Self- and Collective Interests in Public Organizations: An Empirical Investigation Peter J. Robertson Associate Professor School of Policy, Planning, and Development University of Southern California Supamas Trivisvavet Bangkok Metro Company Feng Wang Doctoral Candidate School of Policy, Planning, and Development University of Southern California Presented at the Public Management Research Conference September, 2005 Self- and Collective Interests in Public Organizations: An Empirical Investigation Abstract Organization and management scholars have long been interested in the question of how to get individual employees to contribute high levels of effort and performance to their organization’s collective interests. In addressing this issue, a primary assumption held by many scholars is that self-interests and collective interests are in conflict, such that appropriate control and incentive mechanisms must be utilized to insure that employees act in the organization’s interest. In contrast, other scholars have assumed that there is no inherent conflict between individual and collective interests, such that employees are readily inclined to contribute to the organization’s well-being. These two theoretical orientations – labeled here the rational-economic and humanistic views – thus constitute well-established yet contradictory perspectives regarding the nature of and relationship between self- and collective interests. The goal of this study is to empirically investigate the nature of the relationship between self- and collective interests as perceived by employees themselves. Analysis of data collected from a sample of graduate students in public service-oriented programs at a major university reveals a complex and somewhat paradoxical picture of the nature of the conflicts of interest they experience at work. Findings reveal that, in most cases, the self-interests identified by respondents do not necessarily run counter to the organization’s overall interests, in that they reflect a desire to make a useful contribution to the performance of their organization. These findings suggest that the assumption of an inherent conflict between self- and collective interests is not always valid, particularly in a public sector context, and that organizational designs and managerial strategies should take into account the fact that many employees want to contribute more to their organization than they are given the opportunity to do. 2 Self- and Collective Interests in Public Organizations: An Empirical Investigation A fundamental concern in the study of organizational behavior is the question of how best to get individual employees to contribute high levels of effort and performance to their organization’s collective interests. In pursuit of this knowledge, various theoretical perspectives have been brought to bear on questions pertaining to the relationship between self- and collective interests and how best to use incentives and control mechanisms to achieve greater alignment between the two. On one hand, the practice and study of organizations has long reflected the dominant assumption that individuals as well as organizations are rational actors pursuing their own self-interests in an essentially competitive context in which multiple parties are striving for limited resources. As a result, many organization and management scholars and practitioners have readily assumed that self- and collective interests are inherently at odds (Cyert & March, 1963; Eisenhardt, 1989; Williamson, 1988), and thus have focused on the incentives that would help align individual action with collective interests and the controls that would help constrain or prevent individuals from acting in ways that are counter-productive for the organization. The use of employment contracts, compensation systems, performance appraisals and monitoring mechanisms in organizations reflect their desire to mitigate the pursuit of self-interest by individual employees. In contrast, other scholars have argued that this belief – that self- and collective interests are in conflict – is too readily assumed but not necessarily an adequate reflection of human nature. This perspective holds that individual interests oftentimes are compatible with organizational interests, or that the two sets of interests are not necessarily mutually exclusive. For example, it has been noted that employees can pursue their self-interests by accomplishing 3 organizational missions and values (Perry & Wise, 1990), and they can derive satisfaction through work that enables them to fulfill their higher-order needs (Herzberg, 1968). In other words, the intrinsic interests of individuals may naturally lead them to act in ways that are beneficial to the organization. According to this view, external incentives and controls derived from rational-economic assumptions about human nature can actually discourage the potential collective orientation of employees (Donaldson, 1995; Ostrom, 2000; Perrow, 1986). Greater autonomy, discretion, and involvement in decision-making are typically advocated as means through which to tap into employees’ desire to perform well and contribute to organizational performance. These alternative theoretical perspectives thus make very different assumptions about human nature and the relationship between self- and collective interests in organizations. While these contrasting assumptions have typically been used, explicitly or implicitly, as the starting point for research into organizational phenomena, empirical investigation of the actual relationship between self- and collective interests in organizational settings remains quite limited. Given the alternative perspectives regarding this issue, we believe that more research on this topic is warranted. Thus, the study presented below explores the nature of self- and collective interests as perceived by individuals, focusing in particular on the nature of the conflicts of interest, or incompatibility between self- and collective interests, identified by individuals in reference to their own work experiences. Our data, collected from masters-level students in public service-oriented programs at a major university, enable us to discern different categories of conflicts of interest identified by the respondents in our sample and thus to evaluate the nature of the relationship between self- and collective interests reflected in these various types of conflict. The results enable us to address our primary research question: How do 4 people perceive the relationship between their own self-interests and the interests of the organization for which they work? In the remainder of the paper, we first provide an overview of the two main theoretical perspectives pertaining to the relationship between self- and collective interests in organizations. Next, we describe the research methods utilized to collect and analyze the data, followed by an overview of the results of this analysis. The paper concludes with a discussion of some implications of these results. Theoretical Perspectives In this section, we review the two major theoretical perspectives relevant to our research focus, which we label the rational-economic and the humanistic views. Under the rationaleconomic view, we discuss bureaucratic-hierarchical organizational theory and neo-institutional economic theory. Under the humanistic view, we address communitarian theory and collaboration theory. These theoretical orientations can be seen as reflecting an historical shift in basic assumptions regarding human nature and behavior, away from a belief in the most narrowly-defined rational, self-interested individuals toward greater recognition of the willingness and ability of individuals to act in more collaborative, other-oriented ways. The Rational-Economic View The underlying assumption of the rational-economic perspective is that individuals are atomistic agents who rationally pursue those courses of action that maximize their own selfinterests and are primarily motivated by economic considerations. This view was described by McGregor (1960) in terms of a set of “Theory X” assumptions regarding human nature, which include the premises that employees