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Pursuit of Change
Volume 6. June, 2013
Editorial
Featured Interview
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Urdu article
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Editorial board: Shahnaz Khan,
Jawad Ahmad, and Tariq Shahzad
Co Editor: Rubina Inayat
Technical assistance: Ali Raza
Rise for Pakistan, USA
Dear Reader,
We are pleased to bring you the June issue of the Pursuit of Change. We hope that you will find the editorial,
articles and news items informative and interesting. One important way to become a part of this movement
and help promote our mission is by sharing this newsletter with your friends, family and acquaintances. Feel
free to post it on the all the list serves that you are a member of. We always look forward to your feed back
about the content as well as the presentation of the information.
Pursuit of change Team
Editorial: Holes in our democracy
We have always maintained that democracy in a capitalist system is a facade to fool people into thinking that
they are the decision makers. However, the sad part is that even within that context there are many holes in
the so called democracy in Pakistan.
One overarching principal of democracy is that all citizens are considered equal in every meaningful way.
There are two kinds of holes in this area. First hole is in people's heart---unfortunately human beings have not
yet matured enough intellectually or emotionally to be able to overcome their biases based on various
superficial differences like skin color, language, faith, nationality etc. These biases, which are actually rooted in
the class based system under capitalism, manifest themselves in various ways in the society's attitude towards
weaker groups or those who are different than the majority. No society is completely free of this menace but
in Pakistan it has become ingrained in the people's psyche so that it is accepted as a norm for social relations
to the point where no one even thinks that it is unjust. Many such groups have been marginalized this way but
two are worth mentioning: a) Religious minorities have been ostracized and exploited for decades now to the
point that they are feeling alienated and unsafe. They are abused at the personal level and looked down upon
as a group. Many of them are treated as untouchables. b) Women have been traditionally deprived of their
due rights even the ones granted to them by the laws of the land. They are considered intellectually inferior
board (Link)
Rise for Pakistan, Pakistan board
(link)
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and in many places they are not even allowed to vote due to male dominance. They make up 50% of the
population yet their share in the economic opportunities is minuscule and many doors are closed to them to
fulfill their personal goals.
Featured Videos:
The second hole has been institutionalized through our constitution in three ways: First: By isolating nonMuslims as a minority, the ground is set for unequal treatment and their marginalization is inevitable. People
may be categorized as majority or minority in various ways like their way of living, language, opinions and
faith etc. However it should never impact their citizenship rights. Secondly: By barring non-Muslims from
holding highest offices of the land, a signal is sent that they are second class citizens, not to be trusted.
Thirdly: Even within that unfair and unjust system their representatives are not elected by them but rather
selected by the political parties through an opaque and arbitrary process. Not only these so called
"representatives" do not have the confidence of their constituents but by being at the whims and wishes of the
political parties, they actually end up serving as pawns to further parties' agenda rather than having an
independent voice. It is sad that even if they have lived on this land for generations, they are discriminated
against. It should not be an acceptable situation for any fair minded person. Ideally there should not be even
a need for separate representation. After all human beings are all the same in their aspirations, rights and
needs. But till the time we are mentally ready for it, this is a way to safeguard the rights of minorities.
However it needs to be done where it actually is meaningful. Read more...
CAPITALIST DEMOCRACY and
ELECTION FACADE
____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________
Upcoming Event: Rise for Pakistan
Presents
An informative and entertaining presentation
During APPNA's annual convention in Orlando
CURE IS PROHIBITED
On 5th of July 2013
From 2:00 PM to 5:00 PM
Shingles Creek Resort
Room: Suwanee 19
Right after Friday prayer
_____________________________________________________________________
______
Featured Interview: Executive Director
Pakistan Institute of Labor and Education (PILER):
Mr. Karamat Ali
By Aabida Ali
EDUCATION FOR SALE
CHARITY
Featured Announcement:
Rise for Pakistan signs an MOU with
SAP
We are pleased to announce that we
have signed an MOU with
South Asian Partnership
Aabida: Tell us about your involvement with labor movement? When and how it
started?
Mr. Ali: When I came to Karachi in 1963 I started working in a factory and that is how
I came to know about workers unions. But the factory I was working in did not have a
union and so we tried to form one in 1966. At that time I was also studying. But then I
was terminated from the job and so got involved in student's movement. We were able
to form a union in that factory in 1972. By then I had decided to work full time with
trade unions and so I joined Mutahida Mazdoor Federation. I have been in working
with the labor unions since then.
Aabida: Describe the Link between the student movement and trade union in 1968, why
such a strong movement could not succeed in bringing the revolutionary change?
