Wake CM 2AC v MoState BB R7 UGA

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Team Minnesota- McCarty and Noot- Blake MN
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2AC – advantage cp
Links to politics
The plan consumes precious political capital – the opposition to funding UN peacekeeping is enormous
and stronger than the silent support
Margaret P. Karns, Professor of Political Science, University of Dayton, and Karen A. Mingst, Professor of Political Science, University of Kentucky, 2002
(Multilateralism and U.S. Foreign Policy edited by Stewart Patrick) p. 277
A key question is why the Congress chose to focus so much attention on the UN and its procedures (and why, correspondingly, successive presidents have failed to
exercise stronger leadership on behalf of the UN). Luck suggests that because most UN activities, including peacekeeping, are not directly linked to
U.S. national interests or to the interests of influential segments of the American public, they are vulnerable to rhetorical assaults, cavalier
treatment, or disregard. For the same reason, President Bush and President Clinton chose not to spend large amounts of precious
political capital to insist that the United States meet its obligations to the UN. The congressional effort to micromanage UN finance and
administration may also be linked to the practice of assigning U.S. congressional delegates to the annual General Assembly sessions, particularly to
the Fifth (Budgetary) Committee. As a result, members of Congress are better informed "about what the UN spends than about what it does.
Likewise, Congress, as Senator Rod Grams (Republican-Miinnesota) noted in 1996, "has often been unhappy with the lack of emphasis that past and present
administrations have placed on specific reform proposals." Finally, of course, control over budgets and spending is the major tool that Congress has at
its disposal for shaping U.S. domestic and foreign policies and the actions of the executive branch. All other congressional powers, including the power to
investigate, pale by comparison to the power of the purse.
Human trafficking is the key internal link to global AIDS spread
Kloer 09 program associate of the American Bar Association's AIDS Coordination Project, Washington DC
Amanda, Change.org website, December 1,
http://humantrafficking.change.org/blog/view/the_intersection_of_human_trafficking_and_aids)
With World AIDS Day today, it's important to understand that the HIV/AIDS epidemic is by no means isolated from other social issues. It intersects with a number of
other human rights concerns, including children's rights, international violence against women, and human trafficking. Trafficking victims, particularly in
commercial sex, are more vulnerable to becoming infected with HIV. And sex trafficking as an institution spreads AIDS. Here's a
quick guide to how human trafficking and AIDS are intersecting epidemics. Sex Trafficking Victims are More Vulnerable to HIV/AIDS All people in commercial sex
are more vulnerable to HIV infection, but human trafficking victims are especially so. Since trafficking victims cannot make free choices or control their situation, they
cannot insist on safer sex practices, like using a condom. Even if condoms are available in the brothel where a trafficking victim is held, she may not have the power to
insist upon, or even suggest, their usage. Trafficking victims are also more frequently raped and exposed to violent and high-risk sexual behavior. Violent sex can cause
ripping and tearing of tissue, making HIV transmission more likely. Since many trafficking victims are young girls in their early teens, their age may make their bodies
even more vulnerable to infection. Once a trafficking victim contracts HIV, it is highly unlikely she will be tested, diagnosed, and treated for the disease, thus allowing
the AIDS to develop. Sex Trafficking Spreads HIV/AIDS Sex trafficking also contributes to proliferating the global AIDS epidemic. Since
trafficking victims are rarely tested and treated for HIV infections, they may continue to be forced to have unprotected sex
with hundreds or thousands of men before exhibiting any symptoms . The cross-border transportation which sometimes accompanies sex
trafficking operations spreads the disease, as one infected victims can infect the men who buy her in several different regions or countries. Those men may go on and
infect other partners, both in and out of the commercial sex industry. Some cultural myths about AIDS, like the idea that sex with a virgin will cure an HIV infection,
cause infected men to seek out unprotected sex with young trafficked women. All of these conditions allow HIV to flourish and spread.
AIDS will spread globally and cause extinction
Muchiri, 2k (Michael, Staff Member at Ministry of Education in Nairobi, “Will Annan finally put out Africa’s fires?” Jakarta Post,
March 6, lexis)
The executive director of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, estimated that Africa would annually need between $ 1 billion to $ 3 billion to combat
the disease, but currently receives only $ 160 million a year in official assistance. World Bank President James Wolfensohn lamented
that Africa was losing teachers faster than they could be replaced, and that AIDS was now more effective than war in destabilizing
African countries. Statistics show that AIDS is the leading killer in sub-Saharan Africa, surpassing people killed in warfare. In
1998, 200,000 people died from armed conflicts compared to 2.2 million from AIDS. Some 33.6 million people have HIV
around the world, 70 percent of them in Africa, thereby robbing countries of their most productive members and decimating
entire villages. About 13 million of the 16 million people who have died of AIDS are in Africa, according to the UN. What barometer
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is used to proclaim a holocaust if this number is not a sure measure? There is no doubt that AIDS is the most serious threat to
humankind, more serious than hurricanes, earthquakes, economic crises, capital crashes or floods. It has no cure yet. We are
watching a whole continent degenerate into ghostly skeletons that finally succumb to a most excruciating, dehumanizing death.
Gore said that his new initiative, if approved by the U.S. Congress, would bring U.S. contributions to fighting AIDS and other
infectious diseases to $ 325 million. Does this mean that the UN Security Council and the U.S. in particular have at last decided to
remember Africa? Suddenly, AIDS was seen as threat to world peace, and Gore would ask the congress to set up millions of dollars
on this case. The hope is that Gore does not intend to make political capital out of this by painting the usually disagreeable
Republican-controlled Congress as the bad guy and hope the buck stops on the whole of current and future U.S. governments'
conscience. Maybe there is nothing left to salvage in Africa after all and this talk is about the African-American vote in November's
U.S. presidential vote. Although the UN and the Security Council cannot solve all African problems, the AIDS challenge is a
fundamental one in that it threatens to wipe out man. The challenge is not one of a single continent alone because Africa cannot be
quarantined. The trouble is that AIDS has no cure -- and thus even the West has stakes in the AIDS challenge. Once sub-Saharan
Africa is wiped out, it shall not be long before another continent is on the brink of extinction. Sure as death, Africa's time has
run out, signaling the beginning of the end of the black race and maybe the human race.
Human trafficking is the key internal link to global AIDS spread
Kloer 09 program associate of the American Bar Association's AIDS Coordination Project, Washington DC
Amanda, Change.org website, December 1,
http://humantrafficking.change.org/blog/view/the_intersection_of_human_trafficking_and_aids)
With World AIDS Day today, it's important to understand that the HIV/AIDS epidemic is by no means isolated from other social issues. It intersects with a number of
other human rights concerns, including children's rights, international violence against women, and human trafficking. Trafficking victims, particularly in
commercial sex, are more vulnerable to becoming infected with HIV. And sex trafficking as an institution spreads AIDS. Here's a
quick guide to how human trafficking and AIDS are intersecting epidemics. Sex Trafficking Victims are More Vulnerable to HIV/AIDS All people in commercial sex
are more vulnerable to HIV infection, but human trafficking victims are especially so. Since trafficking victims cannot make free choices or control their situation, they
cannot insist on safer sex practices, like using a condom. Even if condoms are available in the brothel where a trafficking victim is held, she may not have the power to
insist upon, or even suggest, their usage. Trafficking victims are also more frequently raped and exposed to violent and high-risk sexual behavior. Violent sex can cause
ripping and tearing of tissue, making HIV transmission more likely. Since many trafficking victims are young girls in their early teens, their age may make their bodies
even more vulnerable to infection. Once a trafficking victim contracts HIV, it is highly unlikely she will be tested, diagnosed, and treated for the disease, thus allowing
the AIDS to develop. Sex Trafficking Spreads HIV/AIDS Sex trafficking also contributes to proliferating the global AIDS epidemic. Since
trafficking victims are rarely tested and treated for HIV infections, they may continue to be forced to have unprotected sex
with hundreds or thousands of men before exhibiting any symptoms. The cross-border transportation which sometimes accompanies sex
trafficking operations spreads the disease, as one infected victims can infect the men who buy her in several different regions or countries. Those men may go on and
infect other partners, both in and out of the commercial sex industry. Some cultural myths about AIDS, like the idea that sex with a virgin will cure an HIV infection,
cause infected men to seek out unprotected sex with young trafficked women. All of these conditions allow HIV to flourish and spread.