are by nature lazy and dislike work, they are reluctant to contribute to organizational objectives, they work only for money and security, and thus they 5 need to be directed and controlled by the organization’s management. Given these assumptions, the objective of organizations is to control individual behavior to be consistent with organizational interests and goals – i.e., efficiency, productivity, and stability – by rationalizing and economizing organizational structures and processes. Tasks are designed according to the classical economic principles of division of labor and efficiency maximization (Taylor, 1911; Fayol, 1949; Gulick & Urwick, 1937). Control is achieved primarily through authority systems, written rules and regulations, and coercion and punishment, along with the use of incentives such as compensation and career advancement. In short, organizational design, administrative arrangements, and management approaches adhere to the bureaucratic-hierarchical form (Weber, 1947). More recently, neo-institutional or organizational economics has emerged as a popular theoretical perspective that applies rational-economic assumptions to organizational analysis (Alchian & Demsetz, 1972; Coleman, 1990; Fama, 1980; Williamson, 1975). Neo-institutional economics relaxes the narrow assumptions of economic rationality by incorporating ideas from the Carnegie school of behavioral decision-making (March & Simon, 1958) that emphasizes the assumption of bounded rationality. Neo-institutional economic scholars argue that this extension or modification of the rational-economic perspective is a departure from its much-criticized simplistic and negative view of human nature. Nevertheless, the underlying assumption remains that individuals are intendedly rational, primarily self-interested, and readily opportunistic. Thus, it is believed that individuals are likely to shirk, withhold effort, or act with guile in order to pursue their own interests (Kidwell & Bennett, 1993; Williamson, 1994), and the divergence of self and collective interests remains a key problem (Robertson & Tang, 1995). In other 6 words, self-interests are seen to be in conflict with collective interests, and self-interests precede collective interests as the determinants of individuals’ decisions and actions. These premises are reflected in such neo-institutional approaches as agency theory, public choice theory, and collective action theory. Agency theory emphasizes the relationship between principals (e.g., managers) and agents (e.g., employees) and posits that: a) the principal cannot perfectly and costlessly acquire information about the agent’s skills and behaviors; b) the principal cannot perfectly and costlessly monitor the agent; and c) the interests of the principal and agent differ and the agent will not honor their covenant unless controlled by the principal (Barney & Hesterly, 1996; Eisenhardt, 1989; Williamson, 1994). Likewise, in public choice and collective action theory (Downs, 1967; Olson, 1965), self- and collective interests are seen as usually being in conflict and individual employees are not expected to contribute to the collective good. Scholars adhering to these theories argue that individual contributions to the collective interest have characteristics of a public good – the collective outcome or accomplishment of shared objectives is non-rivalrous and non-excludable, such that rational self-interested individuals are more likely to free-ride than to contribute (Stevens, 1993). Based on the assumption of rational agents whose self-interests are in conflict with those of principals and organizations, agency theorists argue for the need to adopt incentive, monitoring, and control mechanisms that align the interests of principals and agents and/or prevent agents from pursuing their self-interests at the expense of the principal or the organization. Following the same logic, scholars attempting to solve collective action problems advocate the use of various mechanisms that encourage individuals to contribute to collective interests by forsaking the pursuit of their self-interests, making individual contributions (or the lack thereof) more distinguishable and thus subject to appropriate incentive or sanction 7 mechanisms (Wilson, 1995). While these neo-institutional scholars often propose external incentive and control mechanisms to mitigate agency, public choice, and collective action problems, some also advocate the use of credible commitment, trust, and norms of reciprocity to complement the external mechanisms (Miller, 2000; Ostrom, 2000; Robertson & Tang, 1995). Despite the significant influence of the rational-economic perspective on both the theory and practice of organizations, it has also been subject to considerable criticism over the years. For example, the bureaucratic-hierarchical model of organization has long been criticized for being dysfunctional and pathological (Crozier, 1964; Merton, 1940) and for inhibiting human growth and development (Argyris, 1957). In particular, the structures and processes associated with a command-and-control approach to management have been identified as contributing to a lack of organizational flexibility, responsiveness, and adaptability and reducing employee satisfaction, morale, and creativity. Furthermore, the primary emphasis on monetary incentives and external control mechanisms resulting from this perspective is seen as reinforcing egocentric behavior and lowering the prospects for more collaborative behavior that advances the organization’s interests (Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999; Fehr & Rockenbach, 2003; Ostrom, 1999). In short, it is suggested that management practices driven by this pessimistic view of human nature may actually generate and/or justify the negative behaviors anticipated by the theory (Donaldson, 1995; Perrow, 1986), thus creating a self-fulfilling prophecy that can undermine organizational effectiveness. The Humanistic View Challenging the core premises of the rational-economic perspective, the humanistic view reflects a broader orientation regarding human nature and the motivations underlying human behavior. For example, in contrast to the “Theory X” assumptions noted above, McGregor 8 (1960) articulated a set of “Theory Y” beliefs that capture the essence of the humanistic perspective. These include the notion that individuals are not by nature self-centered and lazy, but rather are willing to work hard, assume responsibility, and be self-directed. Such assumptions served as the foundation for considerable effort by those affiliated with the Organization Development movement to bring about changes in bureaucratic-hierarchical organizations to make them more compatible with this humanistic perspective (Burke, 1982; French & Bell, 1973). Generally speaking, the goal of these efforts has been to create organizations that provide greater opportunity for employees to pursue their higher-order needs for self-esteem and self-actualization (Maslow, 1943), rather than focusing primarily on their lower-order survival and security needs. Compatible with this humanistic perspective, communitarian theory (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler & Tipton, 1985; Etzioni, 1996) argues that the concept of individuals as atomistic, egocentric, rational agents pursing only their self-interests is a product of an inadequate paradigm and does not really reflect the true nature of human beings (Sen, 1977), not even in their economic transactions (Collard, 1978). Communitarians claim instead that individuals are both rational and social agents at the same time, pursuing both self-interests and moral values. They posit that people want to be part of and identify with a group, organization, or community – something larger than themselves (Bellah et al., 1985; Sen, 1999) – and they want to contribute to the collective good. For example, the human ability to have sympathy for others and to demonstrate commitment to other-oriented values and principles is a clear departure from the self-interested focus posited by the rational-economic view (Farina, Hahn & Vannucci, 1996; Sen, 1977). 