142
John E. Worth
Creolization in Southwest
Florida: Cuban Fishermen
and “Spanish Indians,”
ca. 1766–1841
ABSTRACT
Not long after Spanish Florida became United States territory
in 1821, the attention of Anglo-American settlers was drawn
to the handful of remaining Spanish fishing ranchos along
the lower gulf coastline, inhabited by Cuban fishermen and
their “Spanish Indian” families and neighbors. The history
and identity of these groups, many of whom were forcibly
relocated west along with the Seminoles by 1841, has long
remained enigmatic due to a paucity of documentation. This
paper uses extensive new documentary data from Cuba and
Spain to explore the emergence of these new creole communities during Florida’s British and second Spanish periods.
A Question of Identity
On 10 December 1840, the leader of a band
of so-called “Spanish Indians” was shot and
killed in the Florida Everglades during a raid
by a detachment of United States soldiers, his
body subsequently strung up on a tree. Over the
course of the next year, 24 surviving women
and children of this band were transported,
along with a larger group of Seminoles, to the
Indian Territory in modern Oklahoma, where
they arrived by 1841. The leader of this band,
known as Chakaika (also Chekika), had previously led raids against a U.S. army detachment
under Colonel William Harney along the Caloosahatchee River in July of 1839, and against an
Anglo-American settlement on Indian Key in
August of 1840, both of which formed part of
renewed hostilities after a lull in what came to
be known collectively as the Second Seminole
War (Capers 1841; Sprague 1848:99–100,243–
246; Sturtevant 1953; Covington 1954; Adams
1970; Wright 1986:300).
The identity of Chakaika and the Spanish
Indians has long been shrouded in mystery,
as has the exact nature of their relationship to
both the Spanish fishermen, who lived along the
Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(1):142–160.
Permission to reprint required.
western coast of the Florida peninsula prior to
1837, and the Seminoles living in the interior.
A number of scholars have delved into the
matter, some positing that they were simply
Seminoles associated with the Cuban fishing
industry, others speculating that they were
actually surviving remnants of the indigenous
Calusa Indians, who by that time had interacted
with Spaniards for centuries (Sturtevant 1953).
In contrast, an 1838 petition by the remaining Spanish fishermen and sailors themselves
claimed instead that their Indian and part-Indian
wives and children had been unjustly removed
west with the Seminoles in 1837, when in fact
they were an entirely separate group that had
been intermarried with the Spanish for decades
and should not be considered part of the Seminole nation at all (Covington 1954). While a
considerable amount of documentation on the
subject has already been identified and examined
in American and Spanish archives, recent investigations by this author have revealed a substantial amount of previously unknown information
from Cuban archives, as well as an abundance
of unexamined internal Cuban documentation in
the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain.
This new information provides voluminous and
important evidence regarding the identity of
Southwest Florida’s Spanish Indians during the
18th and early 19th centuries, as well as their
intimate relationship with the Cuban fishing
industry during this same period.
To foreshadow the conclusion of this article,
and confirming the claims of the Spanish
fishermen themselves, the Spanish Indians of
Southwest Florida were neither Seminoles nor
Calusas, but instead represent a remarkable
example of an emergent creole community
that developed during the late 18th and early
19th centuries from the predominantly Creek
Indians and the Spanish fishermen based in
Regla, Cuba, who together developed a symbiotic (and eventually familial) relationship along
the southern Gulf Coast of peninsular Florida,
and who preceded the Seminole presence in
southern Florida by many decades. The enigmatic Chakaika was a product of this process
of creolization, having evidently been born in
143
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
one of these Cuban fishing ranchos under the
name Antonio, employed during his early life
in both fishing and sailing between Florida and
Cuba (Fitzpatrick and Wyatt 1842), and whose
1839 uprising was in large part a response to
the destruction of the Cuban fisheries and the
forced removal of their Spanish Indian inhabitants during the previous three years. Despite
their official inclusion among the Seminoles
removed from Florida during the Second Seminole War, the Spanish Indians were in fact the
mixed-blood offspring of Spanish fishermen and
early Creek and Yamasee immigrants to the
Southwest Florida coast, many of whom were
baptized in Cuba, and whose lifestyles by the
1830s were apparently as much or more Spanish than Indian. In sum, these Spanish Indians
and the Cuban fishing ranchos they lived in
represent an important and largely unstudied
case of creolization during the colonial period.
Although the abrupt and tragic ending of these
creole communities during the 1830s makes it
impossible to say how this process might have
evolved over time, a review of their origins provides important insights into the process of creolization in general, especially as it evolved in
the context of the maritime connection between
Cuba and South Florida.
The concept of creolization has recently been
explored by a number of researchers as a useful
approach to exploring the issues surrounding
emergent multiethnic cultural identities in the
context of the European colonial era (Deagan
1973, 1983, 1996; Ewen 1991, 2000; Ferguson
1992, 2000; Mouer 1993; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Cusick 2000; Gundaker 2000; Loren
2000; Mullins and Paynter 2000; Webster 2001;
Voss 2005). Creolization challenges more traditional notions of culture contact that derive from
simple hierarchical dichotomies such as colonizer/colonized, colonist/native, core/periphery,
and dominant/subordinate, including acculturation and transculturation studies (Redfield et al.
1936; Quimby and Spoehr 1951; McEwan and
Mitchem 1984; Deagan 1998). Instead, creolization offers a conceptual framework that recognizes the unique and often-innovative nature of
cultural transformation within the frontier zone
itself, redefined as “socially charged places
where innovative cultural constructs are created
and transformed,” and as “zones of cultural
interfaces in which cross-cutting and overlapping
social units can be defined and recombined at
different spatial and temporal scales of analysis” (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995:472). More
narrowly, creolization may also be defined as
“a process by which ‘mixed-race’ individuals constructed new social identities to make
a social, economic, and/or political place for
themselves in colonial society” (Loren 2000:85).