AIDS will spread globally and cause extinction
Muchiri, 2k (Michael, Staff Member at Ministry of Education in Nairobi, “Will Annan finally put out Africa’s fires?” Jakarta Post,
March 6, lexis)
The executive director of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, estimated that Africa would annually need between $ 1 billion to $ 3 billion to combat
the disease, but currently receives only $ 160 million a year in official assistance. World Bank President James Wolfensohn lamented
that Africa was losing teachers faster than they could be replaced, and that AIDS was now more effective than war in destabilizing
African countries. Statistics show that AIDS is the leading killer in sub-Saharan Africa, surpassing people killed in warfare. In
1998, 200,000 people died from armed conflicts compared to 2.2 million from AIDS. Some 33.6 million people have HIV
around the world, 70 percent of them in Africa, thereby robbing countries of their most productive members and decimating
entire villages. About 13 million of the 16 million people who have died of AIDS are in Africa, according to the UN. What barometer
is used to proclaim a holocaust if this number is not a sure measure? There is no doubt that AIDS is the most serious threat to
humankind, more serious than hurricanes, earthquakes, economic crises, capital crashes or floods. It has no cure yet. We are
watching a whole continent degenerate into ghostly skeletons that finally succumb to a most excruciating, dehumanizing death.
Gore said that his new initiative, if approved by the U.S. Congress, would bring U.S. contributions to fighting AIDS and other
infectious diseases to $ 325 million. Does this mean that the UN Security Council and the U.S. in particular have at last decided to
remember Africa? Suddenly, AIDS was seen as threat to world peace, and Gore would ask the congress to set up millions of dollars
on this case. The hope is that Gore does not intend to make political capital out of this by painting the usually disagreeable
Republican-controlled Congress as the bad guy and hope the buck stops on the whole of current and future U.S. governments'
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conscience. Maybe there is nothing left to salvage in Africa after all and this talk is about the African-American vote in November's
U.S. presidential vote. Although the UN and the Security Council cannot solve all African problems, the AIDS challenge is a
fundamental one in that it threatens to wipe out man. The challenge is not one of a single continent alone because Africa cannot be
quarantined. The trouble is that AIDS has no cure -- and thus even the West has stakes in the AIDS challenge. Once sub-Saharan
Africa is wiped out, it shall not be long before another continent is on the brink of extinction. Sure as death, Africa's time has
run out, signaling the beginning of the end of the black race and maybe the human race.
2AC – Courts CP
Perm shields – Democrats will blame Bush’s Court
Katherine Perine, staff at CQ Politics, 6/12/2008, Congress Unlikely to Try to Counter Supreme Court Detainee Ruling, CQ
Politics, p. http://www.cqpolitics.com/wmspage.cfm?docID=news-000002896528&cpage=2)
Thursday’s decision, from a Supreme Court dominated by Republican appointees, gives Democrats further cover against GOP
sniping. “This is something that the court has decided, and very often the court gives political cover to Congress,” said Ross K.
Baker, a Rutgers University political science professor. “You can simply point to a Supreme Court decision and say, ‘The devil made
me do it.’ ”
Court decisions aren’t enforced.
Pacelle, poli sci prof and legal studies coordinator at the univ of Missouri at St. Louis, 2k2
[Richard, The Role of the Supreme Court in American Politics: The Least Dangerous Branch?, p81]
Even if the Supreme Court was to carve out some sphere of power for itself, there would be significant limitations. Any Court decision
has to be enforced, but enforcement power is the province of the president and the executive branch. Thus, the Court is at their mercy.
If the president does not like the decision, he does not have to enforce it. Indeed, history books report that Andrew Jackson, upset at
the Worcester v. Georgia (1832) decision, growled that “John Marshall made his decision, now let him enforce it.” There was concern
that Dwight Eisenhower would not back the Brown decision when the Southern states resisted. Ultimately, though quite reluctantly,
Eisenhower sent troops to Little Rock to support the decision. What if the Court’s decision requires active policy intervention and the
allocation of resources to help carry out the directives? If the courts determine that prisons are overcrowded or schools are
substandard, will the legislature, which has the taxing and spending power, be willing to raise and spend money to correct the
problem? It took a decade before serious legislative support for the Brown decision was provided. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of
1964 empowered the government to cut off federal funds to school districts that did not comply with the desegregation directive
(Halpern 1995, 30—59). The bottom line is the adage “the Court lacks the sword and the purse”—it lacks the ability to enforce its
decisions and the power over the resources to do so. This places a limitation on the justices. If they stray too far from the acceptable
boundaries set by Congress or the president, they risk a negative response from the branches with the real power. If the Court can
safely be ignored by the other branches and the public, the cost is its institutional legitimacy.
The plenary power doctrine is key to strict border enforcement and preventing WMD terrorism
Glon, J.D. Candidate, Indiana University School of Law, 2005
[Justin, Indiana International & Comparative Law Review, "Note: "Good Fences Make Good Neighbors:" N1 National Security And
Terrorism - Time To Fence In Our Southern Border," 15 Ind. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 349, l/n, accessed 7-25-10, mss]
The plenary power doctrine underlies AND at predetermined ports of entry or to not enter at all. n263
The plenary power doctrine underlies much of the historical precedence for both immigration and national security law. n242 Congress's
judgments as to which non-citizens should be admitted into the United States, and which should be excluded, have largely been immune from judicial
review. n243 Founded on notions of inherent state sovereignty, plenary power gives Congress complete discretion to exclude immigrants, including the
ability to effectively stop illegal [*376] immigration in any manner deemed necessary. n244 "Under a strict plenary power regime, the U.S.
