Albuquerque, New Mexico 87112 11901 Lexington Ave. NE Phone: (505) 292-2738 E-mail: Aloobear@msn.com . . .. . . . Dine Holistic Health Associates . . . . . . . . . Findings of The Navajo Beliefs In Tobacco Study: Chinle Project An Ethnographic Study To Determine How Navajos Resisted Cigarette Smoking . .. .. .. .. . An Ethnographic Study To Determine Why Dine Resisted Cigarette Smokin 2 .. .. .. .. . Albert H Harvey, MPH, CHES HHS Grant Application #ISRSA0026-02 September 16, 1994 3 .. .. .. .. . INTRODUCTION The HIGHEST prevalence rates (39.4 percent: Surgeon General 2001 Report) for smoking tobacco products is being closely examined and documented, which is pejoratively affecting our Native American (NA) and Alaskan Native (AN) youth. Why? The NA/AN youth lead the nation as far as the HIGHEST prevalence rates for smoking tobacco products in their respective age/ethnic groups. However, this study narrows its focus specific to the Dine population. The prevalence rate for Dine youth is lower than 17 percent, as per best health estimates, according to national health indicators, which represents only “generic” Indian youth populations. Prevalence of smoking among high school seniors (1990-1994) indicated that NA/AN youth reached the highest rate of 39.4 percent (Surgeon General 2001). In examining the prevalence rates of current smoking among women over the age of 18, American Indian women also reached the highest rate in their category of 34.5 4 .. .. .. . percent... The data source for women smoking comes from the “National Health Interview Survey (1997-1998). According to the Surgeon General Report (`998): “Smoking rates and consumption among American Indians and Alaska Natives vary by region and state. Smoking rates are highest in Alaska (45.1%) and the North Plains (44.2%) and lowest in the Southwest (17.0%). The prevalence of heavy smoking (25 or more cigarettes per day) is also highest in the North Plains (13.5%0.” (A Report of the Surgeon General. US Dept. of HHS, CDC 1998). Winter (2000) reports an increasing rate of smoking amongst Peublo and Dine of the Southwest. He says: “ …(The) available evidence indicates that rates of tobacco use are rising rapidly among Native American youths, even in the Southwest, where they are lower than elsewhere. A study by Sally M. Davis and colleagues (1995) of (Dine) and Pueblo children, for example, indicated that 11 percent of fifth-grade boys and 1.2 percent of fifth-grade girls smoked cigarettes at least once a week. Of the seventh-grade boys, 27.2 percent smoked regularly or occasionally, as did 19.3 percent of seventh-grade girls. These rates compare with data from D. B. Coultas and colleagues (1994) which 5 .. .. .. .. indicated . that 18.1 percent of adult Native American men in the Southwest and 14.7 percent of women smoke tobacco on a regular basis” (Winter 2000). “Tobacco is an extremely dangerous, powerful, addictive drug. Many of the beliefs and practices associated with traditional use may actually serve to limit its use; without them, young indigenous people are especially vulnerable to tobacco’s coercive power, owing to peer pressure and manipulation by the tobacco industry and its massive campaign of sophisticated media advertising.” (Winter, JC 2000) Unfortunately, our NA/An youth and adult American Indians are inundated with a serious public health problem, which is jeopardizing their quality of life and even causing premature mortalities amongst them. According to a recent “2000 Navajo …Youth Risk Behavior Survey”, tobacco use is considered the chief preventable cause of death in the United States, with over 20% of all deaths attributable to tobacco use. “If current patterns of smoking behavior persist, an estimated 5 million U. S. persons who were 0-17 years old in 1995 6 (that .. .. .. . is, ..born between 1978 and 1995) could die prematurely from smoking related illnesses.” (2000 Navajo … Youth Risk Behavior Survey). Logically, the next question is: What are the American Indian Nations, Indian Health Service, and other health organizations doing about this grave emerging Native American public health problem? What kinds of obstacles, efficacious anti-smoking campaigns/strategies, and research findings are now under review and discussions? Use and abuse of tobacco products for anyone is a real serious public health problem as reported in national and international health research journals. Why? The magnitude of the problem centers on the increased risk factors associated with morbidity/mortality rates attributable to cancer and other related diseases, creating a health crisis that will eventually jeopardize NA/AN youth of their quality of life and a slim chance to fully live out their healthy lifestyle. According to Burhanstipanov (2001), “Cancer Risks Factors” include agents (e.g.,high consumption of dietary fat)which, based upon scientific evidence increase the likelihood of developing one or more 7 .. .. .. .. types . of cancer. In comparison, “carcinogens” include certain man-made and natural chemicals that cause cancer (Doll and Peto 1998). For example, smoking and smokeless tobacco are carcinogens that turn a normal cell into a cancer cell (NIH Pub No. 87-2059). When exposed to a carcinogen, given enough frequency, duration and/or exposure to that factor, a specific type of cancer will eventually develop in most people. For example, chronic tobacco use nearly causes 90 percent of lung cancer. There are substantial data to support that chronic tobacco use has a causal relationship to cancer rather than only a “risk” for developing cancer.”