Culture and Altered States
of Consciousness
COLLEEN WARD
In a colorful Hindu Temple in Penang, Malaysia, a
devotee clad in a bright yellow doti (like a sarong,
or loincloth) closes his eyes as the men and women
around him chant and ask for blessings from the
gods. The temple is enveloped in fragrant incense
and as the chanting quickens and becomes louder,
the man enters a trance state, turning inward and
dissociating from the surrounding sounds, smells,
and colors. At the appropriate moment, the attendant Hindu priest takes a skewer and pierces the
man's right cheek, extending it through the mouth
to the inside of the left cheek and exiting on the
outside. The devotee does not flinch, he feels no
pain, he does not bleed. The piercing continues.
Small vels (needles with spade-shaped ends) are
inserted at the forehead, the third eye point; larger
hooks are placed in rows down the man's back. Still
there is no evidence of pain or bleeding. When the
piercing is complete, the devotee and his support
group begin their pilgrimage to the Waterfall tem-
Colleen Ward received her Ph.D. from the University of Durham, England. She has held teaching and research positions at the University of the West Indies,
Trinidad, Science University of Malaysia, National University of Singapore, and University of Canterbury,
New Zealand. She is currently the Secretary-General of
the International Association for Cross-cultural Psychology and recently edited Altered States of Consciousness
and Mental Health: A Cross-culturalPerspective
(Sage,1989). For several years she was Book Review Editor of the Journal of Cross-CulturalPsychology.
pie to make offerings to Lord Murugan. At the journey's end the hooks and skewers are removed,
without evidence of bleeding, and although physically exhausted, the devotee reports feeling refreshed and contented. The experience was like
"floating on air."'
In a church in Trinidad, women are preparing
for a period of "mourning." They are washed and
anointed, dressed in white and given inscribed
bands of cloth which are used to cover their eyes
and ears. They are then "led to the ground," each
given a place in the prayer room attached to the
Spiritual Baptist church. For seven days and nights
the women lie in mourning and are exposed to extended periods of darkness and isolation alternating with praying, chanting, singing, and clapping
by animated visitors. The women "travel," experiencing vivid dreams and hallucinations concerning
the development of their spiritual lives. The mourners describe the experience as "seeing without
sleeping" and "jumping energy in the body." "I was
no longer myself," is a common refrain.
In a Mexican desert, a student of anthropology
assumes an apprenticeship role to a Yaqui sorcerer.
He experiments with alternative realities and various hallucinogenic substancesÑdatur inoxch, psilocybe mexicana. On one session he recalls, "All of a
sudden I was pulled up. I distinctly felt I was being
lifted. And I was free, moving with tremendous
lightness and speed in water or in air. I swam like
an eel. I contorted and twisted and soared up and
down at will. I felt a cold wind blowing all around
me, and I began to float like a feather back and
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8/Culture and Altered States of Consciousness
forth, down, down and down" (Castaneda, 1969,
p. 157).
The passages above describe the experience of
altered states of consciousness (ASCs): trance and
possession states, lucid dreaming, visions, and
drug-induced states. These phenomena differ
somewhat from the ASCs conventionally described
in introductory psychology texts, which are more
likely to include laboratory-based studies of nocturnal dreams, sensory deprivation, hypnosis, biofeedback, and perhaps meditation. Although more
"exotic" altered states may seem unusual, even
pathological, from a Western perspective, in other
cultural settings these experiences are meaningfully
integrated into everyday life. In fact, such ASCs are
extremely common on a cross-cultural basis. Bourguignon and Evascu's (1977) anthropological study
of 488 societies demonstrated that about 90% (437)
displayed naturally occurring trance or possession
states.
This chapter considers cultural influences on
various altered states of consciousness: drug induced states, hallucinations, trances, and spirit possession. On the most fundamental level, our genetic
heritage and biological makeup determine the limits of our experience of consciousness. However, a
cross-cultural perspective reveals that there is great
diversity within these limits and that sociocultural
influences pattern the evaluations and interpretations of these phenomena.
THE NATURE OF
CONSCIOUSNESS AND ITS
CULTURAL INFLUENCES
Consciousnessrefers to a general state of awareness
and responsiveness to our external environment
and internal mental processes. "Normal" consciousness is the state in which we spend the bulk
of our waking hours. It is an active, directed, mentally alert state. As you are reading this chapter you
are (probably) experiencing a normal, ordinary
state of consciousness with focused attention and
logical thought processes. Altered states of consciousness, by contrast, involve subjectively recognized, qualitative shifts in the typical pattern of
mental functioning. ASCs are generally receptive
mental states. You may have experienced them as
daydreams, alcoholic intoxication or in the practice
of meditation. ASCs are characterized by diffuse
attention, paralogical (unorthodox) thought, and
dominance of sensory experiences.