The end result of this process could fundamentally transform the social landscape; as noted by
Voss (2005:465), “this transition—from a pluralistic constellation of colonial racial monikers
to a unified regional identity—is no less than
ethnogenesis, the creation of a new ethnicity
forged through the experiences of colonization
and culture contact.” Ultimately, the concept of
creolization returns a degree of agency to the
individuals and groups who might otherwise be
viewed as unwitting pawns in the colonial clash
that marked culture contact between the Old
World and the New after 1492. As individuals
and communities navigated an uncharted course
through the dynamic colonial landscape, these
new cultural formations not only drew upon
the traditions of previously disparate cultures,
but simultaneously generated novel adaptations
to completely new circumstances. The Spanish
Indians of Southwest Florida were one such
result of the colonial era.
The Cuban Fishing Industry
Space considerations in this article only permit
a brief overview of what is a considerable
amount of new and detailed information, mostly
as-yet unpublished. Since the origins of the Spanish Indians are integrally linked to the Cuban
fishing industry in southern Florida, it is important to note that Spanish fishing vessels operating out of the vicinity of Havana had apparently
been fishing in Florida waters with permission
from the indigenous Calusas by no later than
the 1680s, continuing and expanding after the
evacuation of the Calusas to the Florida Keys
between 1704 and 1711 in response to Yamasee
and Creek Indian slave raids (Worth 2003, 2004,
2009). By the 1740s, Cuban-based fishing vessels routinely employed guides and fishermen
from what few indigenous South Florida groups
were living on or near the Florida Keys (Hann
1991:325–431; Worth 2004), but continued
aggression from Creek raiders ultimately pushed
144
these remaining “Keys Indians” south to Key
West itself. From there, in May of 1760, fewer
than 70 survivors finally fled permanently to
Cuba, leaving the entire Florida peninsula to the
English-allied Creeks, who had even been attacking Cuban fishing vessels during the course of
the Seven Years’ War beginning in 1756 (Worth
2003). The 1762 Creek attack and kidnapping of
the passengers of a Spanish vessel anchored at
Key West on its way to Havana confirmed Creek
control of this last Calusa stronghold along with
the entire coastal fishing zone of South Florida
(Feliu 1762).
Despite the 1763 surrender of Florida to British control (Gold 1964, 1969), the Cuban fishing
industry continued largely unabated throughout
the next two decades of Florida’s British period.
Florida’s peninsular Gulf Coast had always
remained largely outside the effective reach
of Spanish colonial authorities, and this did
not change under British rule, making it easy
for Cuban fishermen to continue their seasonal
fishing voyages unhindered by the change in
colonial administration. Only one major obstacle
remained: the replacement of allied Calusas and
other indigenous South Florida Indians by hostile Creeks, who were in a far better position
either to impede or facilitate Cuban fishing than
British authorities.
Only a few years passed before negotiations
seem to have been opened between Spanish
authorities in Havana and representatives of the
Lower Creek tribe, known to the Spanish as the
province of Coweta, or most commonly as the
Uchise Indians. The earliest shipboard trip to
Havana by Lower Creek emissaries that so far
can be documented during the British period
was during 1766 (Boyd and Latorre 1953:93).
After the British withdrawal from the old Spanish fort at St. Marks in 1769, however, the fort
was seized by longtime Spanish ally Tunape, the
Coweta-born chief of the nearby Lower Creek
town known as Tallahassa Taloofa, then located
at San Luís de Talimali (Boyd and Latorre
1953:126–127). Subsequently, a series of Creek
emissaries were sent between 1771 and 1776,
finally culminating in a 1777 visit by Tunape
himself, all facilitated by Cuban fishing vessels
(Boyd and Latorre 1953). In Tunape’s translated
oral speech, he requested that the Spaniards provide him a Spanish flag to raise over the fort at
St. Marks, and initiate a routine maritime traffic
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
between Havana and St. Marks in order to
cement the proposed diplomatic and commercial
alliance, including munitions and other supplies.
Claiming to be able to defend against English
settlement along the entire Atlantic coastline of
peninsular Florida from Sebastian Inlet to Boca
Raton, and on the Gulf Coast from Cape Sable
to St. Joseph’s Bay, Tunape’s pro-Spanish Creek
faction laid claim to all of Florida’s coasts
between English settlements at St. Augustine
and Pensacola. Tunape also made specific note
that an Uchise faction called Cimarrones (most
likely the Seminoles) had sided with the English
against the American revolutionaries in Georgia,
in violation of the policy of the emperor of
Coweta. Though Spanish assistance remained
somewhat limited until the formal declaration of
war between Spain and England in 1779, beginning in July of that year Havana authorities
began to include arms and munitions in their
routine gifts to Creek visitors (Navarro 1779,
1780). Even at this early date, Hispanophile
Creeks affiliated with the Muskogee-speaking
Coweta town had begun to establish relations with Spanish Havana, while Anglophile
Creeks affiliated with Hitchiti-speaking towns
in northern Central Florida were firmly allied
to British St. Augustine (Sturtevant 1971:102;
Calloway 1995:249). From this early factional
divide among the Florida Creeks emerged the
later distinction between the interior Seminoles
and the coastal Spanish Indians. Both had Creek
origins, but their histories diverged prior to the
American Revolution.
Careful review by this author of Cuban
records in both the Archivo Nacional de Cuba
in Havana, and the Archivo General de Indias
in Seville provides clear documentation both of
the regularity and volume of maritime traffic
between Florida’s peninsular Gulf Coast and
Havana Bay, growing incrementally through
the 1780s, and particularly after the return of
Florida to Spanish control in 1783. Not only are
there frequent letters and other correspondence
referring to diplomatic visits by Florida Indian
visitors, but the financial account records of the
Havana Intendencia General are full of expense
receipts for the costs of transport, lodging,
rations, and gifts provided to what eventually
became literally hundreds of Indian visitors each
year, all transported back and forth by privately
owned Cuban fishing schooners and sloops.