(Burhanstipanov (2001 229) Geographically, there are high variability reported in the literature on risk factors relevant to different tribal nations depending on where they reside. Welty (1992), has reported that the “high rate for smoking (56% for men and 48% for women) among the Sioux Nation living in North and South Dakota is closely related to their high lung cancer mortality rates.” (Promise to Keep …2001). According to Burhanstipanov (2001), “Most cancers have external causes and to a great extent are preventable by living a healthy lifestyle (e.g., not smoking tobacco, daily exercise).”She continues, “Likewise, other factors and behaviors are associated strongly with increased risk for developing cancer, such as high-fat/calorie and low 8 .. .. .. .. habitual tobacco use, poverty, and so on.” (Burhanstipanov fiber diet, . 2001) Research on NA/AN youth tobacco prevalence rates varies between and among tribal groups. The National Cancer Institute (NCI) reported disparate rates among Native youth adolescents. NCI reported incredibly high rates of tobacco smoking among Native adolescents in the Pacific Northwest and Alaska. Over 70 percent of smoking commercial tobacco products among the Inuit youth in Alaska and Canada were reported by NCI. According to another report in 1992, 21 percent of Alaskan Native students, grades 7-12 reported usage, compared to 11 percent in the general population. A very high usage, 54 percent, was found among (Dine) students in grade 7, compared to 33 percent overall, according to (Wolf & Carlos, `1987). The reports from the field also indicated that reservation youth tend to have higher smoking rates than their off-reservation and urban counterparts, the NCI reported. In a 1992 NCI study, the off- reservation smoking rate was 10 percent lower. 9 Other research .. .. .. . findings ..reflect similar statistics about smoking rates in the adult Native population. AI/AN women, for example, were reported to have the highest rate of tobacco usage in a 2001 US study. The United States Indian Health Services (IHS) conducted a national “1999 Oral Health Survey” consisting of over 12,000 Native Americans and Alaskan Natives raging from age 2 to 96. The data reflected findings on NA/AN dental patients not necessarily reflective of the general NA/An population. The report of the oral survey indicated that dental caries and periodontal disease remain both “widespread and serious” in the AI/AN population. There were two conclusions, which emerged from the report. They are: Dental caries is a significant health problem for AI/ANs of all ages, but the magnitude of the problem is greatest among very young children. In addition to dental decay, periodontal (gum) disease is a significant health problem among AI/AN adolescents, adults, and children. This is especially true for those who have diabetes or use tobacco ((p. 4). According to Dr. Vanderwagon (1999), …. “health survey (1994 HIS Oral Survey) revealed, among other things, that 40% of individuals 10 .. .. .. .. seeking dental care between the ages of 20 and 34 years reported . that they were regular tobacco users.” (Vanderwagon 1999) A review by Golaz et al (1997), concerning Native American health issues, revealed that lifestyle choices of individuals regarding diet, exercise, tobacco use, alcohol use, use of firearms, and automobile safety contributed 40% of all deaths (Golaz et al 1997). Dr. Vanderwagon (1999) further explained: “This is reflected in the increasing percentage of Indian deaths associated with heart disease, cancers of various types, and various forms of violence (both intentional and nonintentional).” The “1999 IHS Oral Health Survey” recommended the following: “To reduce the burden of dental disease, age-specific prevention programs must be developed and targeted toward those at highest risk. The importance of community water fluoridation, school-based or schoollinked dental sealant programs, and Tobacco prevention/cessation programs should be stressed (p. 4).” A significant finding of the “1999 IHS Oral health Survey” surrounding the issue of tobacco use and abuse by NA/AN youth follows: 11 .. .. .. .. “Individuals who use tobacco are at higher risk of both oral . cancer and periodontal (gum) disease. The use of tobacco products among NA/AN youth starts about 13 years and steadily increases with age. Two percent of 13 year olds and 34 percent of the 19 year olds use tobacco on a regular basis (p. 2.).” How the US Government and big corporations are dealing with ethnic groups i.e., Native Americans and Alaskan Natives, for smoking too much, remains a dubious and perplexed question as we enter the 21st century. One example is how the American Indians are treated with respect to illnesses and pre-mature deaths due to a variety of “leading causes of death for American Indians” such as alcoholism, diabetes, cancer, accidents and suicides. American Journal of Public Health (July 2001, Vol.91 No. 7) recently published an article dealing with race and the elimination of health disparities. The focus of the article centers on the Institute of Medicine (IOM) report, Unequal Burden of Cancer: An Assessment of NIH Research and Programs For Ethnic Minorities and Medically Underserved. In this journal, Openheimer addresses 2-4 recommendations: 12 .. .. .. .. (IOM) committee recommends an emphasis on ethnic “The . groups rather than race in NIH’s cancer surveillance and other population research. This implies a conceptual shift away from emphasis on fundamental biological differences among “racial” groups to an appreciation of the range of cultural and behavioral attitudes, beliefs, lifestyle patterns, diet, environmental living conditions, and other factors that may affect cancer risk.” (Openheimer 2001 2(p.19 and1046) As national tobacco studies are revealing skyrocketing and the highest smoking prevalence