Reciprocity today: the network of domestics units and public
services in two collectives in Vic (Barcelona)*
José Luis Molina** and Alba Alayo i Gil***
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
In this paper we analyze examples of reciprocity in a town of Catalonia among
two collectives related to the Social Welfare Department: aged Catalan people
and Berber people immigrated from Nador, Morocco. From a network analysis
perspective we propose: a) to differentiate between social exchanges (those
exchanges that create social debts, that is, the obligation to reciprocate) and
economic and administrative exchanges, balanced in theory, and b) the
usefulness of taking the network of domestic units and their exchanges as the
unit of analysis. Although the research is in the beginning we have found that
reciprocity can be conceptualized as a social exchange naturally attached to
domestic sphere but embedded and regulated in the market and Public
Administration spheres (as cartel and corruption respectively).
To account
reciprocity today implies an analysis of the social exchanges in the three
domains.
When we think in reciprocity we know we are talking about a pervasive human
characteristic, something common to all known societies. As other rich concepts
taken from Social Sciences (e.g. Culture, Religion, etc.), which have been
treated in depth by some of the major scholars, it is difficult to state a single
definition of the term. So, we can talk of positive or negative reciprocity,
generalized or balanced, capable of sustaining relationships between equals as
well as competitive contests between enemies (see Moreno & Narotzky, 2000).
The gift would be a ceremonial form of reciprocity that includes goods, often
* This research is funded for the Project PB98-1238, Programa Sectorial de Promoción General
del Conocimiento (MEC). The names used here are pseudonyms.
** Divisió d’Antropologia social, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Assistant Professor
[joseluis.molina@uab.es].
*** Divisió d’Antropologia social, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Doctoral candidate
[mariadelalba.alayo@campus.uab.es].
with a symbolic meaning.
Here, we use the term reciprocity as a heuristic
concept (Terradas, 2001) in order to study those exchanges between
individuals or social groups that carry the obligation to beneficiate in the future
whom beneficed us first (or a feeling of gratitude if the reparation is not
possible)1.
This wide notion includes three main characteristics, namely, the obligation to
repair (i) in the future –that is: not immediately—(ii), the benefits received in a
not predetermined way (iii). It is not surprisingly, then, that exchanges based on
reciprocity have the tendency to develop long-term relationships. In contrast,
market-oriented exchanges (as the bargain between sellers and customers) or
the exchanges of goods and services realized on the basis of a bureaucratic
norm (as fines or public information about jobs) do not imply the obligation of
future repayment and the quality and quantity of the goods and services
exchanged in a given period of time is specified.
The prominent place of reciprocity in primitive societies has been well
established for a long time but, we might ask, what is the role of reciprocity in
complex societies? Or, simply, what is the role of reciprocity today?
We think that there are at least three arguments for an account of this issue.
First, It is said (Rifkin, 2000) that capitalism is increasingly changing all aspects
of social life (including human experience) into commodities. This would mean
that reciprocity is coming back in our society. For this reason Rifkin (1996) and
others claim the reinforcement of the role of Third Sector (NGOs, volunteer
work and donations) in society.
Second, the increasing number of studies on “social capital” (both in the original
formulation of Bourdieu, 1977 and Coleman, 1988, and in the broader sense
used by Putnam, 1993) that focus on the instrumental use of social resources in
order to obtain economic revenues. Social capital studies would mean both an
acknowledgement of the embedded nature of economic relationships (Polanyi,
1 We use the classic studies on Reciprocity (MAUSS, 1925; MALINOWSKI, 1922, 1935;
POLANYI, 1957; GOULDNER, 1960; SAHLINS, 1977 and more recently GODELIER, 1996)
with notions taken from exchange theory (HOMANS,1958; BLAU, 1964; KAPFERER, 1972).
2
1944; Granovetter, 1985) and the expanding frontier of the role of market (and
market oriented relationships) in society (for a detailed review see Lin, 2001).
Third, and related with the former arguments, the importance of the informal
support networks around the aged or disabled people for Social Welfare
Policies (Litwin, 1996:2). The existence of networks (relatives. neighbours,
acquaintances) that complement the formal system of assistance is taken for
granted.
In this paper we analyze reciprocity today, in a small town in the centre of
Catalonia (Spain) from a network analysis perspective.
Taking the Social
Welfare Department of the Council as a point of departure we have identified
two collectives among others. The first collective is formed by Catalan old age
people with a heavy dependence from external help. The second collective is
formed by younger people immigrated from Morocco. In both cases we have
identified the domestic units as the unit of analysis and the network of
relationships around them. Further, we have established a first network of
domestic units, including the public organizations involved with them. Although
this research is in its first stage we propose the usefulness of considering the
households as the units of the network analysis and the study of the exchanges
between them in order to have a vision of the role of reciprocity in our society.
