeared to have a strong attachment to the Nike brand, with almost every child stating that Nike was their preferred brand of trainer. The children’s reasons for wanting to own Nike varied, but most of the children came up with a practical and then an emotional response. This reflects the model of brand trust in the consumer-brand relationship developed by Gurviez (1996), who argues that trust involves both a cognitive (functional attributes) and an emotional element. In addition, the children seemed to exhibit a ‘shared consciousness’ regarding their feelings for Nike, with the majority of children describing Nike as ‘cool’ and ‘helps you to run fast’. Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) introduce the concept of ‘brand community’, which is a specialised, non-geographically-bound community, based on a structured set of social relations among admirers of a brand. The children appeared to be part of a ‘symbolic’ brand community, united by their shared feelings about Nike trainers. This study clearly demonstrates how children want to own the branded trainers that their peers do in order to enable them to have equal status in the eyes of their friends. The children who owned branded trainers were seen as having a referent power (Solomon et al., 1999) as they inspired admiration among their peers and caused others to attempt to emulate them. The symbolic meaning of branded trainers appears to be that of a fashionable and popular person; if Nike were a person it would be the ‘coolest kid in school’. The children felt that by owning ‘decent’ branded trainers they were making a statement about Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 357 Richard Elliott and Clare Leonard themselves, they were saying that they were equal with their peers and were fashionable and popular. Many of the children seemed to use branded trainers as a disguise, they were aware that only their closest friends would see their home and be aware of the poverty they lived in, but everyone could see their trainers or school shoes and make a judgment about them. So, by wearing branded trainers, they were preventing negative reactions from other children by hiding their poverty. Branded trainers seemed to be used as ‘symbolic self-completion’ in an attempt to disguise the children’s poverty (Wicklund and Gollwitzer, 1982). Many of the children did not think that it was possible to be poor and own expensive trainers, therefore, by owning branded trainers themselves they were distancing themselves from their financial situation and taking on a new status, that of a wealthier child. If they owned branded trainers they could not be poor, could they? Fashion brands can be part of a system of meaning transfer from culture to the individual (McCracken, 1988). This is demonstrated here as the children attempted to transfer branded trainers’ ‘personality’ onto their own, trying to transfer Nike’s ‘popularity’ and ‘cool’ onto themselves by wearing Nike trainers. Elliott (1993) argues that in order for a product to function as a symbol it must have commonality of meaning among consumers, such that those in the reference group must have in common a shared conception of the product’s meaning. This study suggests that this ‘common shared conception’ has been achieved among children with trainer brands, particularly with Nike as the children have a homogenous view of what the product means and the values they associate with it. Gorn, 1978) demonstrated that children would rather play with a child who had an advertised product than a child who had an unadvertised one. It seems that successful brand-building strategies, particularly those that focus on symbolic meanings, may be having unintended and undesirable consequences on various aspects of children’s attitudes and behaviour. In this respect marketers may be playing into the hands of no logo anticonsumerists (Klein, 2000). Surprisingly little is known about how consumption symbolism and materialism may arise from peer interaction (Roedder, 1999) and this study suggests that peer pressure may play an important role in the process and have effects which persist long after childhood. REFERENCES Achenreiner, G. (1997) ‘Materialistic values and susceptibility to influence in children’, Advances in Consumer Research, 24(1), 82–88. Alwitt, L. (1996) ‘Marketing and the poor’, in Hill, R. P. (ed.) Marketing and Consumer Research in the Public Interest, Sage Publications, London, UK. Andreasen, A. (1975) The Disadvantaged Consumer, The Free Press, New York, NY. Bachmann, G., Roedder, J. and Rao, A. (1993) ‘Children’s susceptibility to peer group purchase influence: An exploratory investigation’, Advances in Consumer Research, 20(1), 463–468. Belk, R., Mayer, R. and Bahn, K. (1982) ‘The eye of the beholder: Individual differences in perceptions of consumption symbolism’, Advances in Consumer Research, 9, 523–530. Brittain, C. (1963) ‘Adolescent choices and parent-peer cross pressures’, American Sociological Review, 28, 385–391. Childers, T. and Rao, A. (1992) ‘The influence of familial and peer-based reference groups on consumer decisions’, Journal of Consumer Research, September, 198–211. Chin, E. (1992) ‘Toward a documentation of the consumer lives of inner city children’, in Rudmin, F. W. and Richins, R. (eds) Meaning, Measure, and Morality of Materialism, CUNY Press, New York, NY, 102–109. Chin, E. (1997) ‘Social inequality and the context of consumption’, in Sherry, J. (ed.) Servicescape: The IMPLICATIONS A seminal study on the unintended consequences of television advertising on children’s behaviour (Goldberg and 358 Concept of Place in Contemporary Markets, NTC Contemporary Publishing Company, Lincolnwook, IL. Coe, B. (1971) ‘Private vs. national preference among lower and middle-income consumers’, Journal of Retailing, 27, Fall, 61–72. Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 Peer pressure and poverty Darley, W. and Johnson, D. (1985) ‘A contemporary analysis of the low-income consumer: An international perspective’, in Tan, C. T. and Sheth, J. N. (eds) Historical Perspectives in Consumer Research: National and International Perspectives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN, 206–210. Elliott, R. (1993) ‘Gender and the psychological meaning of brands’, in Costa, J. A. (ed.) Gender and Consumer Behavior, Vol. 2, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake Roedder John, J. D. (1999) ‘Consumer socialization of children: A retrospective look at twenty-five years of research’, Journal of Consumer Research, 26(3), 183–213. Smith, D. (1992) ‘Defining the underclass’, in Smith, D. (ed.) Understanding the Underclass, PSI, London, UK. Solomon, M., Bamossy, G. and Askegaard, S. (1999) Consumer Behaviour: A European Perspective, Prentice Hall, London, UK. Wicklund, R. and Gollwitzer, P. (1982) Symbolic SelfCompletion, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ. City, UT, 156–168. Elliott, R. and Wattanasuwan, K. (1998) ‘Brands as resources for the symbolic construction of identity’, International Journal of Advertising, 17(2), 131–144. Goldberg, M. and Gorn, G. (1978) ‘Some unintended consequences of TV advertising to children’, Journal of Consumer Research, 5, June, 22–29. Goldman, A. (1976) ‘Do lower-income consumers have a more restricted shopping scope?’, Journal of Marketing, 38(1, 4), 46–54. Gunter, B. and Furnham, A. (1998) Children as Consumers: A Psychological Analysis of the Young People’s Market, APPENDIX: INTERVIEW GUIDE What brands of trainers do you own? Why did you get them? What do you like best about them? What is your favourite trainer ever and why? What brands do your friends have? What do the kids at school wear? Routledge, London, UK. Gurviez, P. (1996) ‘The trust concept in the brandconsumer relationship’, in Beracs, J., Bauer, A. and Simon, J. (eds) Marketing for an Expanding Europe. Proceedings of the 25 th Annual Conference of the European Marketing Academy, Budapest University of Economic Sciences, Budapest, Hungary, 559–574. Herzog, E. (1963) ‘Some assumptions about the poor’, Social Service Review, 23, December, 389–402. Klein, N. (2000) No Logo, HarperCollins Publishers, London, UK. Kumar, V. (1993) Poverty and Inequality in the UK: The Show stimulus board What do you think about these trainers? Are there any that stand out? Are there any you particularly like/ dislike? (prompt: cool, crap, expensive, cheap) Do you know what make they are? Would you be popular if you had these trainers? Effects on Children, National Children’s Bureau, London, UK. McCracken, G. (1988) Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN. McNeal, J. (1987) Children as Consumers, Lexington Books, Lexington, MA. Miles, M. and Huberman, A. (1984) Qualitative Data Analysis: A Sourcebook of New Methods, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Moore, E. and Lutz, R. (2000) ‘Children, advertising, and product experiences: A multimethod inquiry’, Journal of Consumer Research, 27(1), 31–48. Muniz, A. and O’Guinn, T. (2001) ‘Brand community’, Journal of Consumer Research, 27(4), 412–433. Murray, C. (1990) The Emerging British Underclass, IEA, London, UK. Ask for response to each picture If you saw someone walking down the street wearing those, what else might they be wearing? What kind of person would they be? (prompt: tell me about them, are they young/old, what sort of job might they do, what do they wear, what are their friends like) If it was the first day of school and someone was wearing trainer number X and someone was wearing trainer number Y, which of the two people would you talk to first? Page, C. and Ridgway, N. (2001) ‘The impact of consumer environments on consumption patterns of children from disparate socioeconomic backgrounds’, Journal of Consumer Marketing, 18(1), 21–40. Peracchio, L. (1990) ‘Designing research to reveal the young child’s emerging competence’, Psychology and Marketing, 7(4), 257–276. Pilgrim, L. and Lawrence, D. (2001) ‘Pester power is a destructive concept’, International Journal of Advertising and Marketing to Children, 3(1), 11–22. Close You said earlier what all the cool kids at school wear, do you think you are one of the cool kids? Would you like to be really popular/ cool? Do you think if you wore these trainers you would be? Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 3, 4, 347–359 #Henry Stewart Publications 1472-0817 359