The active and the receptive modes of consciousness represent innate human capacities; however, in
Western cultures we value the primacy of active
cognitive processing in normal waking consciousness. In line with evolutionary theory, it is widely
accepted that this active mode of ordinary consciousness is adaptive and functional and serves to
enhance the survival of the species. It simplifies and
selectively processes information and guides and
monitors our intra- and interpersonal actions. Although the receptive mode, characteristic of many
altered states of consciousness, is viewed as deviant, mysterious, and occasionally pathological from
a Western perspective, it also serves adaptive
functions. Receptive mode ASCs often provide
avenues for psychological growth and development; they are also commonly used as therapeutic
mechanisms in ritual contexts. The fact that these
ASCs are so widely pursued on a cross-cultural basis suggests that there may be a universal human
need to produce and maintain varieties of conscious experiences.
On the most basic level culturally shared views
about consciousness pattern our experiences of
"normal" and "altered" states of awareness. In
On the most basic level culturally
shared views about consciousness
pattern our experiences of
"normal" and "altered" states of
awareness. In short, human
potentials for various states of
consciousness are culturally
conditioned.
short, human potentials for various states of consciousness are culturally conditioned. Through the
learning process, a finite number of a wide range of
potentials are fixed in a relatively stable way to
produce an ordinary state of awareness. As we will
see, however, we should guard against viewing
"normal" states of consciousness as "optimal" or
"best" (Tart, 1975).
8/Culture and Altered States of Consciousness
The learning process similarly limits common
alternatives or extraordinary states of awareness.
You, for example, are unlikely to be able to attain
the expanded states of consciousness available to
long term practitioners of Yoga or to achieve spontaneously the altered states of awareness demonstrated by Fijian firewalkers. Furthermore, it is
difficult, maybe impossible, for us to appreciate
fully the subtle distinctions in consciousness that
may be experienced in other cultures. For example,
Sanskrit has about 20 nouns which translate into
"consciousness" or "mind" in English simply because we do not have the vocabulary to distinguish
different shades of meaning.
In terms of cross-cultural comparisons, the repertoire of culturally patterned ASCs in Euro-Arnerican societies appears more limited and less
ritualized than in many other cultures. This partially explains the concentration on rigourously
controlled, lab based studies of biofeedback, drug
and hypnotic states, and sensory deprivation in our
psychology texts. In the tradition of experimental
psychology, unusual states of consciousness are artificially induced in isolated laboratory sessions; the
A X experiences are detached from the subjects'
lives and lack real purpose or meaning. Cross-cultural perspectives on A X s , however, offer the
unique opportunity to explore real world experiences in their natural environrnents~alteredstates
of awareness that are common, perhaps everyday,
experiences imbued with purpose and meaning.
Hallucinations and trance and spirit possession receive particular attention here.
CULTURAL VARIATIONS
I N ASCS
Hallucinations
Hallucinations may be defined as "pseudoperception(s), without relevant stimulation of external or
internal sensory receptors, but with subjective vividness equal to that aroused by such stimulation"
(Wallace, 1959, p. 59). From this perspective most
individuals have experienced hallucinations, and
there are no cultures in which hallucinatory experiences are unknown. Despite the universal prevalence of hallucinations, however, there are aspects
of the hallucinogenic experience which are dependent upon cultural learning. In the cross-cultural
context hallucinations often occur in ritual settings
and are associated with religious beliefs and tradi-
61
tions. As the surrounding events are usually public
rather than private activities, the social context affects the phenomenology of hallucinations. In
many instances, the experience of hallucination is a
learned phenomenon with cultural values and social expectations providing the necessary cues for
the ASC production and manifestation.
Medical, psychological, and anthropological
literature on hallucinations and mescaline use provides a compelling illustration of this point. Reviewing the literature in this area Wallace (1959)
contrasted the hallucinatory experiences of Angloand native Americans in response to the ingestion
of mescaline. The former group were generally
"normal" white subjects in clinical trials. The latter
were more regular users of peyote2 who consumed
the substance in ceremonial contexts and in connection with religious rituals. The summaries of
experiences are presented in Table 1. Overall,
Anglo-Americans were more likely to display extreme variations of mood, to demonstrate a lack
of social inhibitions and idiosyncratic hallucinations, and to experience an unsettling, unpleasant
"split with reality." In contrast, native Americans
reported religious ecstasy, hallucinations of a
spiritual nature, therapeutic benefits, and an experience of a "higher order" of reality. The researchers concluded that the descriptions of the
hallucinatory experiences were so different that informants did not seem to be talking about the same
thing!