9 When individual self-interests are in conflict with social-moral values and commitments, communitarian theory suggests that the latter usually supersede the former as the basis for individual decision-making (Etzioni, 1988; Selznick, 1992). In other words, while recognizing the role of both social and economic factors as determinants of human behavior, communitarians emphasize the overriding role of the former, i.e., the collectivity before the atomistic self. Furthermore, to encourage social and moral behavior among individuals, communitarian scholars generally advocate participation, involvement, and engagement in collective, civic, and social activities and processes. This is based on the premise that greater alignment between self- and collective interests can be readily fostered through the use of a combination of economic incentives and intrinsic motivational factors. A natural result of such a strategy can be an internalized, rather than incentivized or induced, moral commitment towards the collective good. The humanistic view is also reflected in a variety of theoretical orientations, analytical frameworks, and practical strategies that can be subsumed under the rubric of collaboration theory (Robertson, 1999; Wood & Gray, 1991). Generally speaking, collaboration theorists believe that individuals are inherently collaborative and/or have considerable social-moral potential to pursue collective interests. While not denying the existence of self-interested behavior, this perspective also suggests that, due to the self-fulfilling prophecy noted above, some of this behavior is actually the consequence of the various approaches and mechanisms used by bureaucratic hierarchies to prevent dysfunctional pursuit of self-interest by employees. Furthermore, it is commonly argued that the old model of organizing based on the rationaleconomic perspective is no longer functional in the dynamic, networked systems of an information-based society (Cleveland, 1985; Drucker, 1988; Peters, 1988). It is thus posited that new organizational structures, management approaches, and incentive mechanisms more 10 consistent with collaborative assumptions could have a number of positive benefits, for example, enhancing motivation and willingness to perform (Lawler, 1986), increasing the level of organizational citizenship behavior (Organ, 1988), improving the quality of team-based work (Cohen, 1993; Hackman & Walton, 1986), facilitating high levels of morale and creativity (Haskins, Liedtka, & Rosenblum, 1998), supporting the use of win-win approaches to problem resolution (Fisher & Ury, 1981; Levine, 1998), and allowing for greater systemic coordination (Hammer & Champy, 1993). Another premise of collaboration theory is that there is no inherent conflict between the self-interests of individuals and the collective interests of organizations, since the well-being of any system is interdependent with the well-being of its component parts (Harder, Robertson, & Woodward, 2004). For example, research on organizational culture has popularized the notion that organizational effectiveness can be enhanced when employees are bound together by shared beliefs, values, and practices (Deal & Kennedy, 1982; Denison & Mishra, 1995), since they are then naturally inclined to protect and advance their collective interests. Likewise, considerable evidence suggests that organizations that better meet the needs and expectations of their members perform more effectively (Pfeffer, 1998). To establish this pattern of mutual benefit, the role of managers and leaders is to articulate a collective vision and reinforce shared values that intrinsically motivate employees and facilitate the development of their collaborative capacity (Collins & Porras, 1994; Schein, 1985). In other words, instead of using traditional principal-agent management strategies that rely on hierarchical authority to direct and control employees, collaboration-oriented scholars advocate a stewardship approach to management (Block, 1993; Davis, Schoorman, & Donaldson, 1997) that focuses on meeting the needs of 11 various stakeholders while serving the interests of the organization as a whole (Dicke, 2002; Gibson, 2000). Like communitarianism, collaboration theory promotes the humanistic notion that organizations can benefit from design features and managerial practices that are oriented towards sharing power with employees by increasing levels of co-leadership, self-management, empowerment, autonomy, and participation (Bennis, 2000; Collins, 1997; Hock, 1999; Purser & Cabana, 1998; Quinn & Spreitzer, 1997). Yet these recommendations are not without criticism from those who are skeptical about the viability of relying on employees’ goodwill and/or creating a culture in which shared interests take priority over the conflicting interests that inevitably arise under conditions of scarce resources. Critics argue that the premise that individuals are moral in nature, able to trust and be trusted, and willing to collaborate and contribute to organizational goals is overly optimistic and under-estimates the pervasiveness of self-interest, the significance of existing power relations, and the risks of establishing reciprocal relationships (Albanese, Dacin, & Harris, 1997). Research Focus As indicated by the above discussion, these two key theoretical perspectives constitute well-established yet contradictory explanations regarding the nature of and relationship between self- and collective interests, with contrasting implications for the design and management of organizations. The rational-economic view tends to see these interests as being in conflict, with employees naturally inclined to pursue their own self-interests at the expense of the organization, whereas the humanistic view tends to believe that self- and collective interests are not necessarily at odds, with employees readily willing to act in ways that benefit the organization. In other words, the former perspective primarily reflects a “zero-sum” orientation regarding the 12 relationship between self- and collective interests, while the latter approach is more open to the possibility of a “positive-sum” relationship. Assuming that each perspective has some validity, one conclusion is that the nature of the relationship between self- and collective interests is rather complex, with their compatibility or incompatibility likely to be a function of the particular interests, people, and organizations involved. Given this conclusion, a number of interesting questions can be posed: How do people perceive the relationship between self- and collective interests in an organizational context? Do they tend to perceive more conflict or more alignment between their own personal interests and those of the organizations they work for? What are the kinds of conflicts of interest that are most salient to them? Despite the fact that the two alternative theoretical perspectives reviewed above have each provided the foundation for a considerable body of organizational research, there has not been much empirical research directly addressing these kinds of issues. In other words, many scholars have based their research on one or the other of these two perspectives without explicitly investigating their underlying assumptions regarding the nature of the relationship between self- and collective interests. In light of this tendency, the goal of this study is to empirically investigate the question of how employees characterize the nature of the conflicts they experience between their own self-interests and the collective interests of their organizations. By adopting an exploratory approach using an open-ended questionnaire, our intent is to explore this issue without imposing a priori either of the two theoretical perspectives. Methods Sample and Data Collection The sample was comprised of graduate students in public administration, public policy, and health administration enrolled in an organizational behavior course at a large western 13 university, most of whom were also working either as part-time or full-time employees. Data were collected from a total of 182 respondents over an eight-year period, from 1994 to 2002. For analytical purposes (as described below), the