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
Selected examples from all periods are cited
here (de Arriaga 1771; de Fondesviela y Ondeano 1773, 1774, 1775a, 1775b, 1776a, 1776b,
1777a, 1777b; Eligio de la Puente 1777a;
Navarro 1779; de Urriza 1782; Gálvez 1783;
de Cárdenas 1786, 1787; del Río 1789a, 1789b,
1789c; Peñalver y Cárdenas 1793a; de Arango
1796a, 1797a, 1798a; de Zunzunegui 1802; de
la Hoz 1803; Gómez Rombaud 1805a, 1805b,
1805c; de Aguilar 1810a, 1810b; de León
1818a, 1818b, 1819a, 1819b, 1819c, 1819d,
1819e, 1819f, 1820a, 1820b, 1820c, 1820d,
1820e, 1820f, 1821, 1823; Ramírez 1816a,
1816b, 1816c, 1816d, 1816e, 1818, 1819a,
1819b, 1820a, 1820b, 1820c, 1821a, 1821b; de
Cagigal 1819; Fernández 1821). Many of these
receipts contain lists of the names of each
Florida Indian visitor, and examination of these
names indicates that virtually all those that can
be identified appear to have been either Creek
or Hitchiti in linguistic origin (Jack Martin
2004, pers. comm.).
Without going into extensive detail here, these
records and others allow a remarkably rich
portrait of the Cuban fishing industry in South
Florida to be reconstructed, providing important
details regarding the emergence of the creole
communities ultimately inhabited by the Spanish
Indians under consideration here (Dodd 1947;
Covington 1959; Hammond 1973; Almy 2001;
Worth 2004). During the late 18th century, the
South Florida fishing fleet was generally comprised of perhaps 10 or 12 shallow-draft sailing vessels based in the fishing community of
Regla, just across the harbor from downtown
Havana. During the late fall and winter months,
generally extending from October or November
through February or March, the fishermen would
sail north to the Florida coastline, focusing in
particular on what was called the “Coast of
Tampa,” including the “Port of Sanibel” and
“Port of Tampa,” and to a certain extent also
including the Florida Keys and the lower Atlantic coastline of South Florida (Figure 1). There
they would spend four or five months netfishing
in the rich estuaries of Charlotte Harbor, Tampa
Bay, and others, salting their catch of mullet
and other fish. Throughout these annual fishing
seasons, hundreds of Florida Indian visitors went
from Florida to Havana and back (see Figure
2 for the monthly distribution of a sample of
these visits). Toward the beginning of the Lenten
145
season, which independent records indicate was
the season of peak demand for fish in Havana,
the vessels would return to sell their catch,
which contributed a substantial portion of the
fish available for Havana (Alonso 1760; Eligio
de la Puente 1777b; de las Casas 1793). In the
off season, these same vessels were employed
in transporting salt from the rich production
facilities at Cayo Sal (in the modern Bahamas)
and Punta de Hicacos (on the northern coast
of Cuba). Records indicate that vessels would
make multiple trips loaded with salt, typically
extending between May and August or September, ending just before the peak of hurricane
season, when the vessels would presumably be
sheltered and idle (see Figure 3 for the monthly
distribution of these salt sales in Havana); voluminous 18th-century salt-trade records include
the examples cited here (Peñalver y Cardenas
1774a, 1777a, 1778a, 1779a, 1780, 1781, 1782,
1783, 1785, 1786, 1787a, 1789, 1791, 1792,
1793b, 1794, 1795; de Arango 1796b, 1797b,
1798b), and selected fish-purchase records are
cited here (Peñalver y Cardenas 1769, 1771,
1772, 1773, 1774b, 1775, 1776, 1777b, 1778b,
1779b, 1787b, 1788; Pamanes 1780; Galeano
1799; de Zunzunegui 1800, 1801).
During the late 18th century, Cuba’s South
Florida fishing fleet seems to have been strictly
seasonal, and it was during their winter voyages that Spanish-allied Creeks would meet
and trade with these fishing vessels, commonly
making trips of a month’s duration or more to
visit Havana for an audience with the Spanish
governor and returning with an array of gifts,
all authorized and reimbursed by the Spanish treasury. At some point by the turn of the
century, however, these seasonal interactions
evolved into something more, eventually crystallizing into a number of year-round fishing
communities called ranchos located on coastal
islands and mainland shores between Estero Bay
and Tampa Bay. By the first decades of the 19th
century, much of the Cuban fishing community
actually resided in these Florida ranchos, voyaging to Cuba only to sell their catch or to bring
family members for church sacraments (though
all such groups seem to have been sent back
with gifts and supplies at the cost of the Spanish treasury). At least one, José María Caldez,
stated in 1833 that he had resided at his Useppa
Island rancho for 45 years, suggesting that he
146
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
FIGURE 1. Map of Florida and Cuba. (Map by Dan Hughes, 2010.)
may have established at least a seasonal residence there by 1788, though he also claimed
to have visited the island before the American
Revolution (Whitehead 1832; Monroe County
Clerk of the Circuit Court 1833:442). As one
example among a number of other prominent
Cuban fishermen documented during this period,
Caldez was recorded as the captain of vessels
carrying Florida Indians to Havana at least as
early as 1805, and regularly thereafter (Table
1). By the time of the 1821 transfer of Florida
to U.S. jurisdiction, he and most of the Cuban
fishermen had put down such extensive roots in
Florida that they chose to remain in their ranchos as expatriates, some even applying unsuccessfully in 1828 for land grants based on prior
occupation (Dickins and Forney 1860:107–109).