Cultural views of ASCs also affect the interpretation of these experiences in relation to psychopathology. In Western psychiatry hallucinations are
considered as defining features of psychotic disorders. This view, however, is not shared cross-culturally. Westermeyer and Wmtrob's (1979) study on the
folk criteria for mental illness, "being insane in sane
places," paints a different picture of hallucinatory
experiences.
In this research two transcultural psychiatrists
surveyed 27 villages in rural Laos and identified 35
people who were labelled baa (insane). They then
interviewed friends, families and neighbors of
those individuals in order to isolate the defining
criteria of insanity. The categories used by Laotian
informants in their folk diagnoses were: (a) danger
to self and others, (b) nonviolent but socially disruptive behavior, (c) socially dysfunctional behavior, (d) problems with speech or communication, (e)
delusions, (f) mood disturbances, and (g) physical
symptoms. Noticeably absent, however, was hallucination a s a defining characteristic of psychopa-
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8 / Culture and Altered States of Consciousness
TABLE 1 Responses to Mescaline Intoxication
Anglo-Americans
Variable and extreme mood shifts (agitated depression,
euphoria, depending on stage of intoxication and personal characteristics)
Frequent breakdown of social inhibitions display of
"shameless" sexual, aggressive, behavior
Native Americans
Initial relative stability of mood, followed by religious
anxiety and enthusiasm with tendency toward feelings
of religious reverence and personal satisfaction when
vision achieved, and often, also expectation of "cure" of
physical illness
Maintenance of orderly and "proper" behavior
Suspiaousness of others present in the environment
No report of suspiciousness
Unwelcome feelings of loss of contact with reality, depersonalization, meaninglessness, "split personality"
Welcome feelings of contact with a new, more
meaningful higher order of reality, but a reality prefigured in doctrinal knowledge and implying more,
rather than less, social participation
Hallucinations largely idiosyncratic in content
Hallucinations often strongly patterned after doctrinal
model
No therapeutic benefits or permanent behavioral
changes
Marked therapeutic benefits and behavioral changes
(reductionof chronic anxiety level, increased sense of
personal worth, moresatisfaction in community life)
Excerpted from Wallace (1959)
thologyÑdespit the fact that this was found in the
majority of the 35 subjects!
Trance and Possession
Of all the exotic ASCs that may be examined, ritual
possession holds the greatest fascination for Westem observers. Possession trance occurs in many
forms and varied settings. In North America, possession by the Holy Spirit may be observed in charismatic Christian churches. In less familiar settings,
ritual trance and possession may also be found in
Shango and Voodoo practitioners in the Caribbean,
devil dancers in Sri Lanka, temple mediums in Singapore, Hong Kong, and Korea, diviners in Sierre
Leone, shamans in Thailand, Sasale dancers in Niger, Bantu rituals in South Africa, Candomble participants in Brazil, as well as Thaipusam devotees
described in the opening passage.
How do these ASCs occur? While the possession trance is usually displayed in a public ceremony, it often involves private preparation
beforehand, such as fasting or purification rites.
The ritual trance itself is typically induced by sensory bombardment-repetitive clapping, singing,
and chanting. Burning pungent incense, repeated
stroking of the skin, spinning or whirling in circles
which precipitate disorientation to additionally facilitate trance induction. Ritual possession is a pub-
lic event; as such, social expectationsare also instrumental in the ASC production.
What does spirit possession look like? From
external observations, the onset of possession is
usually characterized by gross and uncontrollable
body movements. Eyes appear glazed and still,
sometimes only the whites showing. The possessed
individual frequently takes on the demeanor of the
possessing deity. They may become fierce and demanding or childlike and playful. The transformation can be quite dramatic. For example, in a
Shango ceremony in Trinidad, I witnessed a man
radically change movements, facial expression,
voice- to a feminine persona when in the possession of a female deity.
From the devotee's perspective, possession is
experienced in various ways. Unusual bodily sensations are very common. Haitian Voodoo participants refer to the experience as being ridden like a
horse. In other cults it has been likened to being
struck with lightning or to floating on air. Although
largely unaware of the surrounding environment
and apparently disoriented, possessed individuals
maintain enough control for safety. For example, in
Afro-Caribbean cults possessed participants may
dance "wildly" with swords or machetes without
danger to self or others. Temporal and spatial distortion usually occur, and hallucinations may or
may not be present. At the end of the possession
8 /Culture and Altered States of Consciousness
ritual, it is common for individuals to experience a
physical and emotional collapse. When they regain
normal consciousness, they are generally unable to
remember their activities during the possession episode.
In adopting the role of the possessing deity,
individuals who enter ritual trance may make demands on others or prophesize about the future. A
well-known anthropologist once told me that an
entranced Shangoist predicted her second marriage~whileshe was still happily married to her
first husband! Many native healers render diagnoses and treatment plans when in the altered state of
consciousness.Still others, such as temple mediums
in Singapore, attempt to produce winning lottery
numbers!