full sample was divided into two subsets. The first includes the 69 respondents from whom data, but not demographic information, were collected between 1994 and 1996. The second includes the 113 respondents from whom data were collected between 1997 and 2002. According to the demographic information they provided, the mean age of this sub-sample was 27 years, and 58 percent of them were women. About 60 percent of the respondents were working full-time, while only 30 percent of them had work experience in a managerial position. Respondents had been working in their organization, either full-time or part-time, for an average of 32 months. Data were collected through the use of a short questionnaire comprised of five openended questions that asked respondents to describe particular experiences at work and certain attitudes towards their organization. Prior to completing the questionnaire, the respondents were informed that the information they provided was to be used for a research project, that their participation was completely voluntary (i.e., they could elect not to fill out the questionnaire), and that their responses would remain entirely anonymous. The analysis for this study focuses on the responses to only one of the five questions. In order to explore how individuals characterize the conflicts they experience between their own self-interests and the interests of their organization, respondents were asked to “briefly describe two or three types of situations that are common or typical in your work experience, in which you perceive some degree of incompatibility between your own ‘self-interest’ (i.e., your own needs, interests, values, etc.) and the ‘collective interests’ of the organization you work for (i.e., organizational needs, interests, values, etc.).” Their responses served as the data set regarding the types of conflicts between 14 self- and collective interests experienced by the individuals in this sample. Since most respondents provided more than one answer, there was a total of 331 responses that were each coded separately. Data Coding and Analysis The data collected between 1994 and 1996 were used to create a coding scheme with which to code the responses and to establish adequate inter-rater reliability between the two researchers doing the coding. After creating an initial set of coding categories based on a preliminary overview of the responses, the two coders independently coded the 129 responses from these 69 respondents in four stages. First, ten questionnaires were coded to ascertain whether the set of coding categories needed to be clarified or modified. After making some changes and developing a better shared understanding of the categories, approximately half of the questionnaires (including the initial ten) were coded, with an inter-rater reliability of 81.5%. After meeting with the senior author to discuss the coding conflicts and to further clarify the remaining ambiguity, the two coders coded the remaining responses from the 1994-1996 data, but this time with a reduced inter-rater reliability of 70.3%. After another discussion of the coding conflicts intended to reduce these differences by fine-tuning the coding categories, all the responses from the 1994-1996 data were coded again, this time resulting in a solid inter-rater reliability of 90.6%. This process generated a set of seven categories reflecting different types of conflicts between self-interests and collective interests as perceived by these respondents. These seven categories focus on: 1) the amount of time devoted to work activities; 2) preferred organizational missions, goals, and values; 3) job descriptions and task priorities; 4) opportunities for personal growth or advancement; 5) the nature of the work environment; 6) the level of employee input 15 and autonomy concerning work-related activities; and 7) the level of compensation and recognition. Using this final set of coding categories, the two coders then coded all the responses from the entire sample, achieving an overall inter-rater reliability of 87.8%. All coding conflicts were resolved through a discussion among all three researchers. Fifteen responses did not fit into any of the seven categories or did not seem to reflect any incompatibility between individual and organizational interests. These responses were omitted from the analysis. Each of the seven types of conflict identified through the coding process included two or more conflict themes that, while similar enough to be grouped into the same category, also demonstrated subtle differences. The analysis entailed an assessment of the nature of these issues in terms of the extent to which the self-interests and the organizational interests specified or implied by the responses are indeed in conflict with each other. In particular, an attempt was made to ascertain whether the two sets of interests reflect a zero-sum relationship, as suggested by the rational-economic perspective, or whether the conflicts of interest can be understood as a positive-sum situation, more compatible with the humanistic perspective. The results of this analysis are presented next. Results The frequency distribution of responses for the seven types of individual-organizational conflict is summarized in Table 1. These categories and the themes in each category are described below, with representative responses for each theme provided in the Appendix. Table 1 Frequency Distribution of Responses across Conflict of Interest Categories Types of Conflicts Time Frequency Percentage 75 23.7 Organizational Job description Personal mission and task growth and and values priorities advancement 63 19.9 46 14.6 40 12.7 16 Work environment Individual input and autonomy Compensation and recognition 35 11.1 33 10.4 24 7.6 Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Time. The most frequent type of incompatibility between self- and organizational interests noted by these respondents (23.7% of the responses) are conflicts regarding the amount of time devoted to the organization. These time conflicts can be categorized into three themes: a. work time vs. personal or leisure time – most of the responses indicated that individuals desire to put less time into their work and more time into other activities, or they would prefer more flexibility regarding when they work or how they allocate their time between work and non-work activities; b. work time vs. family time – family responsibilities were mentioned several times, with respondents indicating that an excessive amount of time devoted to work was incompatible with their desire to spend more time with their families or in other social activities; c. work time vs. study-related time – many responses indicated that the amount of time allocated to work was incompatible with individuals’ desire to pursue personal development activities such as education or career training, which is not surprising since most of the respondents were trying to balance their jobs with their graduate education. This type of conflict reflects employees’ perceptions that their organizations want them to work more and/or to put work first and comply with organizational rules regarding work time and scheduling. However, employees also have other priorities (leisure, family, and school) to which they want to allocate time. Since time is a limited resource, this category of conflict constitutes a zero-sum situation. However, it should be noted that these time conflicts do not suggest that employees simply desire to minimize their time at work. In fact, many of the respondents identified this as a conflict when their organizations expect or demand extra work 17 time (after hours or weekends), which interferes with what is supposed to be their well-deserved personal time. Thus, their self-interest in this context does not seem to be a desire to shirk or withhold effort, but rather to maintain what they see as a fair balance between work and nonwork activities while fulfilling their basic obligations to their organization. Organizational mission and values. Incompatibilities regarding the preferred organizational mission or values are the second most frequently reported type of conflict (19.9% of