government may act as if it is in a state of nature without legal constraints in a modern 'survival of the fittest' world." n245 As such, the government of the United States
can exclude illegal immigrants from its territory using whatever method that is determined to be will be most effective. n246 Exclusion of illegal immigrants is part of
the inherent territorial sovereignty of a nation. n247 As once stated by Chief Justice Marshall, "[t]he jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily
exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself." n248 Any restrictions or prohibitions on this right to exclusive territorial sovereignty
must be consented to by the nation itself, and cannot be imposed by any foreign power. n249 The United States, in its relationship with foreign countries and their
subjects, is one nation, "invested with powers which belong to independent nations, the exercise of which can be invoked for the maintenance of its absolute
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independence and security throughout its entire territory." n250 International law largely respects each nation's inherent sovereignty, giving every country the discretion
to make and manage immigration law systems. n251 "If sovereignty is to have any meaning, it must include a state's [*377] right to maintain its physical borders by
deciding who may or may not enter." n252 In the United States, the Supreme Court has held that the political branches have plenary power
over questions of immigration. n253 Foundational cases provide the nature and extent of this plenary power, relying heavily on "concepts of sovereignty, the
right of a nation to absolute independence and security, and the need to exclude and expel foreigners as essential to self- preservation." n254 These concepts are
grounded in international law, and support the idea that no other country or international organization can control the inherent rights of the United States unless the U.S.
government explicitly consents to such international control. n255 "The power to . . . expel undesirable aliens . . . exists as inherently inseparable from the conception of
nationality." n256 A nation has a duty to protect its own citizens and their property, n257 but it does not have a similar duty either to recognize or protect the rights
claimed by the citizens of a foreign country. n258 As such, the United States is permitted by national sovereignty and plenary power to construct a
security fence along its border with Mexico. Only a security fence spanning the entire Southern Border can prevent millions of illegal
immigrants, many of national security concern, from entering the United States undetected. n259 Refusing to adequately address the current illegal
immigration problem could result in the loss of national sovereignty. n260 In this age of terror and weapons of mass destruction, the United States
must prevent the migration of any true threat to its security, including undocumented [*378] illegal immigrants . n261 At no time in the
history of the United States has border enforcement been a more desperate issue. n262 Rather than simply trying to fix an already broken system by hiring more agents
and increasing the budget for outdated and flawed detection technology, the answer to the current terrorist threat is to properly fence the perimeter of
the Southern Border and force would-be immigrants to enter the United States legally at predetermined ports of entry or to not enter at all. n263
Doesn’t solve HR Cred – congressional action is critical to international legitimacy
Culpepper 10 J.D. candidate @ Vanderbilt
(Brent, “Missed Opportunity: Congress's Attempted Response to the World's Demand for the Violence Against Women Act,” 43
Vand. J. Transnat'l L. 733, Lexis)
Put simply, when the international community views the U.S. Congress as unable to enact implementing legislation, while
simultaneously appearing to disregard more general obligations under CIL, other states’ ability to achieve human rights goals is
negatively affected. 225 Additionally, the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down implementing legislation for a multilateral treaty
further constructs an image of Congress as impotent to fulfill international obligations. Consequently, even when it musters the
momentum to jump significant political hurdles, Congress appears a poor partner in devising new human rights norms, especially new
human rights treaties. 226
CP doesn’t solve case—courts can’t mandate an increase in visa allocations or international nation
quotas that guarantees continued backlogs which make deportation and exclusion inevitable
Perm – do the Counterplan
The Supreme Court isn’t perceived internationally
Jacques deLisle, University of Pennsylvania Law School, Winter, 2002, 52 DePaul L. Rev. 473, p. lexis
It still might be supposed that courts roving about enforcing an expanding body of international legal norms might be especially
dangerous in the American context because of the unusually high levels of independence and power that U.S. courts enjoy as a
coequal and (on some accounts) unaccountable branch. The potential for courts to derange the nation's foreign policy might seem to be
commensurately greater. But it is far from clear that this is so. True, the structure of governmental power and the extensive autonomy
of courts in the United States may still seem exotic and hard to imagine in much of the world, especially in China and many of the
other authoritarian regimes that have been the foci of human rights litigation. But that does not mean that foreign governments and
their leaders fail to comprehend the U.S. structure. It does not mean that they view court decisions as of a piece with U.S. foreign
policy as articulated by the executive branch or Congress because they see courts as agents of the political branches (as they arguably
are in China and many ATCA target countries). Nor does it mean that they view judicial opinions as on par with legislative or
presidential pronouncements because they view courts as the equal of the political branches in foreign policy (as a highly simplistic
version of American constitutional law and politics might suggest). Indeed, these two imaginable foreign views of U.S. courts are
contradictory. Moreover, there is considerable evidence that the PRC has a reasonably accurate and sophisticated understanding of
U.S. separation of powers principles. In these circumstances, it is unwarranted and unwise - and would unnecessarily constrain and
[*546] undermine the political branches' conduct of foreign policy - to accept at face value statements from foreign governments
(including notably China) that exaggerate opportunistically their incomprehension of U.S. separation of powers law, and that express
shock and offense at judicial decisions (or, for that matter, congressional expressions of opinion that do not become law) and that
purport to construe them as expressions of the foreign policy positions of the American government. 211
No impact - Other countries solve the impact—US not key
Benvenisti 8 –Professor of Law, Tel Aviv University (Eval, “Reclaiming Democracy: The Strategic Uses Of Foreign And
International Law By National Courts,” 102 A.J.I.L. 241, http://law.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1061&context=taulwps)
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It wasn’t so long ago that the overwhelming majority of courts in democratic countries shared a reluctance to refer to foreign and international law. These courts
conformed to a policy of avoiding any application of foreign sources of law that would clash with the position of their domestic governments. For many jurists, recourse
to foreign and international law is inappropriate.1 But even the supporters of the reference to external sources of law share the thus-unexplored assumption that reliance
on foreign and international law is inevitably in tension with the value of national sovereignty. Hence the scholarly debate is framed along the lines of the well-known
broader debate on “the counter-majoritarian difficulty.”2 This Article questions this assumption of tension. It argues that for courts in most democratic
countries – even if not for U.S. courts at present – referring to foreign and international law has become an effective instrument for
empowering the domestic democratic processes by shielding them from external economic, political and even legal pressures. Citing
international law, therefore, actually bolsters domestic democratic processes and reclaims national sovereignty from the diverse forces of globalization. Stated
differently, most national courts, seeking to maintain the vitality of their national political institutions and to safeguard their own domestic status vis-à-vis the
political branches, cannot afford to ignore foreign and international law. In recent years, courts in several democracies have begun to engage
quite seriously in the interpretation and application of international law and to heed the constitutional jurisprudence of other national
courts.
No solvency – international law is fragmented and conflicting
Shaw 8 (Malcolm, Sir Robert Jennings Professor of International Law, University of Leicester, International Law, Sixth Edition)
The tremendous expansion of both the rules and the institutions of international law, with the rise of more and more specialist areas, such as trade law, environmental
law and human rights law, has led to arguments that international law as a holistic system is in the process of fragmentation. This has led to the fear that
the centre will not be able to hold and that international law might dissolve into a series of discrete localised or limited systems with
little or no interrelationship. In many ways it is the explosion of what is termed globalisation, with the consequential spread of practices and mechanisms
across the world, that has precipitated this problem of fragmentation, being defined in one view as the ‘emergence of specialised and relatively
autonomous spheres of social action and structure’. This has led to a debate as to the relationship between self-contained regimes in international law and
the system as a whole, with the fear being ex- pressed that the rise of specialised rules and mechanisms that have no clear authority relationship
might lead to conflicts between local systems and, at the least, inconsistency in the interpretation and development of international law.
While to some extent the former is a real danger, there is still a powerful centralising dynamic in international law and indeed a strong presumption against normative
conflict: for example, the principle that special law (lex specialis) derogates from general law (lex generalis), so that the more detailed and specific rule will have
priority.