Theoretical background
For an account of the exchanges observed in our research we propose a
conceptualization of three spheres and their mutual interactions: the domestic
units sphere, the public domain (including NGOs and religious institutions,
intimately related) and the market sphere. Among the three spheres there are
continuous exchanges. The domestic units relay on the public sphere for
services as education and health and pay taxes, provide information about
them, etc. The individuals and organizations operating in the market receive
regulations and control and contribute with goods, taxes and services, although
the reception of financial aid is also possible. Finally, the domestic unit sphere
exchanges work and capital with the market sphere for obtaining goods, wages
and rents. We are aware that this rendering can be discussed in different ways,
3
but we think it is useful because it illuminates the nature of the self relations of
each sphere. Graphically:
Corruption
Public
Administrations
NGOs
Religious
institutions
Taxes, goods &
services
Regulations
Cartel
Services (education, health, ...)
Taxes, information, ...
Domestic
Units
Goods, wages, rents
Market
Reciprocity
Work; capital
Balanced exchanges
Social exchanges (unbalanced and undetermined)
In this rendering, the exchanges between domestic units can be conceptualized
as reciprocity as long as they are social exchanges, that is to say, exchanges
between social units that imply the obligation to beneficiate in the future whom
beneficed first. These exchanges can be classified (Attias-Donfut and
Rozenkier,
1996:39)
as
socialization
(social
intercourse,
expressive
relationships, little favors), household work (whom includes little reparations and
administrative affaires) and financial aid (in the form of credits without interest or
simply the transfer of money).
Socialization
Domestic
unit
Household work
Domestic
Unit
Financial ressources
4
Although among domestic units, as among individuals, the tendency of the
exchanges is towards balance or equilibrium, those exchanges foster future
interactions and build up and maintain a long –term relationship.
In the other two spheres, the exchanges are ruled by price (in the market
sphere) or by norm (in the public sphere) and formally it is forbidden or at least
ill-advised to introduce future personal obligations in the operations. By paying
the price or by the accomplishment of the bureaucratic norm that specifies the
characteristics of the exchange, further obligations disappear. In the case of
future compromises, as guarantees or mortgages, those are established by
contract.
If there are social exchanges in the sphere of public administration beyond
mere socialization, such as privileged information, job promotion, financial
resources and so on, this engagement is reported as corrupted. In the same
way, if in the market sphere there are relations or associations that try to break
up competition we talk about cartel, trust, monopoly and so on.
Naturally, socialization cannot be forbidden outside the domestic sphere,
because both market and bureaucracies are social constructs embedded in
social relations, but it is heavily restricted to formal etiquette. Notwithstanding,
social exchanges do occur in both spheres and social capital studies are a good
indicator of this presence. So, we suggest that the study of reciprocity in our
society should include the social exchanges that occur in the three spheres.
Possibly the avoidance of uncertainty in a non-trustworthy public context (see
the explanation of the Mexican mordida or the Chilean palanca in AdlerLomnitz, 1994) or the failing of market regulations and controls can explain the
prevalence in each case of social exchanges in the public administration sphere
or in the market sphere respectively.
Reciprocity in the domestic sphere
Vic is a town of 30,000 habitants in the centre of Catalonia. This zone is
characterized by a high ageing rate (20% of the population is beyond 65 years
old), and in the last decade through a continuous immigration process primarily
from the province of Nador, a rural zone on the Rif mountains in North of
5
Morocco, next to Melilla (Spanish settlement in the North of Africa). This is a
place where, in spite of the Arab conquest in the 8th Century, the population still
maintain Berbers traditions mixed with Arabian ones. These people called
themselves imazighen, which means “free men” (Berber is the Greek
denomination) and they have maintained their own language, tamazight. Now,
the proportion of immigrants is about 5-6% (Ajuntament de Vic, 2000). Those
immigrants are men with various years of residence, working primarily in
industry or in the building sector and speaking Spanish, and younger women,
with less years of residence, who have come after the regularization of their
husbands. Most of them only speak Berber, and are currently learning Catalan.
In Muslim - Arabian countries there exist, traditionally, a strong separation
between the private sphere of women who is the responsible of all concerned
with the household, children and old people, and the public sphere, typically
reserved to men, obligated for the Coran to maintain their wives (nafaqa). This
“dualization” had been well observed in Morocco, and also with the Berbers
rural villages of Nador. Notwithstanding, some women, mostly from urban
areas, are currently broken this separation because their high education,
current jobs, etc. But, in general, the traditional model of life continues in Vic
after the immigration process. Most women have no job nor they intend to get
one, and they rest at home taking care of their children and domestic tasks.