the responses). Most of the responses in this category reflect differences of opinion regarding what the organization should stand for, or what strategies and practices should be adopted to improve organizational performance. The responses reflect two main themes: a. conflicts regarding primary organizational missions, objectives, and/or strategies – such conflicts arise because employees perceive that the stated mission or goals of the organization are not reflected in its priorities as expressed through its actions; b. conflicts regarding underlying ideologies and values – these responses suggested a lack of congruence between the respondents’ personal beliefs and moral or ethical practices in the organization, such as the perceived organizational interest in maintaining its tradition, culture, and power structure even though employees might not deem them ethical or moral. The conflicts in this category clearly do not originate from a purely selfish logic on the part of employees. Instead, these conflicts arise when people perceive that their organizations are not upholding socially and/or morally desirable missions, goals, strategies, or values. In essence, the responses in this category suggest that employees want their organizations to maintain their integrity by using appropriate means to achieve desirable ends – in short, they want their organizations to be good. Such conflicts thus do not appear to be zero-sum in nature, 18 and can reasonably be viewed as positive-sum situations in that the individuals’ self-interests are compatible with what they see as the collective interests of the organization. Furthermore, it is possible that organizations could benefit from increased employee satisfaction, motivation, and commitment if their actions were more congruent with the missions and values desired by their employees. While organizational actions may well be driven by a set of interests that are not compatible with those of their employees, the responses in this category do not indicate that employees are unconcerned about their organization’s well-being. Job description and task priorities. Conflicts regarding job descriptions and task priorities comprise the third most frequently reported category (14.6% of the responses). Most of these issues reflect differences of opinion between the individual and the organization regarding which tasks are most important, who should perform a particular task, and/or the best way to accomplish tasks. This category can also be grouped into two main themes: a. conflicts about the type and scope of work – these arise when employees are not clear about or satisfied with the job or tasks they are required to perform; b. conflicts about how to do and prioritize work – respondents indicated that their ideas regarding the best way to perform their jobs or accomplish particular tasks were sometimes incompatible with the information or requirements specified by the organization. Similar to the previous category of conflicts, the issues raised concerning job and task requirements do not reflect a desire on the part of employees to do less work or to simply avoid doing what the organization needs or wants them to do. Rather, these conflicts tend to reflect their dissatisfaction with having to do what they perceive as menial tasks instead of being able to make a more significant contribution to the organization, or their frustration with ill-defined job 19 descriptions that leave them confused about what they should be focusing on. In other words, some of the incompatibilities between self- and collective interests identified by these employees reflect their desire to add more value to the organization than they are given the opportunity to do. The organization may, of course, have good reasons for maintaining constraints and/or ambiguity regarding the tasks employees are expected or required to perform. But it is worth noting, then, that the conflict of interest here is between employees who want to do more and organizations that act to limit them. To the extent that meeting employees’ needs for greater clarity or responsibility could serve to increase their effectiveness, the potential exists for a winwin resolution to this conflict. Personal growth and advancement. Ranking fourth in frequency (12.7% of the responses), this category includes employees’ concerns regarding insufficient opportunities for personal development or advancement in their organizations. While their self-interests reflect a desire to learn new skills, take on new challenges, or advance to higher positions, they perceived their organizations as unwilling or unable to facilitate this process or provide the necessary experiences. This type of conflict can be divided into two main themes: a. incompatibilities regarding opportunities to develop new skills and/or to take on new challenges at work – these conflicts arise when the organization is perceived as not willing or able to facilitate the training and education of employees; b. incompatibilities regarding opportunities for promotion and career advancement – employees experience these conflicts when they think they deserve to be promoted but they are instead expected to remain in their current position. On one hand, the conflicts in this category might be characterized as zero-sum in that the resources available for training and development and the number of higher-level positions in the 20 organization are invariably limited, with more claims on them than typically can be accommodated. Furthermore, organizations may believe it is not in their interest to invest in the education of their employees only to have them leave after they have acquired new and improved skills. Thus, some of the respondents perceived that their organization hired them only to do their current job, not to prepare them better for their future career. On the other hand, the conflicts in this category once again reflect the fact that some employees want to take on more responsibility and make a more significant contribution to their organization, with these selfinterests undermined by organizational structures and cultures that prevent this from happening. In this sense, there is a positive-sum quality to these conflicts as well, in that meeting employees’ needs for greater growth and advancement might also have positive effects for the organization. Work environment. Conflicts of interest regarding the nature of the work environment are the fifth category (11.1% of the responses), reflecting employees’ dissatisfaction with particular working conditions and/or discomfort with relational aspects of their work contexts. The responses in this category can be grouped into two main themes: a. issues involving relationships with people in the work place such as co-workers, supervisors, or clients – this theme reflects respondents’ frustration from having to interact with unpleasant people or deal with challenging interpersonal relationships at work; b. issues concerning the organizational structure or culture – these reflect negative reactions by employees to norms or conditions they perceive as not conducive to personal or organizational effectiveness. Both of these themes reflect situations in which the employees dislike some feature of the work setting but are expected to tolerate it because, presumably, the organization is unwilling or 21 unable to change the undesirable conditions. In other words, while the social context in which people work impacts their feelings and attitudes, organizations may be inclined to treat these features as givens and thus not allocate the time, attention, and/or resources needed to bring about meaningful improvements. Individuals then experience a conflict of interest when they perceive their organization as indifferent to their desire for a positive work environment. From this perspective, such conflicts may appear to be zero-sum in nature, in that the organizational costs associated with trying to change the work environment may easily outweigh the benefits to be gained by individuals unhappy with the status quo. From the employees’ perspective, however, the conflict may seem to be more positive-sum if they assume the organization