rates among Native American (NA) and Alaskan Native (AN) youth, Dine prevalence rate stands at about 17 or less percent. Dine tribal policymakers, schools serving Dine students, and Indian Health Service are increasingly under pressure to document their outcomes of programs and services they offer. What research evidence can demonstrate any promise of an answer to this grave Native American public health problem? The opinions of researchers, studying Native American youth smoking problem, are saying that the problem will only get worse. When the sounding board of researchers echo the message that lowering the prevalence rate of Native American youth only spells 13 out .. .. .. .. “limited . success”, my mind only images signs of hope and continued challenges to overcome tobacco devastations. According to Winter (2000), … “Until relatively recently, this important relationship between the original inhabitants of the Americas and a very powerful and dangerous plant was generally positive, and tobacco formed a core element in their religious systems. With only an occasional exception, there were probably few adverse health effects, because traditional tobacco was used with great care, in very small amounts, and only in strictly controlled religious contexts. For the most part, traditional tobacco was considered a positive source of the highest form of religious power, so long as it was ingested appropriately and not misused.” (Winter, 2000). Winter continued, “Today, many Native Americans continue to use traditional tobacco for rituals and other religious purposes. About half of the First Nations inhabitants of Canada and the United State abstain from commercial tobacco….The positive relationship between Native Americans and the ancient plant they domesticated 14 is .. .. .. .. breaking . down, and a number of serious health problems are occurring as a result, including major increases in the use of cigarettes and smokeless tobacco (SLT) and a corresponding increase in premature deaths from lung cancer, heart disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and other tobacco- associated illnesses.” (Winter, 2000) Hopefully, Dine informants in this study would suggest that traditional use of MST will make a big difference in their resistance against habitual smoking of commercial tobacco and smokeless tobacco (SLT). Taken as a whole, these research reviews on NA youth tobacco usage suggest several generalizations about the state of our knowledge concerning the terror and threats of devastating and destructive effects caused by use and abuse of commercial tobacco products. For example, “…Estimates of the number of adult Native Americans in the United States who regularly smoke or ingest smokeless tobacco range from about 27 percent to 47 percent, depending on age and sex of the sample population. Less than 26 percent of the general U. S. 15 .. .. .. .. population . as a whole ingests commercial tobacco.” (Winter, 2000 355). Recent reports of prevalence rates for the use of smokeless tobacco reflect a similar epidemiological pattern; for example, “the highest rates are among American Indians in the Northwest.” (Bruerd 1990; Glover, Gillum, and Smith 1989: 81; Holland and Dexter 1988: 1586; Royd 1987: 402). Quotation from (Winter 2000). Would it be more interesting and profitable to read about the importance and unique ways of identifying contributing factors to enhance healthy lifestyles for Dine youth especially by way of their cultural mores, which could make a difference in their lives? This study is probably going to generate more data for future research on MST etc. First, the reviews lack any data to support evidence of Native American-specific cultural phenomenon that might be applicable to decrease risk factors and/or behavioral change in the classroom or other settings. For example, is there a dependent variable 16 .. .. .. .. (culturally . relevant), which can be identified and utilized in a quantitative study to pave the way for a pilot project? Second, the reviews pay too much attention to reporting prevalence rates about certain tribes and only in a certain location. The findings do not address the criteria of random sampling that satisfies the requirements of scientific reliability and validity, which hampers efforts to generalize to all Indian Nations. Third, the reviews lack both quantitative and qualitative studies -positioned in a particular tribal group with relatively high/low prevalence rates – that support evidence of good efficacious results indicating that “x” number of Native youth in the Experimental Group now have not smoked tobacco for the past five or more years due to “Y” program (dependent variable) designed to help students stop smoking. Lastly, it might take Dine-specific spiritual health promotion efforts to curb the rising prevalence rates (17 percent) of smoking among Dine youth to make a difference in whether one lives a long life or a short life. But each tribe is responsible to search for 17 their .. .. .. .. cultural . resources for help. Research is still needed to consult with tribes -- on what, how and who -- to implement intervention programs. NCI is willing to go the whole nine yards to use cultural means to help youth achieve optimum health. For the Dine Nation policy-makers, schools serving the Dine people, and the Indian Health Service, the question is less one whether the Dine youth prevalence rates for smoking/ chewing Tobacco products ARE WORSENING or whether there are any actual primary and secondary prevention intervention studies to suggest that the NA youth are actually resisting tobacco use? When could we expect to see some action in motion toward doing something about the high rate of