Western observers have been quick to label
these ASCs as pathological, describing them as various manifestations of hysteria, dissociative personality, epilepsy, and psychotic disorders, particularly
schizophrenia. This assessment, however, fails to
appreciate the cultural significance and evaluation
of the ASCs (Ward, 1989). It is important to recognize that these altered states of consciousness have
adaptive features on a number of levels:
1. Biological-There
is evidence that the physiological mechanisms underlying ritual trance
are similar to techniques used by psychiatrists
to evoke emotional catharsis, the release, suddenly, of pent up psychological energy Ritual
possession has been compared to psychiatric
abreaction (emotional discharge) and is likely
to involve "fine-tuning" in the autonomic nervous system (Sargant, 1973).
2. Psychological-Ritual possession offers a variety
of psychological benefits. Participants generally report feelings of contentment, well-being,
and/or rejuvenation after possession experiences. It is not uncommon for them to indicate
alleviation of physical or psychological symptoms.
3. Social-During possession episodes there are
also opportunities for individuals to indulge in
a range of behaviors generally restricted in normal waking consciousness, such as dropping
social inhibitions, making demands for favors,
or assuming positions of authority. In addition,
status and prestige in the community are acquired as a consequence of ritual possession.
For example, a successful Thaipusarn pilgrimage, without evidence of pain or bleeding, indicates purity of heart. In the Shango cult, the
63
devotee's status in the community may mirror
the possessing deity's status in a supernatural
hierarchy. In Malaysia and Singapore, Malay
bomohs and Chinese dang ki (temple mediums)
are extremely well-respected and held in high
regard by the general public.
4. Socio-cultural-Ritual possession functions to
reinforce the religious beliefs of a community
and to promote social cohesion among the
group. In opposition to the popular view that
these unusual altered states constitute psychopathology, then, there is strong evidence to suggest that they offer therapeutic benefits.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
A cross-cultural approach offers a unique opportunity to expand our understanding of human consciousness. To benefit from this perspective,
however, we must be open to new possibilities. Research tells us that our narrow definition of "normal" consciousness is not one which is shared
cross-culturally. Different attitudes toward and experiences of hallucinations, dissociative episodes,
trance, and spirit possession are found across cultures. Alternative varieties of conscious experience
are encouraged, esteemed, and even formally institutionalized in diverse socio-cultural contexts.
The ethnocentric tendency to regard unusual
ASCs with suspicion and scepticism, a view held by
Western scientists and laypeople alike, limits our
understanding of normal and altered states of
awareness. Contrary to popular theorizing, there is
no evidence that these "exotic" ASCs are intrinsically pathological. Indeed, on many counts there is
ample evidence that such altered states of awareness serve therapeutic purposes. There is a lesson
here for us to learn: To understand any one ASC, it
must be appreciated in its own terms and its appropriate sociocultural context; otherwise, we run into
problems created by overgeneralizing about behaviors in other cultures. To understand ASCs more
comprehensively, however, cross-cultural threads
of our knowledge about these phenomena must be
skillfully interwoven.
Ultimately, we can only hope to achieve a
deeper and more meaningful appreciation of human consciousness when we are able to shed our
cultural blinders. As Tart (1975) aptly states: "We
are simultaneously the beneficiaries and victims of
our culture. Seeing things according to consensus
reality is good for holding a culture together, but a
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major obstacle to personal and scientific understanding of the mind" (p. 33). What do you think?
FOOTNOTES
'Although the description is based on my fieldwork
in Malaysia, the term "floating on air" comes from
Ronald Simon's film of the same name.
Veyote is the Spanish word for the tops (mescal
buttons) of a small cactus (Lophophorn williamsii) which is
used in Amer-Indian religious ceremonies for hallucinogenic effects. Mescaline is the psychedelic derivative obtained from the cactus.
REFERENCES
Bourguignon, E., & Evascu, T. (1977). Altered states of
consciousness within a general evolutionary per-
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Castaneda, C. (1969). The teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui
way of knowledge. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Sargant, W. (1973). The mind possessed. New York: Lippincott.
Tart, C. (1975). States of consciousness. New York: Dutton
& Co.
Wallace, A.F.C. (1959). Cultural determinants of response
to hallucinatory experience. American Anthropologist,
1,58-69.
Ward, C. (Ed.) (1989). Altered states of consciousness and
mental health: A cross-cultural perspective. Newbury
Pk, CA: Sage.
Westermeyer, J., & Wintrob, R. (1979). "Folk" criteria for
the diagnosis of mental illness in rural Laos: On being insane in sane places. American Journal of Psychiatry, 136,755-761.