as a whole would be better off if the work environment were more supportive of happy, productive workers. Individual input and autonomy. The sixth category (10.4% of the responses) includes incompatibilities regarding respondents’ level of input and autonomy concerning their workrelated activities. The issues identified indicate that employees desire greater input into decisions that affect them as well as appropriate discretion over their own duties. Respondents expressed frustration with their organizations’ tendency to exert too much control, which precludes individuals from being able to make the decisions that affect the quality of their own work. These conflicts can be grouped into two themes: a. input and autonomy regarding specific work-related issues – these issues reflect individuals’ desire to be able to do their work more independently and/or to provide more input into decisions about the work they do, rather than being overly constrained by organizational rules and practices; 22 b. input and autonomy regarding more general issues – these issues reflect individuals’ frustration with organizational constraints regarding personal or broader organizational issues and/or their inability to influence the nature of these constraints. The conflicts in this category reflect a preference among employees for being able to exert greater influence over their work life rather than being bound by organizational constraints they see as unnecessary or counterproductive. For their part, organizations may be reluctant to increase the level of employee autonomy and input, as this would likely require costly and/or difficult changes in existing policies and procedures, not to mention in the organizational culture and/or power structure. To the extent that there is an inevitable tradeoff between organizational control and employee discretion, this conflict of interest can be viewed as a zero-sum situation. However, some of the responses indicated that employees believed that their relative lack of input and autonomy undermined their ability to perform their jobs effectively, and that they desired greater influence over their work so as to be able to improve their performance. While time, energy, and resources would have to be allocated to the process of making the necessary changes, the possibility exists that efforts to empower employees could pay off in terms of greater morale and effectiveness. From this perspective, then, there is also a positive-sum quality to this conflict, with the possibility of a win-win solution that would benefit employees and their organizations. Compensation and recognition. The last category of conflicts, mentioned least frequently by these respondents (7.6% of the responses), has to do with the rewards received by employees in exchange for the work they perform for the organization. This category can be divided into two rather distinct themes: 23 a. extrinsic rewards – these concerns focused primarily on the level of compensation or pay received by the employee; b. intrinsic rewards – these concerns focused primarily on the amount of recognition they were given by the organization in return for a job well-done. The basic issue reflected in this category is the employees’ desire for more extrinsic and/or intrinsic rewards than the organization was providing, or their frustration with organizational demands for more or higher levels of work without any corresponding increase in compensation or recognition. Clearly, salary or wage issues are essentially a zero-sum conflict, with employees typically seeking higher levels of pay and organizations desiring to minimize their costs while having a limited budget to allocate among a host of competing demands. In contrast, it is not inherently costly to the organization to provide higher levels of recognition and other intrinsic rewards, such that it is not clear why it would be in an organization’s interest to limit the amount of appreciation communicated to its employees. In other words, incompatibility regarding the level of recognition desired and provided does not seem to constitute a zero-sum conflict, and organizational efforts to insure that employees feel valued and appreciated could readily improve morale and, in turn, encourage higher levels of performance. Discussion Overall, the findings from this study indicate that the incompatibilities between individual and organizational interests experienced by the respondents in our sample cover a broad range of issues, presenting a rather complicated and even paradoxical picture of the nature of these apparent conflicts of interest. Taken together, the data do not yield an image of employees who are reluctant to contribute to their organization’s goals, who wish to minimize their level of effort and responsibility, or who are inclined to pursue their own interests at the 24 expense of their organization. Instead, the concerns they raised suggest that they want to perform their jobs well, to increase their capacity and opportunity to add value, and to be part of an effective and humane organization. Most of their frustrations stemmed from organizational tendencies to constrain their behavior, discount their priorities, and undervalue their contributions. All in all, the data describe employees who desire to help their organization succeed but who feel that their ability to do so is sometimes undermined by organizational policies and practices. One important conclusion, then, is that the conflicts of interest identified by the respondents in this study do not, for the most part, reflect the kind of zero-sum situations in which narrowly defined self-interests are inherently at odds with the collective interests of the organization. Only a few of the issues and a minority of the responses focused on conflicts in which meeting the employees’ needs would have a clear and direct cost to the organization without any compensating benefits. In particular, organizations’ desire to have employees allocate more of their time to work is naturally incompatible with employees’ desire to allocate more of their time to their families, their studies, and other personal and leisure activities. Likewise, even though employees’ want better compensation and more opportunities for promotion and advancement, budget constraints and a limited number of higher level positions constrain organizations’ ability to respond to these desires. In such cases, the conflicts of interest cannot be resolved to the satisfaction of both the individual and the organization, and each employee must determine whether the basic conditions of exchange (pay and promotion potential in return for time and effort invested) are sufficient to remain with the organization. In contrast, many of the situations described by the respondents reflect issues where the organizations’ interests are not as straightforward, and thus potential may exist for resolving the 25 conflicts in ways that benefit the individual as well as the organization. When employees have concerns about the mission, objectives, or strategies being pursued by the organization, it may be useful to understand the basis for their reservations and make adaptations as appropriate, since congruence between organizational and individual missions and values can increase employee commitment and contribute to an effective organizational culture (Balfour & Wechsler, 1996; Cooke & Rousseau, 1988; Wilkins & Patterson, 1985). Likewise, employee frustration with job descriptions and task assignments could motivate the organization to reconsider its division of labor and standard operating procedures and make changes that would improve the overall effectiveness of its operations. While modifications of the organization’s priorities as reflected in its mission, strategies, structure, and processes certainly require time, effort, and resources, such changes could improve organizational flexibility and responsiveness and thereby create net gains in its performance. Rather than viewing these conflicts simply as dysfunctional employee dissatisfaction with the organizational status quo, they could instead stimulate the kind of continuous improvement that has been acknowledged as an