2AC – skfta
Warming makes nuclear war inevitable.
Kurt Campbell, CEO and co-founder of the Center for a New American Security and former deputy assistant secretary of defense for Asia and the Pacific, et
al., Jay Gulledge, J.R. McNeill, John Podesta, Peter Ogden, Leon Fuerth, R. James Woolsey, Alexander T.J. Lennon, Julianne Smith, Richard Weitz, and Derek Mix,
Center for Strategic and International Studies, “The Age of Consequences: The Foreign Policy and National Security Implications of Global Climate Change,”
November 2007, http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/071105_ageofconsequences.pdf
In the case of severe climate change, corresponding to an average increase in global temperature of 2.6°C by 2040, massive nonlinear events in the
global environment give rise to massive nonlinear societal events. In this scenario, addressed in Chapter IV, nations around the world will be
overwhelmed by the scale of change and pernicious challenges, such as pandemic disease. The internal cohesion of nations will be under great stress,
including in the United States, both as a result of a dramatic rise in migration and changes in agricultural patterns and water
availability. The flooding of coastal communities around the world, especially in the Netherlands, the United States, South Asia, and China, has the potential to
challenge regional and even national identities. Armed conflict between nations over resources, such as the Nile and its tributaries, is likely and
nuclear war is possible. The social consequences range from increased religious fervor to outright chaos. In this scenario, climate change
provokes a permanent shift in the relationship of humankind to nature.
Relations resilient – Cheonan and Iran prove.
Victor Cha, Senior Adviser and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), and Ellen Kim, Research Associate at CSIS Korean Chair,
“US-Korea Relations: Smooth Sailing in the Wake of the Cheonan,” 10/22/2010, http://cogitasia.com/2010/10/22/us-korea-relations-smooth-sailing-in-the-wake-ofthe-cheonan-part-i/
There is general consensus among policymakers in Seoul and Washington that the current U.S.-ROK alliance is in the best shape it has
been in recent years. The onset of the Cheonan’s sinking brought together two already close allies to become united against North
Korea and stage a “show of force.” The first “Two-plus-Two” meeting held in Seoul between U.S. Secretaries Hillary Clinton and
Robert Gates and ROK Ministers Yu Myung-hwan and Kim Tae-young exemplified an “upgrade” of the U.S.-ROK alliance from a
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traditional military alliance forged in the wake of the Cold War to a more comprehensive one. In a ministerial joint statement, Secretary Clinton
acknowledged that the alliance “has evolved into a strong, successful and enduring alliance” and announced the ministers’ decision to complete
Strategic Alliance 2015 by the next Security Consultative Meeting.
The strength of the U.S.-ROK alliance was also put to the test as South Korea came under U.S. pressure to join its global
nonproliferation campaign against Iran and impose independent sanctions on the country. During his visit to Seoul with Robert Einhorn, Deputy
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Daniel Glaser strongly urged the South Korean government to make a decision, calling the South Korean participation “absolutely
vital.” Pressures mounted on Seoul particularly after Japan adopted sanctions on Iran. The situation presented a dilemma for Seoul as Iran is Korea’s third-largest
trading partner in the Middle East with the annual bilateral trade amounting to $10 billion. More importantly, South’s heavy reliance on Iran for oil concerned many
Koreans of a potential backlash from Tehran. Internal splits within the ROK government delayed Seoul’s response to U.S. entreaties. While the foreign ministry
favored sanctioning Iran, the economic ministries were more cautious, in no small part because they remembered that sanctions by the ROK against Tehran during the
George W. Bush administration resulted in immediate retaliation against South Korean businesses operating in the country.
Despite rumors that Seoul’s reluctance made Washington uncomfortable and even briefly strained their alliance, South Korea’s later announcement of its
sanctions on Iran reaffirmed the resilience of the U.S.-ROK alliance and eased the anxiety of alliance managers. The ROK government
blacklisted 102 Iranian firms and 24 individuals and suspended, albeit temporarily, the Seoul branch of Bank Mellat, which the U.S. accused of conducting financial
transactions related to Iran’s nuclear development activities. The centrality of the U.S.-ROK alliance and cooperation, especially in the aftermath
of the Cheonan to coordinate their response to North Korea’s provocative behavior, prevailed over South’s economic interests with Iran, experts say. We believe,
however, that the core cause for Seoul’s agreement for the Iran sanctions stemmed from proliferation concerns which overrode business interests. The ROK could not
possibly have pressed for the international community to implement counterproliferation sanctions against the DPRK but then abstain from pursuing similar policy
objectives regarding Iran.
No Link – Trafficking is seen as distinct from other immigration issues because they don’t choose to come
here
EFC, 2009. (http://files.efc-canada.net/si/Human%20Trafficking/HumanTraffickingReportApril2009.pdf)
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook has defined human trafficking as “Modern day slavery
involving victims who are forced, defrauded or coerced into labour or sexual exploitation.”4 Essentially, human
trafficking can be considered less an issue of transporting individuals against their will, and more a crisis of
modern day slavery and exploitation of human beings.5 Lack of consent and forced exploitation are
characteristics that mark human trafficking as being distinct and separate from migrant smuggling or other
immigration issues.
No PC – campaigning
Weymouth News 1/10 (1/10/11, " BOB RUPLENAS: Too soon to start dancing ",
http://www.wickedlocal.com/weymouth/newsnow/x1314134596/BOB-RUPLENAS-Too-soon-to-start-dancing)
Anyway, here we are with a newly sworn in Republican House of Representatives, the Democrats having suffered their worst losses
there since the 1920s. Over in the Senate, the Dems lost their filibuster-proof majority. President Obama's futile campaigning for
endangered Democratic congressmen and senators diminished his political capital.
START tanked his political capital.
Investor’s Business Daily, “Reset The 'Reset',” 1/14/2011, http://www.investors.com/NewsAndAnalysis/Article/559990/201101141903/Reset-The-Reset.htm
A key focus of President Obama's foreign policy when he came into office was to "reset" our ties to Russia. Well, he tried. But based on what we've
seen recently, it hasn't worked too well.
Just last Thursday, Russia announced, apropos of nothing, that if it felt "threatened," it didn't feel it had to abide by the New START treaty it has signed with the U.S.
The Russians surely know that Obama spent a great deal of political capital getting START , essentially getting it approved in the dead
of night by the Democrat-dominated lame-duck Congress. No matter. They've shown they have little interest in the deal — except for the fact that they believe it ties
our hands when it comes to missile defense.
Opposition to SKFTA tanks the deal
Swanson, 1/11/2011 (U.s. chamber’s main player on asia is brilliant, The Hill, p. http://thehill.com/business-a-lobbying/137111master-tradesman)
Winning approval of the South Korea deal might not be as hard as some other recent trade battles, but it will not be a slam-dunk, given
continued opposition from some Democrats and trade union officials, who say the deal would ship jobs overseas and hurt U.S.
workers. Another potential complication for approval of the South Korean deal is political maneuvering from Republicans, who
hope to use the vote as leverage to push through the more controversial deals with Panama and Colombia .