smoking amongst our Dine youth in order that they may enjoy better health? According to Mico (1962), talking about Dine Health …“The responsibility for introducing these new initiatives (health) and changes in ways to facilitate their effective adoption, interpretation, understanding, and acceptance on part of the 18 .. .. .. .. culture, the (Dine), still rests with and is represented by recipient . the United Sates Public Health Service.” (Mico 1962) “Dine’s movement toward the concept that health is a right, holistic and broader than the anglo medicine of “temporary relief of pain and discomfort” (Mico 1962) certainly does add more credence to what the Dine can really do to improve their health if given that chance, and backed by adequate men, money, material and technical assistance (H.” (Harvey, 1982). The issue is not really about percentages, rates and etc., although the data is necessary and helpful, but whether there are any efficacious Dine-specific holistic health rituals/promotions, which could have a desirable and positive effect on Dine youth in the future? The older Dine certainly resisted smoking cigarettes, which enabled them to live a long healthy life. Partial Data from the “Findings” (“Appendix A”) suggest: “Mountain tobacco (led)my grandmother to a long (104 yrs) and a healthy life. Mountain tobacco and herbal medicine cured me from problems from WWII (a Code talker)…. (It) cleanses, (ensures longevity) and wards off bad dreams. If mountain 19 .. .. .. .. . smoke is used, one will have no need for cigarettes, skoal, marijuana or alcohol.” (See “Findings” Appendix A for more comments.) Statement of Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore and describe whether some older Dine resisted habitually smoking of commercial tobacco products for a Dine Health Board at Chinle, Arizona. By using an ethnographic design, resulting in descriptions of cultural/tobacco themes and phenomenon. patterns related to Mountain Smoke Tobacco At this stage in the research of, “why older Navajos resisted smoking commercial tobacco products?” will be defined generally as a holistic phenomenon practiced by older Dine whose belief systems are centered on the “Blessing Way”. It is Dine’s cultural “Way of Life” or folkway that helps Dine to become balanced and healthy without abusing cigarettes, alcohol and other harmful substances. In this study, six key factors (categories) will be addressed and described relevant to the use of Native tobacco and/or commercial 20 .. .. .. . tobacco.. in order to explore why some older Dine resisted habitual smoking of commercial tobacco. They are: (1) Dine culture and tradition, (2) Tobacco and health, (3) Dine’s opinions about cigarette smoking, (4) Dine teenage smoking, (5) breaking the habit, and (6) Military influence. These factors, after they were tramsfpr,ed into (research questions), will generate Dine-specific cultural and traditional tobacco themes, which will became an integral part of the summary of this sudy. See Appendixes “A” and “B” for findings (responses) to (interview questions.) respectively. For purposes of this study, Mountain Smoke Tobacco or (MST) will be used interchangeably with other terms such as mountain SUMMARY OF FINDINGS some older Dine resisted habitual smoking of commercial tobacco products for a Dine Health Board at Chinle, Arizona. Using an 21 .. .. .. .. ethnographic . design with focus group approach, this study resulted in the description of the Dine cultural/tobacco themes and patterns related to traditional tobacco and Dine religious system i. e. Blessing Way. This study explained why older Dine resisted smoking commercial tobacco products in the first place. The purpose of this study was accomplished by identifying the central concepts directly related to the Dine belief and value systems surrounding “mountain smoke tobacco” (MST) ritualism as it relates to the Blessing Way. The central hypothesis of this study was: That the use of mountain smoke tobacco (Dine traditional tobacco) by some older Dine could only demonstrate strong evidence(s) that they did not resist habitually smoking of commercial tobacco products let alone their own tobacco. The null hypothesis stated above was absolutely rejected. As a matter of fact, our study suggested that older Dine sacralized their smoking of MST in accordance with the Blessing Way rituals, which helped them to resist habitual smoking of commercial tobacco. 22 Some .. .. .. .. fires . are fought with fires just like some tobacco are fought with tobacco. However, in the case of MST, some older Dine used traditional tobacco for religious and health reasons only in the setting and amount proscribed by the medicine man. If they used MST or other traditional tobacco the way the Holy People expected them to, then “yes”, they were fighting against the (harmful) commercial tobacco by using their own (healthy) sacred tobacco. In summary, this qualitative study has reached the conclusion that some older Dine did, in fact, resist the habitual use of commercial tobacco, alcohol and more. But only through exhaustive search for key cultural traits could anyone identify, describe and explain the traditional tobacco use phenomena. The findings suggest that the following themes and sub themes helped to explain the conclusion. They are: 1) Blessingway as the main basis, 2) Dine Philosophy and personal philosophy, 3) Ritualized attributes that were supernaturally endowed by the Holy People, and 4) Holy People (Diyin Dene ii) and how they play out 23 .. .. .. .. their roles. . Information sources included: Dine informants, literature review, observations and other sources. The ultimate aim of every Dine curing ceremonial is restoration of harmony