Mr. Ali: There was a ban on left parties and communist parties in 1954 so socialist groups started
concentrating on work amongst students and labor as they couldn't work under banner of their parties. There
was strong student's movement at that time dominated by socialist ideas. After finishing their studies, students
who were active in student movement would join trade unions or peasant movement. That is how the two were
linked together. In 1968-69 there was major upheaval against Ayub Khan's dictatorship but working class did
not have their own political parties and thus leadership fell in the hands of Bhutto, Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman
and Molana Bhashani changing the whole character of the movement. At that time unions were strong mainly
under the influence of the Left. National Students Organization was the largest students' organization in this
part of Pakistan. Similarly in East Pakistan the students unions were under the influence of Molana Bhashani.
But then in 70's and 80's we lost both the trade unions and students organizations. There is a need to build them
again and revive the kind of link and create a movement that can lead towards a change.
Aabida: What is the situation of labor now and what are the core issues facing them?
Mr. Ali: Situation of labor has been in a progressive decline in terms of protection of labor rights. Earlier we
had a large public sector where unions were initially created and they could sustain themselves. In early 90's
there was a large scale privatization in Pakistan especially of the industrial sector and basically whoever
bought the factories under agreement first got rid of the old workers. Unions were also affected. That was a big
blow to union movement. At one point in early 50's, almost 25% of labor force was organized in unions. At the
time workers could form unions of their own choice whether in one factory or one city or one industrial sector,
In order to produce two music videos
about Human Rights
Note from the Editor: Please send your
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Write "letters to the editor" in the subject
line. We will select one letter to be
published in each issue of the Pursuit of
Change.
------------------------------
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You may submit an article by email,
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in Pursuit of
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nclude your full name, address and
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------------------------------
but that law was changed in 1959 so industrial or sectorial unions could not be formed and the level of
unionization started declining. Still in 1977 we had more than 10% workers organized in unions. Ten years
under Zia ul Haq saw a steep decline and union membership came down to less than 5%. At the end of his
government and since the beginning of privatization in early 90's unionization further declined and currently its
membership is less than 3%.
Aabida: What are the constitutional provisions for labor rights?
Mr. Ali: The labor laws which we inherited from the British though need some updating, were pretty
comprehensive. Mechanisms for implementation of factory inspection, conciliation and mediation and all other
institutional arrangements were there. Some of those laws are still there but some of the better laws regarding
unionization were abolished by Ayub Khan's regime, like Trade Union act of 1926 which was very
comprehensive and gave rights of association to everybody except the uniformed people in armed forces. Even
the non-uniformed people in the armed forced could form their own union. Over time, especially under Zia ul
Haq implementation of labor laws was suspended without any formal order and unions were crushed. The laws
we have now are quite contrary to the provisions of the Trade Union Act of 1926. They are very restrictive and
have a lot of conditions. For example you have to identify your employer and so workers in more than one
factory cannot form a common union. Also there is a long process of certification of collective bargaining
agent etc. Also there are large number of workers who are not allowed to unionize like those in agriculture,
education, healthcare and all state employees. According to ILO study Pakistani law does not cover more than
25% of labor force. In reality even that small number is not able to enjoy that right fully as there has been
deterioration in terms of labor laws. Quality of their scope and implementation is linked to inspection and
monitoring by the state authorities. Even the existence of union is dependent on the good will of the employer
and since they are quite often anti-labor in their attitude, they will avoid implementation if they can.
Read more....
Featured Article:
Ups and Downs of Left Movement in Pakistan
By B. M. Kutty
Secretary General
Pakistan Peace Coalition
Pakistan's Left, progressive movement has a checkered history. Uniting today and breaking up
tomorrow has been one of the unfortunate features of the Left movements in the past. Today
Pakistan has two communist parties---the Communist Party of Pakistan (CCP) and the Communist
Mazdoor Kissan Party (CMKP). A third one without 'communict' in its name but yet a Leftist party
subscribing to rougly similar ideas is the Awami Workers Party, which itself is the product of the
merger of several groups in recent past. The existence of three such parties is surely not a healthy
sign, but the leftists in Pakistan, except for the first few years after Pakistan came into being, and
once under the banner of National Awami Party (NAP), had most of the time remained divided into
several groups, with the result that they have failed to make any visible impact upon countryu's
political map. It should of course be kept in mind that persistent state persecution and repression
also played havoc with the Left movement in the country.
The Communist Party---A brief profile
At the Calcutta Congress of the Communist Party of India (CPI) held in 1948, it was
decided to form a separate CP for Pakistan (CPP). The Central Committee of CPP
consisted of members from both East and West Pakistan, but in effect, it remained a
West Pakistan affair, the East Pakistani members acting independently. The West
Pakistan CP functioned virtually as the all-Pakistan CP with very little or no link with
East Pakistan communists.
Following the un-veiling of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy in 1951, almost all the leading
communists were arrested, leaving a complete vacuum in the party. Taking advantage
of this, some young fire brands in Lahore led by poet Zaheer Kashmiri and Tahira
Mazhar Ali Khan took over the party and claimed its leadership. But by 1952-52, most
of the arrested communist leaders came out of jail and resumed leadership. However
General Secretary, Sajjad Zaheer, after his release left Pakistan for good and went back
to India.