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PC not key
Swanson, 1/11/2011 (U.s. chamber’s main player on asia is brilliant, The Hill, p. http://thehill.com/business-a-lobbying/137111master-tradesman)
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s main player when it comes to Asia is Myron Brilliant, and he’s about to have a very busy year. Brilliant, the
Chamber’s senior vice president for international affairs, will be a key figure as the Obama administration works to win congressional
approval of a trade agreement with South Korea . “We think we can influence that debate,” Brilliant said during a recent interview in his
office, which he cut short so that he could rush to a meeting with the president of Panama, another country hoping to see a trade deal with the U.S. approved this
year.
Labor opposition and bundle package
Wall Street Journal, 1/5/2011 (Hot business issues on capitol hill, p.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704723104576062232078805232.html?mod=googlenews_wsj)
President Barack Obama is expected to send a South Korea free-trade agreement to Congress in January, beginning a months-long ratification
process. The South Korea pact, negotiated in 2007 but derailed by House Democrats in 2008, was revived in December after Mr. Obama's trade negotiators
persuaded South Korea to accept stronger protections for U.S. auto makers. That was a coup for Mr. Obama, who has said he wanted to double U.S. exports by
2015. The pact is supported by business groups, and offers an opportunity for Mr. Obama to collaborate with congressional Republicans, who have tended to
support trade-opening deals. Passage won't be a cakewalk. The deal is backed by the United Auto Workers union, but several others have said
they opposed it, notably the AFL-CIO, the nation's biggest labor federation . Key Players: AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka; House
Speaker John Boehner (R., Ohio); U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk. Flash Points: Some in Congress want to bundle ratification of the South Korea
pact with stalled trade deals with Colombia and Panama. Colombian government and business interests are pushing to seize the
opportunity.
Healthcare vote coming soon
Reuters, 1/14/2011 (House set to vote on healthcare repeal, p. http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE70D5OP20110114)
The House of Representatives will resume action next week on repealing President Barack Obama's landmark healthcare overhaul, a House
Republican spokesman said on Thursday. The House had been expected to act this week on the repeal bill, but the vote was postponed after a shooting spree in
Arizona killed six people and critically wounded Representative Gabrielle Giffords. "As the White House noted, it is important for Congress to get back to work,
and to that end we will resume thoughtful consideration of the health care bill next week," said Brad Dayspring, a spokesman for House
Majority Leader Eric Cantor. "Americans have legitimate concerns about the cost of the new healthcare law and its effect on the ability to grow jobs in our
country," he added. The vote is set for Wednesday, said another Republican aide who asked not to be identified. The repeal vote would fulfill a
campaign promise of Republicans who won control of the House in November elections. But the measure will likely die in the Senate, where Democrats
remain in control. Even if repeal were to pass the Congress, Obama would veto it, the White House has said . Conservative Tea Party
activists, who were crucial to Republicans winning control of the House and picking up seats in the Senate, deride the healthcare law as one more
government intrusion on the heels of Washington's bailout of troubled banks and the automotive industry.
That crushes capital
Navarette Jr., 1/13/2011 (Ruben, Put divisive health care debate on hold, CNN, p.
http://edition.cnn.com/2011/OPINION/01/13/navarrette.politics.future/)
Republicans can reciprocate by not repeating a costly mistake that Obama made when he first took office and rushing into the health care
debate when the country wanted him to focus on jobs, jobs and jobs. That decision used up a lot of political capital . That's because, as we've
learned, health care reform is one of the most emotional and divisive issues in the national debate. Republicans would be wise to steer
clear of it for six months and focus on racking up some smaller and easier victories that could build up good will in both parties.
Tax reform is coming first.
Richard Cohen, Politico, “Tax reform on deck in the House,” 1/14/2011, http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0111/47603.html
Tax reform is on deck in the House, with hearings planned for next week in the Ways and Means Committee.
Chairman Rep. Dave Camp (R-Mich.) announced late Thursday that he will hold the first in a set of hearings on “fundamental” tax reform next Thursday.
“With nine out of 10 families either hiring tax preparers or purchasing tax software in order to file their taxes, it is clear that the tax code is too complex, too timeconsuming and too costly for our families and businesses,” Camp said. “It’s this committee’s responsibility to examine ways to reform the code so that it won’t be a
continued barrier to economic growth and job creation.”
Camp got the okay from the committee’s top Democrat, Rep. Sander Levin (D-Mich.), to waive a House rule requiring notice.
President Obama offered some encouragement last month during an interview with National Public Radio, when he called for simplifying the tax
code by “eliminating loopholes, eliminating deductions, eliminating exemptions in certain categories.”
Tax reform would tank Obama’s capital.
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Eric Schurenberg, The Fiscal Times, “It's Time To Dump The Current Tax Code And Start Over,” 1/11/2011, http://www.businessinsider.com/dump-the-currenttax-code-and-start-over-2011-1
Obviously, passing
tax reform would involve political trench warfare at its toughest. It would require a stiff investment of political
capital by the president and Congress, and efforts almost certainly wouldn’t bear fruit for years. (Reagan’s tax reform plan, for example, didn’t
become law until 1986, halfway through his second term.) Even so, the prospect of tax simplification and fairness allows Congress to embrace deficit reduction in an
effort that could bridge today’s bitter partisan divide. At the moment, it may be the only thing that can.
Winners Win
Green 6/11/10 – professor of political science at Hofstra University (David Michael Green, 6/11/10, " The Do-Nothing 44th
President ", http://www.opednews.com/articles/The-Do-Nothing-44th-Presid-by-David-Michael-Gree-100611-648.html)
Moreover, there
is a continuously evolving and reciprocal relationship between presidential boldness and achievement. In the same way
that nothing breeds success like success, nothing sets the president up for achieving his or her next goal better than succeeding
dramatically on the last go around.
This is absolutely a matter of perception, and you can see it best in the way that Congress and especially the Washington press corps fawn over
bold and intimidating presidents like Reagan and George W. Bush. The political teams surrounding these presidents understood the
psychology of power all too well. They knew that by simultaneously creating a steamroller effect and feigning a clubby atmosphere
for Congress and the press, they could leave such hapless hangers-on with only one remaining way to pretend to preserve their
dignities. By jumping on board the freight train, they could be given the illusion of being next to power, of being part of the winning
team. And so, with virtually the sole exception of the now retired Helen Thomas, this is precisely what they did.