The men have jobs that allow them making contacts with local population and
learn Spanish or Catalan. The children (born in Morocco or Catalonia) are
enrolling in school and speak, with more o less fluency, Catalan and Berber,
and, with less fluency, Spanish. They often help their mothers and female
relatives to communicate with doctors, shopkeepers and public administrations.
The Berbers adopted Islam as religion after the Arab conquest of their
territories. Right now there are two little mosques in town, attended only by men
because they are too small to accommodate a space devoted to women. In
Morocco (and other Muslim countries) there are some mosques with a small
room annexed to the principal one used by women.
Finally, In the last years have come young males from Ghana and the
Subsaharian Area and this collective is growing fast (now they are supposed to
be about three hundred people).
6
The typical aged people who live in Vic are predominantly people retired from
industry, with low incomes, owning a flat in the centre of the town without
elevator, mostly born in Vic or Catalonia and with at least one son or daughter.
62% are helped by their kin with whom they live, 6% are helped by kin who live
in another place and only 1% have support from the Social Services (ISPA,
1993).
We have studied nine domestic units with different degrees of dependence from
the Social Services. In some extreme cases we find persons who live alone in
rooms inside the Day Care Center, with all the necessary services. They are
dependent people with light incapacities. The intermediate case is formed by
persons who use the Day Care Center as a complement of the primary kin
support. Finally we find people who are users of punctual services as telealarm
and catering or, indeed, middle-class people that participate in the program
“Viure I Conviure”, a program that allows aged people to accommodate
university students in their home in exchange for company.
Lets briefly study two domestic units from the less dependent category. Nicolau
and Mercè are brother and sister (66 and 78 years old respectively) who live in
a small hired flat. Mercè has worked in the domestic service all her life and
Nicolau was a baker. Both are unmarried. Mercè has serious problems of
autonomy but is still capable of performing some domestic chores. Nicolau, now
in good health, does mostly shopping. Once a week, a person from the Social
Welfare Department comes to help with domestic chores. Mercè and Nicolau
have a younger sister, Angelina, in whom they rely in case of crisis, like the
recent episode when Nicolau was hospitalized because of a serious illness and
Angelina moved to Vic until the situation was normalized (she lives with her two
sons, five hours away by public transportation).
In the next rendering we can see the social network around the domestic unit.
This rendering is and MDS of a matrix that contains values of 4 variables
(frequency of interaction, intensity perceived of the relationship, medium of
contact and kind of relationship). We can see that Angelina is close to the
couple. Also, we can see the form of a star of the network, sparse relationships
primary unrelated between them with the exception of little clusters
7
(relationships from the domestic service experience of Mercè) or the near bar
“La Copa”, a place where Nicolau meets some friends everyday.
The primary social exchange is socialization (small talk, brief visits, playing in
the bar) with the exception of a woman neighbour that helps with domestic work
spontaneously and the key support from the sister, who visits them periodically.
The second case, Mar and Joan (86 and 92 years respectively), is composed
by two widows who only recently are share a life in common. They live by
themselves in a hired flat in town, but in fact they are heavily dependent from
Mar’s daughter's help as can be seen in the next rendering. Joan’s son
contributes with some financial aid but the frequency of contact is very low. Mar
cannot walk without help and Joan has problems for keeping a conversation
going because of his hearing incapacity. Joan goes to the Day Care Center,
next to their flat, to getting the meal for the couple. Each day he goes to a
facility for aged people and plays with his folks.
8
The typology of the network is similar to the former: kin contributes with
household help and financial aid the rest of social exchanges can be classified
as socialization.
In the case of the Berber collective we have also collected data from nine
households. As we said before, the household is basically the place of women
while men work outside and use the public place to meet other men in Berber
bars of town, or bars owned by Berbers. These families live in hired cheap flats
in the centre of the town. In the next rendering we can see the structure of one
domestic unit (we have no information about the work related relationships of
men). It is possible to identify three main clusters: kin, Berber neighbours and
female Berber companions of a course for learning Catalan. It is interesting that
both neighbours and course mates met in Vic for the first time, but there are
some cases that they knew each others because they lived in the same village
in Morocco.
The social exchanges with the Berber neighbours are very important, and there
is regular financial aid toward the family residing in Nador. As the family in
Morocco dies or emigrates to Catalonia or some other European destination
9
these aids are becoming less important. In the case of the course mates, the
social exchange is primarily socialization.
Although our data is incomplete (we have poor information about the contacts
and exchanges of Berber men), we can analyze the social exchanges identified
in the 18 domestic units (see the next table).