and balance with nature. Gladys Riechard (1976) explained: “The (Dine) wants to be natural, to be good, to be safe, well, and young … but he attains this ideal quite practically. Any deviation from it represents disease, which in turn makes the body abnormal.” (Gladys Riechard 1976) This explanation corroborates with a comment made by one of our informants in this study. “Older Dine maintained a strong internal “psyche” or internal “control” over their environment by using the mountain smoke tobacco. In those earlier days, the Dine culture demanded and expected this kind of behavior and attitude. It was a cultural rule and practice. To violate this cultural rule meant sickness, unhappiness and lost of control and; hence, becoming more vulnerable to outside forces such as illness, sickness and diseases (social).” A New Mexico man explained, talking about MST, “They are diyin – holy people – holy spirits like ye’ ii, with great medicine. they’re very dangerous. And You have to use them with respect, as 24 .. .. .. .. offerings in ceremonies, so they will reward you. prayers and . But if you use them without respect, if you smoke them like cigarettes, their power will kill you.” (Winters, Joseph C., 2000) BLESSING WAY The supernatural power of the deities and nature is a reality in the mind’s eye of the Dine people as they experience it in their chant ways or ceremonial rites. The Blessing Way ceremony may include a sacred ritual called “mountain smoke ritual” (Dee Nal Ye’e) wherein traditional use of tobacco is involved. “Blessingway is said to control all (Dine) ceremonies” (Levy 1998 p117). “Blessingway is representative for them, it is the spinal column of songs” (Long Mustache). Quoted by (Wyman 1970). “Blessingway is the backbone of (Dine) philosophy …. (Dine) commonly conceptualize and refer to their philosophical and ceremonial system as a corn plant” (Farella 1984 p 20). For more details see “Review of Literature.”) “The (Dine) themselves say the Blessing Way, which is the ceremonial held by the Holy People when they created mankind and taught them skills and ritual, is the cornerstone of their whole ceremonial system. Changing Woman gave some of the songs, and the rite in general is 25 most .. .. .. .. intimately . connected with her. Father Berard Haile says the ‘legends, songs, and prayers are chiefly concerned with the creation and placement of the earth and the sky, sun and moon, sacred mountains and vegetation, the inner forms of these natural phenomena, the control of he- and she-rains, dark clouds and mist, the inner forms of the cardinal points and like phenomena that may be considered harbingers of blessing and happiness’” (Kluckholn and Leighton 197,4 212-213). “Blessing Way is given frequently indeed. Seldom does a family go for six months without having Blessing Way sung at least once in their Hogan. It is held to be peculiarly important that every member of the immediate biological family should be present. Despite the sacredness of the ceremonial and the rich, complicated, and beautiful ideas behind it, the rite has the dignity of great simplicity. There are a few songs one night, a ritual bath in yucca suds with prayers and songs the next day, an all-night singing that night. Cornmeal and (corn) pollen are predominately used throughout, and drypainting of these materials and pulverized flower blossoms are sometimes 26 .. .. .. . prepared.. on buckskin spread upon the ground. Only in Blessing Way is Changing Woman ever represented in visible form in a drypainting” (Kluckholn and Leighton, 1974 p 213). This study brought together the salient elements of the Blessing Way’s “Mountain Smoke Tobacco” (MST) mores or lifestyle by linking together Dine philosophy, personal philosophy, a sample of ritual attributes, findings or responses from our informants and personal observations. By linking up all these cultural traits, the ethnographer visualized a unified holistic picture of MST philosophy and ritualism. This image deserves an accurate description and explanation, which is the whole purpose of the study. Dine Philosophy Rituals and cultural rules also require devout commitment to one’s own continued growth (progress) in spirituality as expected under the “Blessingway” mores and Dine philosophy – Sa ‘a naghai bike’ hozho1 – key Dine philosophy. 27 .. .. .. .. . By saying that one is Sa ‘a naghai bik ‘e hozho makes emphatic one’s direct relationship to the beginning of life in the universe ….As part of this I will die, my life force (Sa ‘a naghai bik ‘e hozho) will return to Dawn and become part of the “undifferentiated” nil ch ‘I” that will animate future living things….The gradual relinquishing of boundary and ego as one grows older in the ideal case is again part of this process, as is the absence of ch ‘iidii (or a part of one’s spirit that holds on to life (Feralla (1984, 179). It is on the fate of this life force or “soul” that there is fairly serious disagreement among Navajo philosophers today…. The disagreement centers on the degree to which the ego or identity is maintained within the nilch ‘I bii ‘ siziinii after death …. The view that I prefer has a being’s nuch ‘I … becoming, as it were, a part of a kind of undifferentiated pool of nilch’i. (Farella 1984, 127) “To understand fully the (Dine) “philosophy of life” one must dig deeper. The very fact that the (Dine) find it necessary to talk about their “ethical principles” and their values suggest that not everybody lives up to them (any more than is the case in the white society). But many characteristically (Dine) doings and sayings make sense only if they are related to certain basic convictions about the nature of human life and experience, convictions so deep … that no (Dine) bothers to talk about them in so many words. These unstated assumptions are so completely taken for granted that the (Dine) take 28 .. .. .. .. of life as an incredible part of human nature and find it their views . hard to understand that normal persons could possibly conceive life in other terms” (Kluckholn and Leighton 1974). Kluckholn (1974) documented nine principles of ethics (premises), derived from Dine World View vis-à-vis Dine Philosophy Blessing Way legends. They are as follows: 1. Life is very, very dangerous. Five main formulas for safety are to be followed. They include: a) Maintain orderliness in those sectors of life which are little subject to human control. For example, restoration of the individual to the harmonies of the nature, human and Supernatural world, or restoration of equilibrium of nonhuman forces. b) Be wary of non-relatives. c) Avoid excesses. For example, everything should done in moderation. be d) When in a new and dangerous environment, do nothing. “Sit tight, you may escape evil.” e) Escape. “My only security is to escape from the Difficulties.” Flight or escape is stressed, but some times flight to alcoholism might ensue. 2. Nature is more powerful than man. “…Nature will take care of them if they behave as they should and do as she directs.” 3. The personality is a whole. (Dine) believe you cannot treat only the body but must treat the mind or vice versa. 29 .. .. .. .. the integrity of the individual. 4. Respect . A person is autonomous and spontaneous and is respected for it. Integrity of the individual is well protected from violation at the hands of more powerful people. 5. Everything exists in two parts, male and the female, which belong together and complete each other. 6 Human nature is neither good nor evil – both qualities are blended in all persons from birth on. (Dine) assumption is that no amount of knowledge and no amount of “religious” zeal can do more than alter somewhat the relative proportions of “bad” and “good” in any given individual. 7 Like produces like and the part stands for the whole. An Eagle can see very long distances. A (Dine) stargazer could use water from the eagle’s eyes, rub it under his eyelids, and proceed to perform his duties. A pinch of soil could represent whole mountains 8 9 What is said is to be taken literally. This life is what counts. (Dine) traditionalists do not believe in preparing for life after death. Morality is practical rather than categorical. Read more examples and explanations in Kluckholn’s (1974) work. The following inductive phrase developed as a result of intensive research on MST in the Dine culture. Dzil Nat oh’ Be I na’ Doo Be A dzil Hozho gii e’ lkgo Linguistically speaking: Dsil Nat oh’ Be I na” – Mountain smoke philosophy, with aid of (ritually or supernaturally)endowed power. Doo – and Be a dzil – ritualistically. MST made 30 stronger (supernaturally) .. .. .. .. gii e’ lkgo – Blessingway, according to Hozho . Translates into: Sacred Power Of “Blessing Way” Holistic MST Lifestyle: A Healthy Dine Philosophy The Dine phrase above connotes the concept that “MST Way of Life” – used according to the religious practices and beliefs of the Dine culture – enhanced a Dine’s well-being, quality of life, self esteem, self confidence/control, self integrity and longevity and more. Some data from the “Findings” or responses corroborate with this concept: “MST was used initially to give (Dine) life (because) it was a source of energy and motivation (well-being). Self esteem is important; (likewise), self respect is also important. The way (MST) is used is sacred and. (It can) help one regain mental strength (quality of life).” “Medicine men, ceremonial songs and (prayers), and Mountain tobacco help a person in life to get rid of stress and depression. (MST) has been around a long time to prevent the bad effects of the world (and) to clear our minds of these influences (stress). (It) is used for different purposes, like reestablishing a marriage. (It) helps the medicine men deal with emotional issues (of clients). (It) can prevent stress and peer pressure. 31 .. .. .. .. . (MST) prevents one from going crazy. It clears the mind when one goes crazy. (It) is used to clear the mind for something really good in life. (MST) led my grand mother to a long (104 yrs) and a healthy life. Grandma says smoking (MST) will give me energy (motivation). Mountain tobacco contributes to getting off drugs. (During youth) – (MST) kept subject off “beer, wine, cigarettes and women” in the military. Praying with mountain smoke can get our children back from(across)the ocean. Hozhogii (Blessingway) requires (use) of (MST. (More data from this study. See “Findings” Appendix A.) The older Dine experienced all these “positive healthy qualities or attributes” of Dine holistic health. These holistic “Beauty Way” attributes corroborated with my personal observations, the literature reviews, and interpretations of ethnographers in related literature.. To put it more succinctly, the older Dine resisted habitually smoking cigarettes and etc. partly because concurrently they: 1) Willfully adopted and maintained the sacralized smoking of MST, 2) Religiously attended MST rituals to appease the Holy People and to practice their philosophies. 32 .. .. .. .. . 