No spillover
Dickinson, 09 – professor of political science at Middlebury College and taught previously at Harvard University where he worked
under the supervision of presidential scholar Richard Neustadt (5/26/09, Matthew, Presidential Power: A NonPartisan Analysis of
Presidential Politics, “Sotomayor, Obama and Presidential Power,”
http://blogs.middlebury.edu/presidentialpower/2009/05/26/sotamayor-obama-and-presidential-power/, JMP)
As for Sotomayor, from here the path toward almost certain confirmation goes as follows: the Senate Judiciary Committee is slated to hold hearings sometime this
summer (this involves both written depositions and of course open hearings), which should lead to formal Senate approval before Congress adjourns for its summer
recess in early August. So Sotomayor will likely take her seat in time for the start of the new Court session on October 5. (I talk briefly about the likely politics of the
nomination process below). What is of more interest to me, however, is what her selection reveals about the basis of presidential power. Political scientists, like baseball
writers evaluating hitters, have devised numerous means of measuring a president’s influence in Congress. I will devote a separate post to discussing these, but in brief,
they often center on the creation of legislative “box scores” designed to measure how many times a president’s preferred piece of legislation, or nominee to the
executive branch or the courts, is approved by Congress. That is, how many pieces of legislation that the president supports actually pass Congress? How often do
members of Congress vote with the president’s preferences? How often is a president’s policy position supported by roll call outcomes? These measures, however, are a
misleading gauge of presidential power – they are a better indicator of congressional power. This is because how members of Congress vote on a nominee or
legislative item is rarely influenced by anything a president does . Although journalists (and political scientists) often focus on the legislative “endgame”
to gauge presidential influence – will the President swing enough votes to get his preferred legislation enacted? – this mistakes an outcome with actual evidence of
presidential influence. Once we control for other factors – a member of Congress’ ideological and partisan leanings, the political leanings of her constituency, whether
she’s up for reelection or not – we can usually predict how she will vote without needing to know much of anything about what the president wants. (I am ignoring the
importance of a president’s veto power for the moment.) Despite the much publicized and celebrated instances of presidential arm-twisting during
the legislative endgame, then, most legislative outcomes don’t depend on presidential lobbying. But this is not to say that presidents lack
influence. Instead, the primary means by which presidents influence what Congress does is through their ability to determine the alternatives from which Congress must
choose. That is, presidential power is largely an exercise in agenda-setting – not arm-twisting. And we see this in the Sotomayer nomination. Barring
a major scandal, she will almost certainly be confirmed to the Supreme Court whether Obama spends the confirmation hearings calling every Senator or instead spends
the next few weeks ignoring the Senate debate in order to play Halo III on his Xbox. That is, how senators decide to vote on Sotomayor will have almost nothing to do
with Obama’s lobbying from here on in (or lack thereof). His real influence has already occurred, in the decision to present Sotomayor as his nominee. If we want to
measure Obama’s “power”, then, we need to know what his real preference was and why he chose Sotomayor. My guess – and it is only a guess – is that after
conferring with leading Democrats and Republicans, he recognized the overriding practical political advantages accruing from choosing an Hispanic woman, with leftleaning credentials. We cannot know if this would have been his ideal choice based on judicial philosophy alone, but presidents are never free to act on their ideal
preferences. Politics is the art of the possible. Whether Sotomayer is his first choice or not, however, her nomination is a reminder that the power of the presidency often
resides in the president’s ability to dictate the alternatives from which Congress (or in this case the Senate) must choose. Although Republicans will undoubtedly attack
Sotomayor for her judicial “activism” (citing in particular her decisions regarding promotion and affirmative action), her comments regarding the importance of gender
and ethnicity in influencing her decisions, and her views regarding whether appellate courts “make” policy, they run the risk of alienating Hispanic voters – an
increasingly influential voting bloc (to the extent that one can view Hispanics as a voting bloc!) I find it very hard to believe she will not be easily confirmed. In
structuring the alternative before the Senate in this manner, then, Obama reveals an important aspect of presidential power that cannot be measured through legislative
boxscores.
2AC – Nativism DA
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No Link – Trafficking is seen as distinct from other immigration issues because they don’t choose to come
here
EFC, 2009. (http://files.efc-canada.net/si/Human%20Trafficking/HumanTraffickingReportApril2009.pdf)
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook has defined human trafficking as “Modern day slavery
involving victims who are forced, defrauded or coerced into labour or sexual exploitation.”4 Essentially, human
trafficking can be considered less an issue of transporting individuals against their will, and more a crisis of
modern day slavery and exploitation of human beings.5 Lack of consent and forced exploitation are
characteristics that mark human trafficking as being distinct and separate from migrant smuggling or other
immigration issues.
Non-Unique—nativism high now
Potok ‘10 (Mark, Director, Spring, Intelligence Project, graduate of the University of Chicago, award-winning journalist at
newspapers including USA Today, the Dallas Times Herald and The Miami Herald, “Rage on the Right”,
http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-report/browse-all-issues/2010/spring/rage-on-the-right)
The radical right caught fire last year, as broad-based populist anger at political, demographic and economic changes in America
ignited an explosion of new extremist groups and activism across the nation. Hate groups stayed at record levels — almost 1,000 — despite
the total collapse of the second largest neo-Nazi group in America. Furious anti-immigrant vigilante groups soared by nearly 80%, adding some 136
new groups during 2009. And, most remarkably of all, so-called "Patriot" groups — militias and other organizations that see the federal
government as part of a plot to impose “one-world government” on liberty-loving Americans — came roaring back after years out of
the limelight. The anger seething across the American political landscape — over racial changes in the population, soaring public debt
and the terrible economy, the bailouts of bankers and other elites, and an array of initiatives by the relatively liberal Obama Administration
that are seen as "socialist" or even "fascist" — goes beyond the radical right. The "tea parties" and similar groups that have sprung up in recent
months cannot fairly be considered extremist groups, but they are shot through with rich veins of radical ideas, conspiracy theories and
racism. “We are in the midst of one of the most significant right-wing populist rebellions in United States history,” Chip Berlet, a
veteran analyst of the American radical right, wrote earlier this year. "We see around us a series of overlapping social and political movements populated
by people [who are] angry, resentful, and full of anxiety. They are raging against the machinery of the federal bureaucracy and liberal government
programs and policies including health care, reform of immigration and labor laws, abortion, and gay marriage ." Sixty-one percent of
Americans believe the country is in decline, according to a recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll. Just a quarter think the government can be trusted. And the antitax tea party movement is viewed in much more positive terms than either the Democratic or Republican parties, the poll found. The signs of growing
radicalization are everywhere. Armed men have come to Obama speeches bearing signs suggesting that the "tree of liberty" needs to
be "watered" with "the blood of tyrants." The Conservative Political Action Conference held this February was co-sponsored by groups like the John Birch
Society, which believes President Eisenhower was a Communist agent, and Oath Keepers, a Patriot outfit formed last year that suggests, in thinly veiled language, that
the government has secret plans to declare martial law and intern patriotic Americans in concentration camps. Politicians pandering to the antigovernment right in 37
states have introduced "Tenth Amendment Resolutions," based on the constitutional provision keeping all powers not explicitly given to the federal government with
the states. And, at the "A Well Regulated Militia" website, a recent discussion of how to build "clandestine safe houses" to stay clear of the federal government included
a conversation about how mass murderers like Timothy McVeigh and Olympics bomber Eric Rudolph were supposedly betrayed at such houses. Doing the Numbers
The number of hate groups in America has been going up for years, rising 54% between 2000 and 2008 and driven largely by an angry
backlash against non-white immigration and, starting in the last year of that period, the economic meltdown and the climb to power of
an African American president. According to the latest annual count by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), these groups rose again slightly in 2009 —
from 926 in 2008 to 932 last year — despite the demise of a key neo-Nazi group. The American National Socialist Workers Party, which had 35 chapters in 28 states,
imploded shortly after the October 2008 arrest of founder Bill White for making threats against his enemies. At the same time, the number of what the SPLC designates
as "nativist extremist" groups — organizations that go beyond mere advocacy of restrictive immigration policy to actually confront or harass suspected immigrants —
jumped from 173 groups in 2008 to 309 last year. Virtually all of these vigilante groups have appeared since the spring of 2005. But the most dramatic story by far has
been with the antigovernment Patriots. The militias and the larger Patriot movement first came to Americans’ attention in the mid-1990s, when they appeared as an
angry reaction to what was seen as a tyrannical government bent on crushing all dissent. Sparked most dramatically by the death of 76 Branch Davidians during a 1993
law enforcement siege in Waco, Texas, those who joined the militias also railed against the Democratic Clinton Administration and initiatives like gun control and
environmental regulation. Although the Patriot movement included people formerly associated with racially based hate groups, it was above all animated by a view of
the federal government as the primary enemy, along with a fondness for antigovernment conspiracy theories. By early this decade, the groups had largely disappeared
from public view. But last year, as noted in the SPLC’s August report, "The Second Wave: Return of the Militias," a dramatic resurgence in the Patriot movement and
its paramilitary wing, the militias, began. Now, the latest SPLC count finds that an astonishing 363 new Patriot groups appeared in 2009, with the totals going from 149
groups (including 42 militias) to 512 (127 of them militias) — a 244% jump. That is cause for grave concern. Individuals associated with the Patriot movement during
its 1990s heyday produced an enormous amount of violence, most dramatically the Oklahoma City bombing that left 168 people dead. Already there are signs of
similar violence emanating from the radical right. Since the installation of Barack Obama, right-wing extremists have murdered six
law enforcement officers. Racist skinheads and others have been arrested in alleged plots to assassinate the nation’s first black
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president. One man from Brockton, Mass. — who told police he had learned on white supremacist websites that a genocide was under way against whites — is
charged with murdering two black people and planning to kill as many Jews as possible on the day after Obama’s inauguration. Most recently, a rash of individuals
with antigovernment, survivalist or racist views have been arrested in a series of bomb cases .