The Spanish Indians
Detailed review of baptismal records of nonwhites from the church of Nuestra Señora de
Regla in Regla, Cuba, reveals that between
1807 and 1827, a total of 30 baptisms were
performed on Florida Indians, including 20 born
to Spanish husbands and Indian wives, 5 born
to Indian women with unnamed fathers, and 3
born to Indian parents (Table 2). The Spaniards
were all native to a number of cities in Spain
(Asturias, Ferrol, Granada, La Palma), Mexico
(Campeche), Cuba (Havana), and other locations (Caracas, Cartagena, Costa Firme, New
York), and the Indians were native to a range
of named towns including several known or
thought-to-have-been Cuban fishing ranchos,
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
FIGURE 2. Monthly frequency of Florida Indian arrivals in Havana, 1792–1821. (Graph by author, 2010.)
FIGURE 3. Monthly frequency of salt-ship arrivals in Havana, 1792–1821. (Graph by author, 2010.)
147
148
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
TABLE 1
SELECTED REFERENCES: FLORIDA INDIAN GROUPS ARRIVING IN HAVANA
ON VESSELS CAPTAINED BY JOSÉ MARÍA CALDEZ, 1805–1823
Year
Day/
Month
Vessel
Type
Vessel Name
Number of
Indians
Origin
Notes
Source(s)
1805
08/12
Balandra
Santa Rosa de
Lima
2
Bahia de
Tampa
–
Gómez Rombaud
1805b
1805
12/21
Balandra
8
08/20
Goleta
Bahia de
Tampa
Costa de
Tampa
–
1816
Santa Rosa de
Lima
La
Concepcion
–
Gómez Rombaud
1805c
Ramírez 1816a
1816
11/10
Goleta
1818
02/19
Balandra
1819
02/20
1819
4
La
Concepcion
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
18
Costa de
Tampa
–
Ramírez 1816d
11
Bahia de
Tampa
–
Ramírez 1818
Balandra
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
78
Costa de
Tampa
Five caciques
requested gifts
before 02/25
Ramírez 1819a
07/13
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
15
–
Ship arrived 07/08;
Casique Opoijacho
(Talcicalque)
requested gifts 07/17
Ramírez 1819b,
de León 1819a
1819
12/20
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
55
–
Casiques
Uquilisinijá
(Uchises),
Capichalajolá
(Balgamos),
and Cosafamico
(Cosaches)
requested gifts 12/22
de Cagigal 1819;
de León 1819d
1820
08/26
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
8
Costa de
Tampa
–
Ramírez 1820a
1820
11/25
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
78
Costa de
Tampa
Ship arrived 11/22;
cacique Uchisimico
(Uchisa) requested
gifts on 11/24
Ramírez 1820b,
1820c; de León
1820d
1821
01/13
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
133
Costa de
Tampa
Cacique
Mastonaque/
Mastoncique
requested gifts 01/15
Ramírez 1821a,
1821b
1821
07/28
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora del
Rosario
10
Costa de
Tampa
–
Fernández 1821
1823
12/23
Goleta
Nuestra
Señora de
Regla
10
Costa de
Tampa
6 males, 4 females
named
de León 1823
149
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
TABLE 2
BAPTISMS OF FLORIDA INDIANS IN REGLA, CUBA, 1807–1827
Date
Child
Notes
Source
01/29/1807
Petrona Nugert
Born July 1804, native of Pueblo of Ochecey
Cortés y Salas (1807[1]:73)
01/29/1807
Lucia Nugert
Born ca. 1806, native of Pueblo of Ochecey
Cortés y Salas (1807[1]:74)
03/26/1810
María de Regla
Born ca. 1798–1810, native of Apalache
Cortés y Salas (1810[1]:220)
08/28/1814
Benita Andrea Ferreyro
Born May, 1814, native of Pueblo of Tampa
Cortés y Salas (1814[1]:234)
02/19/1815
Antonio María Peña
Cortés y Salas (1815[1]:258)
02/19/1815
Francisco María Peña
Born ca. 1812–1813, native of Pueblo of
Tamasle
Born 12/1813, native of Pueblo of Tamasle
03/18/1817
José del Carmen
Born 03/15/1817 in Regla, Cuba, parents
native to Pueblos of Choco[nile] and San Juan
Cortés y Salas (1817[1]:396)
11/16/1817
Juana
Born 11/04/1817, native of Punta Rasa
Cortés y Salas (1817[1]:446)
11/28/1817
José
Born 09/01/1817, native of Pueblo of San
Juan
Cortés y Salas (1817[1]:449)
12/25/1817
Juan Bautista Gonzáles
Born 09/01/1817, native of Punta Rasa
Cortés y Salas (1817[1]:451)
02/25/1819
José María Doroteo
Godoy
Born 02/06/1817, native of Punta Rasa
Cortés y Salas (1819[1]:549)
06/09/1819
Primo
Born 1805, native of Chata
Cortés y Salas (1819[1]:576)
09/17/1819
Ana Josefa?