3) Respected and obeyed the cultural rules and MST mores as prescribed by a medicine man. Moreover, this meant that the older Dine made a choice to become supernaturally endowed; but first, they had to willfully and unconditionally commit themselves to understanding and accepting the ritualistic powers of the Holy People and the universe, reflective of the “the system of values by which life events take on meanings for those around him” (Leighton & Kluckholm, 1948). Dine Belief/value System Dine exercised their power of spirituality by exercising their right to maintain their scralized use of MST. [Note: MST Way of Life is the same as MST Lifestyle for purposes of this study.] They maintained their MST Lifestyle because; they, (1) introspectively examined/accepted their Dine World View (perceptual filed) and internalized their MST ritualism to reflect their belief system (i. e. , Dzil nat oh’ bee I na’ (MST personal philosophy), and (2) and reaped the supernatural gifts from the Holy People (i. e., Dzil Nat oh’ bee A dzil Sa a’ naghai bike’ hozho doo Hozho gii e’lkgo or benefiting from 33 the .. .. .. . MST .. ritualism supernaturally with aid of the Dine philosophy, according to the the Blessing Way mores. Personal Attributes Gladys Riechard’s (1976) explains the attributes (ritual) more completely as follows: “More closely related to dogma is ‘a jii,’, ‘manifestation by breath and sound of the life and power of a being, that which keeps one powerful, that which one is plus what he has secured through ritual’. This word indicates identification with many powers in the ritualistic act called ‘breathing in’” (Riechard 1976). According to Riechard (1967), “Normal adjustment of the body parts gives a person ‘a tse’, strength, firmness, physical dependability. Add to these attributes power derived from supernatural experience, he is strong, enduring, powerful, and capable of controlling good and warding off evil (a dzi l).” When a devout MST smoker reached the stages and/or attributes of ‘a jii’, ‘I na’”, and ‘a dzil’and understood and lived out the Dine philosophy -- then he/she was ready and powerful enough to control external forces of good and evil. 34 After .. .. .. .. achieving . this idyllic status (balance), the older Dine then obtained sufficient supernatural SUPPORT to resist evil, cigarettes, alcohol and other destructive behaviors that compromised his/her quality of life and health. In summary, the supernatural support of “a dzil”, “a jii”, “I nai’” and “Saa a’ na ghai bike hozho” of (Dine Blessingway attributes) plus his own personal philosophy (“Dine Holistic MST Lifestyle” Dzil Na toh’ bee I na’) all have unequivocally impacted the older Dine, reinforced by MST rituals and ceremonies, which obviously motivated them to RESIST HABITUALLY SMOKING/CHEWING commercial tobacco products and other harmful substances such as alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine. An informant in our study makes this very clear: “If mountain smoke is used, one will have no need for cigarettes, skoal, marijuana or alcohol.” (Note: part of “Findings”, see same for additional statements @“Appendix A”.) The Holy People Older Dine’s belief and trust in the ritual of MST, as prescribed by medicine man, determined whether he/she was going to be 35 .. .. .. . blessed.. with the spiritual gift (power) from the Holy People. Holy People is explained by Klucjkholn and Leighton (1945) below: “…Then there are the Holy People. They are not “Holy” in the sense of possessing moral sanctity, for often their deeds have a very different odor. They are “holy” in the meaning of “powerful and mysterious,” of belonging to the sacred as opposed to the profane world. …They have great powers to aid or to harm Earth Surgace People. … Changing Woman is the favored figure among the Holy People. She had much to do with the creation of the Earth Surface People (humans) and with the meeting at which they were taught how to control the wind, lightning, storms, and animals, and how to keep all these forces in harmony with each other. This meeting was ceremonial of the Holy People and has become Blessing Way, a ritual which occupies a key position in the Navaho “religious system.” (Kluckholn & Leighton, 1946). One point has to be brought up at this juncture. There are other avenues of choices wherein older Dine could have decided not to smoke commercial cigarettes and drink alcohol for reasons of their own or what motivated them. What this study explored is not an in-depth analysis of the Blessingway ceremony but to elicite specific Dine cultural traits directly linked to MST ritualism, which may only be a tip of the iceberg. At no time has this study attempted to solicit information that might violate Dine’s secrets and very sacred practices. 36 .. .. .. .. of observation, from a theoretical perspective, the By way . notion that the universal Dine philosophy (Saa a’ na ghai bike hozho) holistically became congruous with the Dine’s personal philosophy (Dzi l Nat oh’ bee adzi l Ho zhogii e’ lkgo) or Holistic MST Lifestyle, featured the Dine in a very powerful spiritual center stage or social status. Why? The congruence of both philosophies lends itself to molding a Dine into becoming a very powerful spiritual being because both philosophies synergistically and supernaturally endowed the Dine diyinii. Hence, the blessed Dine, who is rewarded by the Holy People, is in an unique position to resist evil (commercial tobacco, alcohol, and etc.) and control his external environment through a spiritual power from within himself (locus of control that is internal) or nilch ‘I bii’ siziinii (soul) or life force. How well the Dine demonstrated his appropriate demeanor, expressed his potent personal and Dine philosophies, and how he honored and respected the rituals and ceremonies of the Blessingway in the context in which “MST Lifestyle” was first accepted and used 37 .. .. .. .. made a significant difference in whether one changed his as needed, . attitude and philosophy towards evil and unhealthy practices -- the Dine Way. The essence of positive and healthy lifestyle change came from within the Dine including