No Internal Link—immigration reform wouldn’t cause nativist backlash
Nill 10
[Andrea Nill, “With Immigration Low On List Of Tea Party Priorities, Is Nativism Really On the Rise?”, The Wonk Room, Center for
American Progress Action Fund, 4-6-2010, http://wonkroom.thinkprogress.org/2010/04/06/tea-party-immigration/]
Last week, Ezra Klein pointed out that tea parties haven’t focused very much on immigration and that “nativism has been, to me, the
dog that didn’t bark.” Gabriel Arana responded to Klein’s piece, maintaining his original assertion that “growing nativism among
members of Congress reflects a society-wide trend” that could derail immigration reform efforts. A recently released set of national
surveys by the Winston Group confirms Klein’s first observation. Winston Group found that those who associate with the tea party
movement are primarily motivated by economic and fiscal concerns and that cracking down on immigration ranks low on their
priority list, as it does for most Americans. Noah Kristula-Green of the Frum Forum reports on the findings: If Obama decides to
tackle immigration reform next, some have wondered what the tea party response would be. Interestingly, it may not be an issue for
most rank and file tea party members. When asked whether immigration was an issue that motivated how they voted, tea parties
responded that it was just as low on their priority list as the average population. They also gave “cracking down on immigration” as a
“best” way to create jobs nearly same weight as the average voter—which is to say, not as much weight as tax cuts or developing
energy resources. Implication: Some have argued that if the Democrats move to immigration reform, that the tea party movement will
reveal itself to be driven by anti-immigrant sentiment. The data does not suggest that this should be expected.
Alt cause and turn - recession causes social unrest
GE ‘9
(Quotes the CIA and National Intelligence and Ban Ki-moon, March 5, 2009,
http://www.globalenvision.org/2009/03/05/economic-crisis- fueling-social-unrest)
It’s a lot worse than just about everyone thought. By some estimates, the economic crisis could cost 50 million jobs worldwide. That's
a catastrophic number, and even their potential loss is already fueling some discontent and sounding alarms. Worried about the ripple
effects of widespread unemployment, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency recently added the state of the economy to the agency's list
of top security threats. Retired Admiral Dennis Blair, the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, warned that "economic crises increase
the risk of regime-threatening instability if they persist over a one-to-two-year period." On the international stage, United Nations
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon voiced his concern: "If not handled, today’s financial crisis will become tomorrow’s human crisis.
Social unrest and political instability will grow, exacerbating all other problems."
Turn – plan solves nativism
Preston ‘10
(Julia, B.A. degree in Latin American Studies from Yale University in 1976, won the 1998 Pulitzer Prize, April
15, “Work Force Fueled by Highly Skilled Immigrants”,
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/16/us/16skilled.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1)
“Americans, whether they are rich or poor, are much more in favor of high-skilled immigrants,” said Jens Hainmueller, a political scientist at
M.I.T. and co-author of a survey of attitudes toward immigration with Michael J. Hiscox, professor of government at Harvard. The survey of 1,600 adults, which
examined the reasons for anti-immigration sentiment in the United States, was published in February in American Political Science Review, a peer-reviewed journal.
Americans are inclined to welcome upper-tier immigrants — like Ms. Kollman-Moore — believing they contribute to economic growth
without burdening public services, the study found . More than 60 percent of Americans are opposed to allowing more low-skilled
foreign laborers, regarding them as more likely to be a drag on the economy. Those kinds of views, in turn, have informed recent
efforts by Congress to remake the immigration system. A measure unveiled last month by Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, and
Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York, aims to reshape the legal system to give priority to high-skilled, high-earning immigrants,
offering narrower channels for low-wage workers. (A bill in 2007 by the Bush administration tilted even more sharply toward upper-tier immigrants; it failed in
Congress.) Yet while visa bottlenecks persist for high-skilled immigrants, on the whole, the census data show, the current system has brought a range of foreign workers
across skill and income levels. The analysis suggests, moreover, that the immigrants played a central role in the cycle of the economic growth of cities over the last two
decades. Cities with thriving immigrant populations — with high-earning and lower-wage workers — tended to be those that prospered the most. “Economic growth in
urban areas has been clearly connected with an increase in immigrants’ share of the local labor force,” Mr. Kallick said. Surprisingly, the analysis showed, the growing
cities were not the ones, like St. Louis, that drew primarily high-earning foreigners. In fact, the St. Louis area had one of the slowest growing economies. Rather, the
fastest economic growth between 1990 and 2008 was in cities like Atlanta, Denver and Phoenix that received large influxes of immigrants with a mix of occupations —
including many in lower-paid service and blue-collar jobs. In metropolitan Denver, where the economy doubled between 1990 and 2008, 63 percent of immigrants
worked in jobs on the lower end of the pay scale. Denver “did a great job of attracting people from other places in the world,” said Rich Jones, director of policy and
research at the Bell Policy Center, a nonpartisan group in that city that focuses on the impact of economic and fiscal policies in Colorado. “They are coming with a
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variety of skills,” Mr. Jones said. “They created demand for goods, services and housing that began a dynamic.” The figures on jobs and earnings of immigrants in
American cities are based on an analysis by the Fiscal Policy Institute of census data for the 25 largest metropolitan areas from 1990 to 2008. The data from 2008 are
the most current in-depth census statistics on immigrants’ places of residence and earnings; they also include the first year of the severe recession. The analysis includes
legal and illegal immigrants and naturalized citizens. St. Louis is a good vantage point to observe the census analysis play out on the ground — both in the past and,
possibly, the future. Here, a pattern of stalled growth and low immigration prevailed for decades. But more recently a new pattern is emerging: even in the recession,
some corners of the metropolitan area are sputtering to life, and new immigrants with a mix of skills are playing a conspicuous part. “If you look at what feeds the core
of many American cities, it’s the arrival of the immigrant groups,” said Anna Crosslin, president of the International Institute of St. Louis, a refugee resettlement and
immigrant aid agency here. “Then one generation moves out, and they’re replaced by another generation. We didn’t have that here in St. Louis.” In its heyday as a
commerce hub in the 1950s, St. Louis was one of the nation’s premier cities. Since then, business has stagnated, the population of the city proper declined by more than
half, and immigration to the area has been slow. Today, in the St. Louis metropolitan area, only 111,000 residents are foreign-born, out of 2.3 million total, according to