Born 1815, native of Pueblo de los Chataes
Cortés y Salas (1819[1]:598)
11/06/1819
Manuel
Born 1818?, native of Pueblo of Simananca
Cortés y Salas (1819[1]:609)
01/10/1820
Francisca
Born ca. 1817, native of Pueblo of Tibaesasa
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:633)
01/10/1820
María de los Dolores
Born 1819, native of Pueblo of Tibaesasaa
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:634)
02/04/1820
María del Carmen Rey
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:646)
02/04/1820
María Cecilia Peña
Born 07/16/1818, native of Pueblo of
Choconile
Born 11/22/1819, native of Pueblo of
Choconile
09/19/1820
José Ygnacio
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,039)
11/30/1820
Marcelina Felix
11/30/1820
Sebastiana Felix
11/30/1820
María Montes de Oca
Born 03/19/1817, native of Cayo de Tio
Cespes
Born 06/02/1817?, native of Pueblo of
Choconil
Born 01/20/1820, native of Pueblo of
Choconil
Born 07/21/1820, native of Pueblo of
Choconil
11/30/1820
Francisca de Paula
Narváes
Born 04/02/1820, native of Pueblo of
Choconil
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,059)
12/04/1820
Tereza Fabiana
Born 1820, native of Pueblo de los Uchises
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,063)
01/20/1821
Fernando González
Born ca. 1818, native of Cayo de Tio Zespas
Cortés y Salas (1821[1]:1,075)
01/20/1821
Ana Masearreño
Born 05/07/1820, native of Cayo de Tio
Zespas
Cortés y Salas (1821[1]:1,076)
01/21/1823
Yldefonso Contreras
Born 01/23/1820, native of Apalache
Cortés y Salas (1823[1]:1,286)
02/17/1825
Benito Montes de Oca
Born 02/11/1824, native of Pueblo of
Choconil
Cortés y Salas (1825[2]:196)
01/17/1827
Rita de los Angeles
Montes de Oca
Born 05/22/1826, native of Pueblo of Sanibel
Cortés y Salas (1827[2]:362)
01/17/1827
María de la Merced
Castillo
Born 09/24/1820, native of Sanibel
Cortés y Salas (1827[2]:363)
Cortés y Salas (1815[1]:259)
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:647)
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,056)
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,057)
Cortés y Salas (1820[1]:1,058)
150
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
including Useppa Island, Punta Rasa, Sanibel,
and Tampa. This relatively small selection of
baptisms performed in Cuba must have only
been a tiny sample of the multiethnic children
and families living in the ranchos of Southwest
Florida, as implied by a number of contemporary sources, including an 1831 journal entry by
Key West customs inspector William Whitehead
noting that the women at the fisheries were “all
of the Indian race,” with “the colour of [the
children’s] skin betraying the mixed blood of
the Spaniard and the Indian” (Whitehead 1832;
Peters 1965:33–38). In an 1835 letter, American William Bunce provided important details
regarding the extensive intermarriage among the
inhabitants of his recently established fishery at
the mouth of the Manatee River:
At my rancho or fishing place I have in my employment about ten Spaniards and twenty Spanish Indians;
most of the latter have been born and bred at the
rancho on the coast, speak the Spanish language, and
have never been in the country ten miles in their
lives; their only mode of living is by fishing with the
different Spanish companies, from August until March;
during summer they cultivate some small spots of land
in the neighborhood of their working place. They do
not hunt, and depend upon their cast nets for support;
there are many more at the other ranchos, say, Caldees,
Cayo, Pelow, Ponte Rasa, and Eslava; only myself and
Caldees have worked this season on account of the
dull sale of fish at Havana, owing to the late cholera.
All my white Spaniards have Indian families, and some
of them have children and grandchildren. Many of the
Spanish Indians have wives from the Nation. There are
several Indians that have been temporarily employed
from the country during the running of the fish, and
are now discharged (Bunce 1861).
Above and beyond the simple fact that the
Spanish Indians living in these Cuban fishing
communities were intermarried with the Spanish
fishermen and sailors living there, and had no
direct connection to the Seminole tribe, numerous
accounts further confirm that their culture was
more Hispanic than Indian, and more maritime
than terrestrial. As noted in a letter arguing
against their removal with the Seminoles, Judge
Augustus Steele asserted that
[a]t all the fisheries along the coast, from Jupiter on
the east to Tampa on the west, there are a number of
Indians and half-bloods who owe no allegiance to, and
of whom none is claimed by, the Seminoles, though
descended from them. They were born in the different
ranchos or fishing places, mostly speak Spanish, and
in some instances have been baptized in Havana. They
were Spanish fishermen, under the Spanish government
of Florida. They are not recognized by the Seminoles ... they are entirely identified by habit, occupation, and intermarriage with people of another nation
of different pursuits and modes of life, and incapable
of supporting themselves by ordinary Indian means. By
driving them from the sea you would take them from
their only resource, and place them in absolute want,
without aid from some unprovided source. To show
further that these persons have not been considered as
Indians, by the character of their employment, two of
those in Captain Buner’s [Bunce] service are registered
as seamen on a vessel roll of equipage in the customhouse at Key West, and another is enrolled among
my revenue crew, and is a first rate seaman, having
followed the sea from a boy (Steele 1835).
A later petition by the fishermen left behind
after their mixed-blood wives and children were
forcibly removed west with the Seminoles made
a similar assertion in 1838 (transcribed in Covington [1954]):
Your memorialists respectfully urge that neither they
nor their families have lived within the Indian boundaries, nor have they been subject to the Indian laws,
that their associations––mode of life are all actually
different from those which characterize that people.
That their families are incaple (sic) of gaining a subsistence by the means usual among the Indians, and
that their removal to a strange country when their long
accustomed occupations and only means of support
could not be pursued must inevitably subject them to
hopeless destitution and wretchedness.
Based on these and other accounts, it is clear
that by the early 19th century, the Spanish Indians of Southwest Florida were indeed a creole
population that was fundamentally linked to the
Cuban fishing industry, and that represented an
ethnic and cultural blend of Spanish and Creek
identities, uniquely adapted to the coastal estuaries of Florida’s lower peninsular Gulf Coast.
Neither fully Spanish nor fully Indian, these
Spanish Indians were the result of a decadeslong process of creolization, and formed an
entirely new ethnic group forged during the
European colonial era.