important component of highperforming organizations (Cohen & Brand, 1993; Schmidt & Finnigan, 1992). It also seems clear that organizations could benefit from finding ways to utilize more of the potential of their human resources. Many of the respondents indicated that they would like to do more interesting or significant work, have more meaningful input into decisions, and/or be given more opportunities to develop and apply their skills and abilities. The primary barriers to meeting these needs appear to be rooted in bureaucratic practices that reflect organizational preferences for predictability, stability, and control. The key question, then, is how the various costs and benefits associated with this traditional approach compare to the costs and benefits associated with contemporary approaches that focus on more effective utilization of an 26 organization’s human assets (Dess & Picken, 1999; Lawler, 1992; Pfeffer, 1998). Giving employees more autonomy and discretion, providing them with opportunities for on-going training and development, factoring their knowledge and preferences into relevant decisions, and recognizing them for their good work could reap considerable benefits in terms of higher levels of satisfaction, motivation, commitment, and productivity that would offset the downside to the organization of implementing such changes. Whether or not organizations would indeed benefit from relaxing bureaucratic constraints that employees experience as undesirable and counterproductive, the data from this study do not provide much support for the rational-economic view regarding the nature of the relationship between individual and collective interests in organizations. The fact that only a few of the respondents expressed a desire for better compensation indicates that economic issues are not first and foremost in these employees minds. Indeed, a number of them pointed out that, although they felt their pay was relatively low, the opportunity to do interesting and/or meaningful work served as a worthwhile trade-off. More generally, most of the self-interests identified by these respondents, while incompatible with some of the organization’s interests, were also compatible with others. By and large, these employees identified self-interests that, from their perspective, are congruent with the collective interests of a good, effective organization. This pattern of evidence is more compatible with the humanistic view, which is optimistic about the possibility of alignment between individual and organizational interests. The nature of the sample may have influenced these findings. In particular, since the respondents were graduate students in public-oriented programs, they display the tendency found among public sector employees to be driven more by missions and values (Balfour & Wechsler, 1996; Buchanan, 1974; Perry & Wise, 1990; Rainey, 1982). Given the respondents’ intentions to 27 pursue professional or managerial careers in a public service context, it is not surprising if they tend to develop normative rather than simply utilitarian relationships with their organizations (Etzioni, 1961). It would be inappropriate, however, to assume that other groups of employees – for example, those working in the private sector, or those not in graduate school – would identify the same kinds of conflicts of interest and display a similar pattern of alignment with their organizations. But to the extent that the sample for this study represents an important and valuable component of the public sector workforce, the findings outlined above provide useful insights regarding the kinds of organizational features and management practices they desire. It is reasonable to assume that organizations that adopt these features and practices will be more likely to attract and retain talented and dedicated employees like those in this sample. On the other hand, continued reliance on bureaucratic control mechanisms may have dysfunctional consequences in terms of the attitudes and behavior of valuable employees. This, of course, has long been a primary message conveyed by advocates of the humanistic perspective, and the notion that public organizations will be more effective if they shed some of the trappings of bureaucracy seems to have gained some traction in recent years (Barzelay, 1992; Osborne & Gaebler, 1992). Unfortunately, efforts to implement the requisite changes are still readily undermined by continued adherence to the belief – among practitioners as well as scholars – that such design features or managerial practices as flexible work arrangements, participative decision-making, greater discretion for lower-level workers, investment in human resource development, and pleasant work climate are inefficient, impractical, or irrelevant (McCaffrey, Faerman, & Hart, 1995; Reger, Gustafson, DeMarie, & Mullane, 1994). Many managers, for example, are reluctant to give up power and control, and many are unwilling or unable to create a motivating environment for their employees. Among scholars, the ascendancy 28 of the “new public management” movement (Kettl, 1997; Lynn, 1998) – rooted primarily in the rational-economic perspective – serves to maintain and reinforce the focus on efficiency, predictability, and accountability that is also reflected in bureaucratic designs and practices. It is little wonder, then, that efforts to de-bureaucratize public organizations (rather than simply privatizing them) are frequently unsuccessful or have limited, incremental success (Brudney, Hebert, & Wright, 1999; Thompson, 2000). In essence, the rational-economic perspective reflects the premise, implicitly if not explicitly, that the potential downside of such organizational features as increased discretion, relaxed constraints, and more broad-based decision processes is greater than their potential upside. But the findings from this study suggest that the opposite may be true, at least for this group of young, talented, achievement-oriented public service professionals. One useful line of research in the field of public management would be to investigate this issue more directly and explicitly. Rather than simply assuming what costs or benefits would accrue to one or another approach to organization design and management, it would be useful to assess empirically an array of positive and negative consequences of varying organizational arrangements in order to accumulate data regarding the trade-offs involved. Rather than relying primarily on ideological foundations as the basis for recommendations regarding design and management issues, it would be helpful to have more valid information regarding the actual effects of alternative arrangements on organizations and their employees. In short, more research that helped to answer the complex questions raised by the two theoretical perspectives considered in this study would be a valuable contribution to the field. 29 References Albanese, R. A., Dacin, M. T. and Harris, I. C. (1997). Agents as stewards. 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However, this is often incompatible with my personal need to have ‘my time.’” “Other times I feel obligated to put in extra time with the organization when in fact I have other pressing issues in my life to deal with.” “The organization demands total commitment during work hours and I comply but often further demands are made after normal business hours and my organization commitment is tested.” b. work time vs. family time “I value being with my family. Sometimes my work will involve traveling out of the state for weeks at a time, which is something I would not choose to do but do it because the organization is counting on me.” “We sacrifice the needs of our own families for our clinical families. I’m sick of it.” “Time commitment, for instance, the CEO expects his workers to work during the weekend to finish the unfinished projects. However, the worker(s) might have other prior engagement, or plans (such as taking kids to the park).” c. work time vs. study-related time “Taking time off from work for exams or class schedule conflicts.” “Flexibility of schedule. As a working student in a job that often necessitated significant hours of overtime, my class schedule often conflicted with my work schedule; study time was often sacrificed for overtime.” “Time to complete academic work. For example, understanding the need for time off during finals. Or course, this conflicts with company’s goals and needs.” 