the census data. Many immigrants who were drawn here were doctors, researchers and business executives, attracted by the city’s corporate headquarters, universities
and medical centers. Ms. Kollman-Moore, 60, came to St. Louis in the 1970s and rose through the ranks at Mallinckrodt, a medical supply company, to become
president of the Latin American division, a $100 million business. She retired when the company was sold in 2000 and is now a consultant and business school
professor. She planted a grove of tropical shade trees in the center of the living room in her home on a posh suburban cul-de-sac, a literal reminder of her roots. “I made
a wonderful career out of understanding the cultures of Latin America and the culture of the United States and how to do business in both,” said Ms. Kollman-Moore, a
naturalized American. During the 1990s, a wider variety of foreigners began to settle in the metropolitan area. Bosnians fleeing the Balkan wars have now made this
city their largest community in the United States. Sukrija Dzidzovic, 52, publisher of the Bosnian weekly newspaper SabaH, moved the paper here from New York in
2006 to be closer to the core of his readers. Bosnians run the gamut, from truckers and bakery workers to lawyers and engineers. Many Bosnians hit the ground running
here because they came from Europe with savings they had stashed away, Mr. Dzidzovic said. At one time, Bosnians opened so many businesses on blighted streets that
hostile rumors spread that they were receiving secret subsidies from the federal government. Now, appreciative city officials make a point of attending Bosnian
celebrations, Mr. Dzidzovic said. Immigrants from China have also prospered here as entrepreneurs, creating jobs for other immigrants. Sandy Tsai, 59,
said she and her husband chose St. Louis to start a business because they noticed it was in the middle of the country. Now their company, Baily, makes egg rolls,
noodles and fortune cookies in three local factories that distribute to thousands of Chinese restaurants nationwide. Ms. Tsai said her employees ranged from egg-roll
makers earning $8 an hour to laboratory researchers with advanced degrees in food science. “It’s a good group, a good combination,” Ms. Tsai said. But despite the
long hard times in St. Louis, low-wage workers have not always been easy to find, she said, and her business expansion was slowed because of it. Now, those workers
have started to arrive in larger numbers. Raúl Rico, 31, said he came here 14 years ago from the Mexican state of Querétaro, the first in his family to settle in St. Louis.
Today, between parents, siblings, cousins and their offspring, his local clan numbers 56. “Every year our community is growing with all kinds of people, more workers
are coming, more people are coming to invest in businesses and open stores,” said Mr. Rico, a carpenter. Ms. Crosslin, of the International Institute of St. Louis, said the
emerging pattern was changing the face, and possibly the fortunes, of the city. “We have turned the corner slightly,” she said. “And one of the factors is
the newcomers who are starting to arrive again.”
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At – flood of immigrants da
No spillover, and the aff would only be to a very limited number of people
Haynes, Assistant Professor of Law at New England Law, 08 (Dina Francesca, ARTICLE: (NOT) FOUND CHAINED TO A BED
IN A BROTHEL: CONCEPTUAL, LEGAL, AND PROCEDURAL FAILURES TO FULFILL THE PROMISE OF THE TRAFFICKING VICTIMS PROTECTION
ACT,” Georgetown Immigration Law Journal, Spring 2007, Lexis, mrw)
Much of the lack of implementation and the distortion of the TVPA could be ascribed to the unspoken but palpably omnipresent fear of
opening the floodgates to the expected hoards of migrants. After all, as one journalist queried, "if the law allows a victim to
become a citizen, won't everyone try to become a victim?" The answer is no, they are very unlikely to do so. Not only will few
to no people willingly put themselves into the trafficking flow or present themselves to be violated in hopes of securing
immigration status somewhere down the road, but even if that was their goal, it is exceptionally unlikely that they would be
successful. After all, more than five years after the TVPA had entered into force in the United States, fewer than 491 T-visas have been granted in
total while 17,500 to 50,000 new victims of trafficking enter the United States each year. Congress already had a fear of floodgates in mind when they capped the
number of T-visas that could be granted each year at 5,000. n94 From the statistics issued for 2005, it appears that less than 600 applications were even
received. n95 To honor the intent of Congress and the Executive Branch, we should be asking how to reach more potential victims in order to secure their protection,
health and safety, and to let them know that the T-visa option even exists, rather than operate from concern about floodgates opening
Plan is only a drop in the bucket – and its implemented by the Dept of Health and Human Services,
meaning no link
Sadruddin, Walter, Hidalgo 5 – (Hussein Sadruddin, Natalia Walter, Jose Hidalgo, “SYMPOSIUM: GLOBALIZATION,
SECURITY & HUMAN RIGHTS: IMMIGRTATION IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE
UNITED STATES: EXPANDING VICTIM PROTECTION BEYOND PROSECUTION WITNESSES”, 16 Stan. L. & Pol'y Rev
379, Lexis Law, Stanford Law & Policy Review)
In the same fiscal year, the Department of Justice reported that it had 153 ongoing human trafficking investigations, had filed 12
human trafficking cases under the TVPA, charged 31 defendants under the criminal provisions of the TVPA, and secured 26
convictions for human trafficking. n77 Furthermore, 151 trafficking victims were provided certification and benefit eligibility letters
by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) in fiscal year 2003. n78 As of March 2005, HHS reported a total of 651
letters of certification issued to human trafficking victims.
The environment is resilient- it has withstood ridiculous amounts of destruction
Easterbrook 95, Distinguished Fellow, Fullbright Foundation
(Gregg, A Moment on Earth pg 25)
IN THE AFTERMATH OF EVENTS SUCH AS LOVE CANAL OR THE Exxon Valdez oil spill, every reference to the environment
is prefaced with the adjective "fragile." "Fragile environment" has become a welded phrase of the modern lexicon, like "aging hippie" or "fugitive financier." But the notion of a
fragile environment is profoundly wrong. Individual animals, plants, and people are distressingly fragile. The environment that contains them is close to indestructible.
The living environment of Earth has survived ice ages; bombardments of cosmic radiation more deadly than atomic fallout; solar
radiation more powerful than the worst-case projection for ozone depletion; thousand-year periods of intense volcanism releasing
global air pollution far worse than that made by any factory; reversals of the planet's magnetic poles; the rearrangement of continents;
transformation of plains into mountain ranges and of seas into plains; fluctuations of ocean currents and the jet stream; 300-foot
vacillations in sea levels; shortening and lengthening of the seasons caused by shifts in the planetary axis; collisions of asteroids and
comets bearing far more force than man's nuclear arsenals; and the years without summer that followed these impacts. Yet hearts
beat on, and petals unfold still. Were the environment
fragile it would have expired many eons before the advent of the industrial affronts of the dreaming ape. Human assaults on the environment,
though mischievous, are pinpricks compared to forces of the magnitude nature is accustomed to resisting.
Fast Track 2007
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