Moreover, even beyond the Spanish and Indian
connection, there is also at least some evidence
for an African presence in these Cuban fishing
communities. The same baptismal books that
contain records of Spanish Indian baptisms also
include baptisms for the children of enslaved
Africans owned by Cuban fishermen. Among the
records discovered to date are not only the 1824
and 1826 baptisms of two children of slaves
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
owned by José María Caldez and his wife
Maria de Regla González, but also the 1836
baptism and simultaneous manumission of the
infant son of a free Cuban pardo named Martín
Gerdez and a parda slave named María de los
Dolores Caldez, owned by José María Caldez
and described as a native of “Cayo Tio Zespez,”
or Useppa Island (Cortés y Salas 1824[2]:105,
1826[2]:297, 1836[3]:568). At least one of Caldez’s part-African slaves is therefore known to
have been born at the Useppa rancho during
the 1810s or 1820s, making it at least possible
that there were individuals of African ancestry,
as well as Spanish and Indian, residing at this
and perhaps other fisheries. In addition, during
the American period rumors abounded that the
Cuban ranchos were a haven for runaway African slaves and a potential avenue for escape via
ship to Havana, and that maroon communities of
fugitive slaves were being armed and supplied
from Spanish sources (Humphreys 1825; Boyd
1958). Though no individuals of African ancestry are specifically singled out in the available
documentary descriptions of these ranchos from
the American period, there seems little doubt
that there was at least some African presence
and interaction during the early 19th century.
Archaeology and the Ranchos
From an archaeological perspective, the preserved physical traces of these Cuban fishing
ranchos would seem to represent a significant
opportunity to explore the material manifestations of creolization, especially since these
coastal Spanish Indian communities were geographically isolated from surrounding populations, though clearly enmeshed within an active
network of maritime and terrestrial trade and
communication that extended from Cuba to the
interior southeastern United States. Contemporary descriptions of the ranchos during the
American period provide some detail of their
physical appearance, as well as their subsistence and provisions. In 1824, James McIntosh,
captain of the U.S. schooner Terrier, described
the Punta Rasa fishery as quoted in Dodd
(1947:247):
A considerable part of the key is cleared, and under
fine culture of corn, pumpions, and melons. There are
nine neat well thatched houses, with an extensive shed
151
for drying fish, and a store house for their salt and
provisions. Ten or fifteen bushels of salt, a small cask
containing a few gallons of molasses, with a little salt
provisions, were all I could discover they had.
The following year, Isaac Clark visited the Charlotte Harbor vicinity, noting that “there are three
fisheries in the Harbour, they are established on
the Keys near the Entrance in all forty three
Spaniards, and several Indians, They live in Huts
Constructed of Palmetto Similar to the Indians,
they appear to be industrious and attend to their
Fishery alone” (Clark 1825). Years later, William
Whitehead provided the following detail on the
Cayo Pelau rancho, which he visited in 1831:
The houses were 12 in number exclusive of 2 spacious stone houses and all deserted. Not a living soul
(save the dogs—and it is doubted that they have souls)
was to be seen, but the absence of canoes and nets
accounted for the disappearance of the inhabitants.
Their dwellings were all of Palmetto and most of them
of tolerable size (not a very definite expression by the
by—but my saying they were) about fifteen feet square
(well render it more so). They reminded me of Ichabod
Crane’s School House, to enter which every facility
was afforded, but which it was impossible to leave.
Such being the nature of the fastenings of their doors
I took the liberty of “prying” into one of them. A few
stakes driven into the ground, with cross pieces for
their beds—a small loft for corn—a hanging shelf with
one or two pieces of crockery and two or three small
stools, compased all the furniture, and no residence
that I saw at any other of the Fisheries contained
more, while many of them had less (Whitehead 1832).
In 1837, John Lee Williams provided additional descriptions of the Charlotte Harbor
region based on previous visits he and others
had made, including 1828 and 1832 (Williams
1837:61,289,294). His description of the Caldez
rancho on Useppa Island is also informative:
It is the seat of the Calde family. Their village consists
of near twenty palmetto houses, and stands on the
south west point of the Island. This Island is a high
shell bank, covered with large timber. A small portion
of the land is under cultivation. The inhabitants living
principally on fish, turtle, and coonti; the last, they
bring from the main. Here are several cocoanut trees
in bearing, orange, lime, papayer, hawey, and hickok
plum. They raise cuba corn, peas, mellons, &c. (Williams 1837:33).
These accounts leave the impression that the
Florida ranchos were relatively insubstantial from
an architectural point of view (with the pos-
152
sible exception of Whitehead’s “spacious stone
houses” on Cayo Pelau), and generally consisted
of a small number of simple but sturdy woodand-thatch structures, described on one occasion
as resembling those used by Indians. Most were
residential, but a storehouse and a shed for
drying fish were also noted.
Apart from the sloops, schooners, and other
vessels routinely anchored at the rancho communities, portable material culture items appear
to have been in relatively limited supply, as
highlighted by William Whitehead’s amusing experience of visiting one fishery (that of
Caldez) with a knife but no fork, and another
(possibly Estero Island) with a fork but no
knife (Whitehead 1832). Visitors noted only
stools, cots, a few pottery dishes and vessels,
and a cask and presumably other containers for
molasses, salt, and other provisions. Food seems
to have consisted of a combination of locally
grown agricultural products such as corn, peas,
pumpkins, and melons, assorted fruits including
coconut, orange, lime, and papaya, the Florida
coontie plant from the mainland, and a range
of fresh and salted fish and turtle meat. Some
foods were doubtless brought in by ship; Whitehead (1832) described a breakfast presented by
Caldez consisting of “a large dish of cold fish,
some bread, cold potatoes and onions which,
with some coffee made in a moment.”
The archaeological signature of any of these
rancho sites would likely be distinctive but
comparatively ephemeral. What little is presently known, however, is based on limited testing at only a small number of identified sites,
including Useppa Island in Pine Island Sound
and Estero Island on Estero Bay (Palov 1999;
Schober and Torrence 2002), and analysis of
accidentally discovered human remains presumed
to date to this period in Sarasota and at Indian
Field adjacent to Pine Island (Luer 1989; Almy
2001). Isolated finds of artifacts likely related to
the Cuban fishing industry are also common at
a number of sites along the Southwest Florida
coast, though more intensive investigations have
yet to be undertaken at most of these sites.