his perception of “self” relative to future events, activities and outcomes. Control Theory Scientists have told us that all creatures are driven by the basic need to attempt to stay alive and reproduce so that the species will continue. “As creatures have developed from simple to complex, the basic needs to survive and reproduce has been augmented by additional basic needs” (Glasser, 1986). According to Glasser (1986), humans not only need (1) to survive and reproduce, but also (2) to belong and to love, (3) to gain power, (4) to be free, (5) to have fun, and (6) to spiritually develop to harmonize and balance with Nature. This sixth need, which is augmented to the five needs, is really for persons from the Dine culture if they choose to use it. The basic needs are all built into our genetic structures as instructions for how we might attempt to ive our lives (Glasser 38 1986). .. .. .. ..How . Dine develops to become a powerful spiritual being (Dine diiyin) comes from rituals, ceremonies, songs, prayers, and wanting to live a healthy life. Dine must live by his MST philosophy and Sa s’ naghai bike hozho philosophy. Again, the most significant key findings of the study suggests how the Dine’s own sacred rituals and philosophy of Dine Mountain Smoke Way plus Sa ‘s naghai bik ‘e hozho philosophy has impacted the traditional Dine to abstain from use and abuse of commercial tobacco products INCLUDING marijuana, alcohol and other harmful substances -- mainly prior to 1940 on the Dine Reservation. Older Dine’s own philosophy “I na’” plus “Saa a; na ghai bik ‘e hozho” and supernatural power “a dzil” plus other atrivutes had to match his belief in the ritual. In short, it could be called “Dine Holistic MST Control Theory”. This theory is an expansion of the Glasser Control Theory wherein Dine spirituality is added. A Dine-specific holistic phenomenon related to appropriate use of ritual tobacco herein referred to as “mountain smoke tobacco” has 39 evolved .. .. .. .. into . a more specific description for final interpretation and definition. The new definition of MST Folkway (Lifestyle) is established as follows: MST lifestyle – deeply embedded in “I na’”, Sa’ a naghai bik ‘e hozho” philosophies, (personal and Dine Blessingway Philosophies respectively)) - is defined as a recurring Dine-specific spiritual ritual or rite, performed under the “Blessingway” ceremony, conducted by a medicine man/woman. The use of MST progressively becomes more of a task to be performed by the individual, but Blessing Way requires frequent ceremonials. The purpose of using MST was/is to assist clients to restore their balance and well-being (harmony) with nature; hence, to restore their optimum health. The probability of maintaining a highly successful life-time devotion to MST lifestyle depends on Dine’s ability to name “a jii” (ritualistically acquired), possess supernatural support “a dzil” and practice healthy lifestyle of “I na’” (philosophy). These abilities had to be matched with the Dine’s trust, commitment, and willingness to serve in the service of the Dine’s “Holy People”. 40 .. .. .. .. Conclusion . remain The conclusion that emerged is: balanced/harmonious with To become and Nature; Dine, first, became supernaturally endowed through the sacred/ritual use and practice of MST Lifestyle using the traditional tobacco as was intended by the Holy People. In modern society, Dine could opt for synthesizing traditional philosophy with modern scientific New Age philosophy in order to blend this thinking for their good health (Ho ‘zhogii) and future survival. Actually, New Age philosophy is borrowing ideas from the Native Americans to make their case. However, it sounds like a lesson to do research in Native religion. “All creation on this Earth contains a spirit, a life force. This includes rocks, plants, hills, trees, sky and animals. Mother Earth is a living, sensitive, breathing organism. The forces of all creation are dynamically interwoven into a harmonious whole. Physical and mental illness occurs when this balance is upset. The purpose of all ceremonials is to preserve healing or restore personal and universal 41 .. .. .. . harmony”.. (Newhouse and Amodeo 1985, 48)as quoated by Levy (1998). The implication to receive the maximum benefits from MST lifestyle was/is basically centered on Dine’s spirituality and belief in sacred ceremonies and rituals. First of all, Dine language was/is a must. The potential patient had to understand key concepts and phrases -including songs and prayers -- in order to comprehend the sacredness and meaningfulness of the ceremony. Key concepts like a dzil, I nai, ina’ a jii, and etc. are a must. Rituals require a belief in the power of the universe and Gods mentioned in prayers, songs and etc. The Dine “Blessing Way Bridge”, a metaphor, unobtrusively connected the findings, the theory and literature on ethnographic studies related to Dine culture and its value systems as it relates to MST ritualism. The metaphorical concept laid out the framework (conceptual) to further study the subject of MST and how the Dine used it and for what. Spiritual concepts used in this study, described by Riechard (1976), were adapted in describing the MST ritualism. 42 .. .. .. .. that no studies were ever conducted on “MST Way of Life” per se. It is probable . What the literature contributed to the findings are supportive, verifying and clarifying data such as philosophy of MST Livelihood. The MST study centers on Blessingway because the behavior and belief/value systems remain constant regardless if the rituals were for other causes or reasons. It is through the Blessing Way that MST is centered and ritualized for better health and quality of life. 43