36 2. Incompatibility regarding preferred organizational mission and values. a. primary organizational missions, objectives, strategies “Recently, we had to make a performance assignment in mathematics for the third-grade. We had to come up with rubric to quantify the results. I felt that it was unfair for the students to have to fit a box. You just can’t fit kids in a box. The district wants to quantify everything!” “Production of information for economic use. I thought that the primary focus of the academic world is to understand the world, not to produce ‘commercial’ information.” “I work for an organization that perceives itself solely as an institution for fundraising. I on the other hand think it is more than just an institution to raise money. I think it uses the philanthropy as a tool to build community – but it doesn’t. I specifically work in the Planning & Allocations department. I think we should be assessing where the most need is in the community and making the appropriate allocations. However, the organization falls in line with the politics of allocating. Therefore, the money doesn’t always go to the greatest need.” b. underlying ideologies and values “I think women should be treated the same as men. But in our organization, the women are given more credit for accomplishing the same objective and this causes men to become hostile towards the women.” “Expectation that employees/management will buy into organizational malfeasance, ‘illegal’ conduct.” “I value loyalty, so when a coworker is fired because her new boss, who has history of being dissatisfied with secretaries, I have a problem with this (gets terminated as opposed to finding some other solution). The loyalty between employees and employers should work both ways.” 3. Incompatibility regarding job descriptions and task priorities. a. the type and scope of work “Spending my time checking phone numbers or making faxes for my boss when it would be easier if he just did it himself.” “I don’t like to do some boring work, for example, copy, arrange some files. But for the collective interest, someone has to do these things so I do it.” 37 “My supervisor has given me several projects without giving me much guidelines to follow. I feel that I am expected to know what to do with these projects but I have many questions. My major project is in an area that is very unfamiliar to me.” b. how to do and prioritize the work “There are times when I am torn between following the school’s curriculum or developing my own. Lesson plans which I think are more in keeping with the students’ best interest.” “I like to get things done as soon as possible while my boss takes his time. This makes it difficult for me to complete my duties to my fullest potential. The organization is very relaxed which is good sometimes, but often times it prevents us from getting things done.” 4. Incompatibility regarding opportunities for personal growth or advancement. a. opportunities to develop new skills and/or take on new challenges “Training: limited growth opportunities, no effort to cross train, introduce new managerial practices, allow for input of new ideas and outside growth influences. Maintaining status quo is basis.” “I often have an interest to continue to learn even after I understand the components of my job description. The interest of the organizations for which I have worked want me to remain doing the duties I was [hired] for. They don’t want me to branch out.” “I want to develop as a person and expand my responsibilities, but the organization wants me to do the same thing over and over. There is no growth potential in my job.” b. opportunities for promotion and career advancement “My interest for advancement and learning about the next level of the company becomes an issue because my supervisor/manager directly feels threatened.” “My need to move up in the organization vs. their need to keep someone in my position.” “The whole law firm wants the secretaries to be in a long-term, stable position handling administration things. Due to the limit of the size of the firm, there is no sufficient promotion to satisfy individual career growth.” 38 5. Incompatibility regarding the nature of the work environment. a. relationships with people in the work place such as co-workers, supervisors, or clients “Certain individuals in my organization who hold leadership positions happen to lack a sense of self-esteem and self-confidence. They therefore spend considerable time on criticizing the work of others rather than focusing on efficiently completing their work.” “I work for a doctor office answering phones and making appointments. Many times, patients were unbelievably rude. Although, I was personally hurt and upset, I had to control my emotions for the good of the company.” “Many times I want to work without talking about non-work matters such as sports, movies, etc. but others take large portions out of their day to do so.” b. organization structure or culture “My co-workers enjoy throwing parties for every occasion – babies, birthdays, anything. For them it is an organizational “value” to recognize these events and take time off from work as well. This conflicts with my need to finish whatever I was working on and have a productive day.” “I value humanizing the office atmosphere; organization sometimes dictates non flexibility.” “Physical space. It would be much better for me not to work where I am located. It is distracting and uncomfortable.” 6. Incompatibility regarding level of input and autonomy concerning work-related activities. a. specific work-related issues “Sometimes I want to be flexible to handle things such as decisions of giving subordinates more rewards or compensation, but I am not allowed to do it because some people will think that I’m practicing favoritism.” “In interpreting policy and guidelines to constituents, I think individuals do want to explain the full scope of their rights; however, the organization wants to keep explanations limited to ‘need to know basis’.” “The higher-ups want you to implement a procedure or program that you know is a bad idea that reflects their lack of understanding about what happens at the “street-level”. You tend not to want to implement their idea when you know it’s a bad idea and you will be the one who is held responsible, even though it was not your idea.” 39 b. general personal or organizational issues “The hierarchy that is in place (the highest level of the organization). It seems so ‘old school’ and male dominated – where whatever the boss says is right and it shouldn’t be questioned. ” “I also had many problems with the way things were organized. I often felt that I had better ideas but I had to follow the directions of management.” “Wearing professional clothing – too much work, too constrictive. I have to wear formal clothing for my job with the city of Paramount. However, as a student, I spend more time out of work and it is a hassle to carry extra clothes just to be comfortable for the rest of the day.” 7. Incompatibility regarding level of compensation and recognition. a. extrinsic rewards “Management is sometimes ‘slow’ in giving me raises, promotions, etc. even when my workload and level of responsibility has increased enough to warrant a raise or promotion. They say they cannot appear to the rest of the staff to be promoting me too fast, since I have only been there a few years and they do not want to make more senior employees resentful.” “With regards to pay, employee may feel the necessity of more pay for the work they perform, but the company may not be able to provide the necessary pay.” b. intrinsic rewards “I am paid for 8 hours of work. However, my ability to do exceptional work takes extra time. I will donate the extra time for recognition, but there is little opportunity for such recognition.” “Management demands considerable effort from employees but they don’t provide reward and recognition.” 40