The sites above have all produced artifacts
consistent with occupation dating to Florida’s
second Spanish period (1783–1821). Excavations
at what is presumed to have been the Caldez
fishery on Useppa Island (8LL51) produced
a broad range of artifacts dating to the late
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
18th and early 19th centuries, including course
earthenware (olive jar, El Morro ware, Rey
ware, Marine ware), refined earthenware
(pearlware and some whiteware and stoneware),
a diversity of glass shards, glass beads, clay
pipe stems, buttons, nails, a thimble, round
lead bullets, a lead sinker, and several sheetlead fragments or chunks (Palov 1999:152–
165). Testing at the Estero Island site (8LL4)
produced a small quantity of European ceramics
from the Cuban fishing period, including
course earthenwares (olive jar, El Morro ware,
Rey ware, and majolica), as well as refined
earthenwares (predominantly pearlware), a
small number of glass beads, and a round lead
bullet (Schober and Torrence 2002:100–116).
The Native American burial at Indian Field
(8LL39) produced only a range of personal
items including a gun, gunflints, a knife, a
mirror, and beads (Luer 1989). The latter were
examined and found to be consistent with
a late-18th- or early-19th-century date (Luer
1989:239). The Sarasota burial (8SO2617), of
indeterminate non–Native American ancestry
was accompanied only by coffin nails thought
to date to the 19th century (Almy 2001:34–45).
While relatively consistent in their blend of
Hispanic and Anglo-American material culture,
the artifact assemblages identified at these and
other sites in the area of the Cuban fishing ranchos are nonetheless marked by the conspicuous
absence of any identified traces of what would
normally be considered traditional Native American material culture, most notably in the case
of Creek- or Seminole-style handmade ceramics,
commonly brushed during this era, which continued to be manufactured well into the 1830s
(Weisman 1989:51–58,69–74,85–92,112–123).
As yet, no site in the vicinity of the Cuban
fishing ranchos has produced direct evidence
for contemporaneous Native American–style pottery within these otherwise European ceramic
assemblages, despite the fact that the majority
of the inhabitants during the early 19th century
can be documented to have been of either Creek
or part-Creek ancestry. While more extensive
excavations including sealed feature contexts
may well modify this conclusion, it seems
highly likely, given available evidence, that the
material culture of the Spanish Indians may be
largely indistinguishable from a typical Cuban
or Spanish colonial assemblage from the era.
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
Archaeological evidence from the built environment is presently lacking, but this may actually
be an area where distinguishing features may
be discernable, especially given contemporary
accounts of structures “similar to the Indians”
(Clark 1825). Another area where unique markers of Spanish Indian or rancho culture may
be found is in the realm of subsistence, which
seems to have incorporated a blend of local
and extralocal foodstuffs, including both estuarine and terrestrial resources. Data are unfortunately insufficient in these areas, but should be
explored in future work.
Demise and Removal
Ultimately, the emergent creole identity of
the Spanish Indians seems to have played an
important role in their downfall and in the collapse of the entire rancho system as it existed
through the mid-1830s. While from an internal
perspective the creole culture of the Spanish
Indians (including their non-Indian husbands)
may well have been clearly defined and readily
discernable, from the outside the inhabitants of
these coastal rancho communities represented an
ambiguous blend of ethnicities and allegiances,
one that was easily exploited by antagonists
in a variety of struggles that played out in
peninsular Florida during the 1820s and 1830s.
Almost immediately after the formal transfer of
Florida from Spanish to United States control,
a band of some 200 Creek Indians under William McIntosh was dispatched from Georgia in
1821 by General Andrew Jackson to conduct
a raid against the African maroon community
of Angola located on Tampa Bay (Brown
2005:11–14; Wasserman 2009:191–198; Baram,
this volume). After capturing several hundred
fugitive slaves and destroying the settlement, the
raiders continued south along the coast as far
as the Punta Rasa rancho, where they, failing
to find the escaped slaves they were expecting,
sacked this and other fisheries to the amount of
some $2,000 worth of property.
The Cuban fisheries survived despite the Creek
slave-catching raid of 1821, but after the movement of the Seminole Indians southward into the
interior of central peninsular Florida following
the 1823 Treaty of Moultrie Creek, the coastal
Spanish Indian communities ultimately became
linked, unwittingly, in the ongoing struggle
153
between United States and the Seminoles. At the
start of the Second Seminole War (1835–1842),
a band of Seminoles under Chief Wy-ho-kee
destroyed the Useppa rancho in 1836, provoking the remaining 100 Spanish Indians from
throughout the Charlotte Harbor region to flee
north to gather at William Bunce’s fishery on
Tampa Bay (Buker 1969:256–258; Hammond
1973:374–379). Over the course of the next
two years, pressure increased for the removal of
these Spanish Indians along with the Seminoles;
U.S. officials were inclined to see the Spanish
Indians as part of the Seminole threat, and the
Seminoles for their part refused to emigrate
west without the Spanish Indians sheltered at
Bunce’s fishery. In the end, all of the Spanish
Indian wives and children (and at least a few
of the Spanish husbands) were forcibly removed
by ship to New Orleans, ultimately arriving
in Arkansas by 1841 (Capers 1841; Sturtevant
1953:54).