The Communist Party and all its affiliate organizations were banned in 1954 and all the leaders were
arrested. After that, for several years, the Party remained virtually dormant. In Punjab, the Party
nearly collapsed and the party leaders virtually became members of a club operating from the office
of the Progressive Papers Limited (Pakistan Times etc) under the patronage of Mian Iftikharuddin.
From then on, the communist party functioned underground or under cover of leftist democratic
parties like NAP until the 1980s. Most of Punjab's communists became members of Azad Pakistan
Party formed by Mian Iftikharuddin, who was never a member of the Communist Party.
In 1956, when the Pakistan National Party was formed by the merger of various progressive
nationalist parties and groups, the communists in Punjab and Sindh joined the new party, which
later on, after the merger of the Bhashani faction of Awami League with this party in 1957, became
the National Awami Party.
The NAP remained the effective platform of the Leftists in the following years. Under various
pressures---internal and external---the then Republican Party Government, led by Feroz Khan Noon
mooted the possibility of elections to be held sometimes in early 1959. However, during 1957-58,
the NAP had grown so popular that the ruling establishment of feudal lords, bureaucracy and army
got scared. They now felt that if elections were held, NAP will either win the elections or at least
emerge as a very powerful opposition party in the parliament. So, the anti-people, anti-democratic
ruling classes got together and thwarted the elections and Martial Law was imposed on 7th October
1958. The Left progressive forces were thereafter subjected to the worst form of persecution and
tyranny.
During the years that followed, the Sino-Soviet ideological dispute and polemics had also begun, and
their effects were being felt in the Pakistani Leftist and Communist circles too.
The East Pakistani communists, who were by and large pro-Soviet, were annoyed with their
counterpart in West Pakistan for ignoring them for so long. They were particularly irked by the
attitude of the Punjabi-dominated West Pakistan Communist Party, which, while claiming to be allPakistan Party, functioned virtually as the Punjab Party. Following the 1965 war, the Punjab
communists became more and more pro-China but they deemed it worthwhile to lobby with the East
Pakistani communists and obtain their recognition of the latter as the real West Pakistan leadership
of the CP rather than being known as the Punjab leadership. Almost the entire CP leadership of
Punjab had turned pro-China, and as a result, the pro-Soviet CP in Punjab became virtually defunct.
Soon, NAP publicly split into pro-Soviet and pro-China factions. The pro-China communists of Punjab
joined the Bhashani (pro-China) NAP. The few pro-Soviet Communists in Punjab led by Shamim
Ashraf Malik and the Sindh unit of the CP joined the Wali Khan (pro-Soviet) NAP.
By 1970, when the first ever free and fair elections were held resulting in the separation of East
Pakistan, the NAP (Wali) in which the pro-Soviet communists played an active role, won the majority
of seats in Baluchistan and NWFP in alliance with the Jamiatul Ulemai Islam and formed the
governments in the two provinces, while functioning as opposition in the PPP-dominated National
Assembly. But unfortunately, the PPP-NAP understanding was short-lived. Within 9 months, Bhutto's
central government dismissed the NAP-JUI government in Baluchisatn and the NAP-JUI Government
in NWFP resigned in protest. NAP was banned and for almost 5 years, the entire NAP leadership
remained in Hyderabad Jail under trial before the so-called Hyderabad Conspiracy tribunal. During
this period, the NAP workers who were not in jail, formed the National Democratyic Party (NDP) with
Sardar Sher Baz Mazari as President and Begum Nasim Wali Khan as Vice President.
After the overthrow of the Bhutto Government by General Ziaul Huq, once again the left and
progressive forces came under another worst spell of persecution and imprisonment. However, they
played a decisive role in the Movement for Restoration of Democracy MRD) under the banners of
Pakistan National Party, Awami National Party, Mazdoor Kisan Party and other left-leaning regional
nationalist
groups.
In the succeeding years, several attempts were made to unify various Leftist parties and groups,
leading to merger of some of the groups, and eventually resulting in the formation of National
Worker's Party, Workers' Party Pakistan and now we have the Awami Workers Party as the leading
Leftist political Party on the one hand and on the other, the two Communist Parties, besides a
couple of left-leaning nationalist parties like ANP in Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, National Party in
Baluchistan
and
the
Jeeye
Sindh
factions
in
Sindh.
As long as the Leftist progressive forces fail to unite into a powerful progressive democratic political
platform, their impact on the course of the country's politics will remain minimal.
Dear readers, we started a new serieso f publishing one chapter from Dr. Mubarek Ali's book,
Tariekh our Siasat" Or "History and Politics" . Here is the 2nd chapter. It is in Urdu.
Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in all the articles in this publication are exclusively of the writer
and do not represent Rise for Pakistan's policy and position on various issues.
Do visit us on www.riseforpakistan.org and like us on facebook. You may contact us
at info@riseforpakistan.org. We would love to hear from you.
Sincerely,
Pursuit of change Team