It was apparently in this context that the
Spanish Indian Antonio took on the identity
of Chakaika and went to war against the
United States. When faced with the prospect
of removal, Chakaika and others chose to flee
south and inland to the Everglades, taking
up arms against American military and civilian forces from 1839 to 1840, and effectively
joining the Seminoles in their war against the
United States (Sprague 1848:243–246; Sturtevant
1953; Covington 1954; Adams 1970; Wright
1986:300). As noted in retrospect in 1848:
South of Pease Creek [Peace River] and Lake Okechobee, near the extreme southern point of the
peninsula, was a band of Spanish Indians, under an
intelligent chief, called Chekika, speaking a language
peculiarly their own, a mixture of Indian and Spanish.
They numbered about one hundred warriors. They took
no part in the war until 1839 and ’40, when, finding
themselves attacked and pursued, they took arms and
resisted. This band of Indians was entirely unknown.
In all the treaties that had been made and councils
held by agents of the government, they had had no
participation. Numbers had visited the Island of Cuba,
and looked more to the Spaniards as their friends,
than they did to the Americans (Sprague 1848:99–100).
The identity of the previously unknown
Chakaika was clarified considerably in a letter
written to General William Worth a year after
the Spanish Indian’s death, describing the coasts
of South Florida as a place “where Indians were
154
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(1)
employed not only as fishermen at the ranchos,
but as sailors to navigate those Spanish vessels,
among which were Antonio Nikeka (hanged by
Col. Harney) names no doubt familiar to you”
(Fitzpatrick and Wyatt 1842). This, combined
with contemporary testimony that he was considered “the largest Indian in Florida,” measuring more than 6 ft. tall and more than 200 lb.,
makes it not only likely that he was born and
raised in one of the ranchos along the coast, but
that he might also have had a Spanish father or
grandparent (his mother, sister, and wife were
captured at the time of his death) (Sturtevant
1953:53). Regardless of his birth and upbringing,
however, it was his choice to flee the ranchos in
the face of forced removal that ultimately defined
him as Chakaika, eventually leading to ruin.
Conclusion
The death of Chakaika, and the defeat and
capture of his rebel band, marked the final
chapter of a remarkable creole community along
the Southwest Florida coast, and one that has
yet to receive the scholarly attention it deserves.
Though there are likely descendants of the
Spanish Indians among the modern Seminoles,
the culture of this maritime creole community,
as well as the details of its origins and early
evolution, remains to be explored in full. While
this article is a only brief overview of an ongoing effort toward that end, a few generalizations
are warranted here.
The ethnogenesis of the Spanish Indians of
Southwest Florida was neither accidental nor
inevitable. The two cultures that met and intermingled alongside the region’s rich estuaries
were not simply thrust together randomly by
the exigencies of the European colonial era.
Under British (1763–1783) and second Spanish
(1783–1821) dominion, the rancho communities
that served as the birthplace of Spanish Indian
culture operated in near-total isolation within
a depopulated southern Florida peninsula. The
ranchos were located some 200 to 300 mi.
by sea from the Cuban home of the Spanish
fishermen, more than 150 mi. by land from the
nearest Spanish settlements in northern Florida,
and more than 350 mi. from the homeland of
the Creek Indians in present-day Georgia and
Alabama. Cuban fishermen had been attracted to
Southwest Florida by the fisheries since the late
17th century, though after 1763 this was only
with the assent of the Creek Indians who laid
claim to much of the unoccupied western Florida peninsula. The Creek Indians who met them
there were attracted by the promise of alliance
building and also by gifts and trade. This trade
also provided vital supplies for the Cuban fishermen and was a pivotal factor enabling their
lengthy stays in Southwest Florida. Both groups
were there voluntarily, attracted by the lure of
commercial and political benefits manifested by
mutual interaction and balanced engagement.
These were not unwilling alliances of convenience, but deliberate associations by choice.
Perhaps in large part because of their isolation from the rest of the colonial world, first
seasonally and later year-round, the inhabitants
of these rancho communities ultimately seem to
have formed their own unique culture. While
undoubtedly drawing on different cultural traditions with roots in Spain, the Canary Islands,
Cuba, Mexico, the southeastern United States,
and perhaps other areas (including Africa),
the Spanish Indian culture that was forged in
late-colonial Southwest Florida was surely a
distinctive product of those particular rancho
communities, specific to that time and place.
Neither group held definitive sway over the
other, and their meeting place was effectively
“neutral” ground. The Spanish fishermen based
in Regla, Cuba, had already adapted their own
fishing techniques to the particular environment
of the Florida estuaries, and the Creeks had
no prior experience in maritime fishing at all.
Both groups were living in an environment for
which they had no direct precedent and were
eating foods and using tools and materials that
were alien to their own cultural traditions. The
social environment was similarly novel to both
groups, not just because of the particular ethnic
mix of the rancho communities, but also due to
the extreme geographic isolation from any other
significant resident populations. Over the course
of perhaps three or more generations between
the 1760s and the 1830s, Southwest Florida’s
coastal fishing communities developed something
more than just a hybrid of Spanish and Indian.
What emerged was a new culture, a new identity, one born within the turbulent setting of
the colonial era, but not strictly defined by the
relationships of dominance normally presumed
to be characteristic of colonialism.
155
John E. Worth—Creolization in Southwest Florida
In this sense, Southwest Florida’s Spanish
Indians represent a distinctive example of the
process of creolization, highlighting the extent
to which voluntary associations in unfamiliar and
isolated territory could lead to the ethnogenesis
of creole cultures with only incomplete resemblance to either or both parent cultures. Not all
interactions between members of indigenous and
colonizing populations were characterized by
additive or subtractive cultural processes such as
acculturation, transculturation, or deculturation;
the colonial frontier also served as a cradle for
entirely new cultural formations and identities
that were more than simply the sum of their
parts. Perhaps this should not be surprising, given
that it is the very nature of culture to adapt and
innovate under changing conditions. Nevertheless,
the example of creolization in Southwest Florida
provides an important laboratory for examining
the nuances of ethnogenesis when representatives
of two markedly different cultures came together
on remote, neutral ground and became one.
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