Exchange
Catalan % Berber % Total %
Socialization
37
77
45
35 82
46
Domestic work
6
13
0
6
3
0
Financial aid
2
4
3
2
5
3
All
3
6
59
46 62
35
0
22
17 22
12
0
Total
48
100 129 100 177 100
The outstanding trend is the non-specialized exchanges between Berber
domestic units, in a way that hardly is possible to differentiate one domestic unit
form another (both kin and neighbours).
Possibly this characteristic is
associated with the early stages of the process of immigration with only a
Catalan contact in the network (the landlord!). Possibly, this situation will
change in the next future toward more specialized relationships. The financial
10
aid got the same scores in both cases (2%) with the difference that the Berber
domestic units that receive aid are in Nador. This help is specially prominent
when immigrants come back to Morocco on summer holiday, with large amount
of gifts for kin, former neighbours and acquaintances. The domestic units have
to do a great economic effort in order to keep their prestige. The gifts of
Western products are reciprocated with typical local products.
The network of domestic units
The domestic units are not isolated, even in the more dependent cases. They
are connected in various ways. In the next rendering we can see the network of
domestic units and the Public Services or NGO involved in it (represented with
larger nodes).
With the exception of Nourdmu (Berber), the rest of immigrant people is
attached to a single Public Institution. Naturally, the range of contacts with
Public organizations are not limited to the Social Welfare Department and
related facilities but they extend to health and educational Public Services.
Indeed, the specialization of the Berber people can be explained because they
are younger, most women work at home and can take care by themselves of
older persons. Notwithstanding,
the network of domestic units and Public
11
organizations illuminates the role of the organization of Public Services. The
decisions about the organization of new services, the changes in the
organizational structure of Public Services are not only technical or neutral
decisions but they influence heavily the network of relationships of the domestic
units. In fact, the same phenomenon that we can observe within organizations
is reproduced at a higher level, namely, that the organizational design
determines the range of informal contacts that we can find in a organization
(Molina, 2001).
Reciprocity outside the domestic sphere
As we said before, social exchanges that occur outside the domestic sphere are
formally restricted to etiquette, relying on price or norm for the economic or
bureaucratic exchanges. Naturally, the socialization process is not forbidden
and it is because of this socialization that we can speak about the social capital
phenomenon. Related with our ongoing research we have find various
examples of reciprocity outside the domestic sphere that we will explain briefly.
First, the personal involvement of the teachers of the Learning Center with the
Berber people (Public domain sphere). This involvement goes beyond their
bureaucratic obligations and includes celebrations (like the end of Ramadan),
expressive support, information about job opportunities, and so on. One of
these teachers is Nadia, a Berber woman who works as a “cultural broker” and
teach Catalan to some of these women. The figure of Nadia, who speak
Catalan and Berber, is very important for both communities because she is a
“bridge” between both cultures.
Second, the case of Nasredine, one of the paramount personalities in the
Berber community. He owns a Halal Butcher (a place were the meat is said to
be obtained from animals sacrificed under the Muslim ritual), a bazaar and a
Berber bar. His success is celebrated both in Nador and in Vic. Former friends
and younger brothers work for him. The prestige of Nasredine is maintained
through free contributions to individuals and families, such as help for people in
difficult situations that arrive to Vic only with his name in the pocket, giving
temporary credit for food until necessary or financing the repatriation of
12
deceased persons for their burial in the natal Nador in a Muslim graveyard.
These exchanges, that occur in the market sphere, can be explained by the so
called “traders’dilemma” (Evers and Schrader, 1994), that is, the necessity of
getting distance from customers in order to manage the business implies a
rejection from community. For solving this dilemma there are several choices
which can include ethnic specialization o the immigration of trade minorities. In
this case, the option can be the acquisition of prestige through social expenses.
Third, the donations and charity exchanges. Young blacks and some people
from Magreb in a difficult situation are taken in by Catholic monks or, in other
cases, by the network of NGOs with specialized roles (legal assistance, shelter,
etc.). The case of monks is very special because they allow young blacks to
celebrate their own non-catholic rituals in the church facilities, but we think this
exchange can be interpreted as bureaucratic or norm-driven, that is, in the
Public Domain sphere. The behaviour of organizations can be better explained
without taking into account the motivations of their members (volunteers in
NGOs, or Claretians fathers in Church; see Molina, 1997). The donations in the
case of Muslim charity (one of the five pillars of Islam) are managed by the
domestic units through giving alms to known persons who are in trouble. In
both cases (Religious organization and Muslim domestic units) we can found
the extreme form of gift, that is, the “pure gift” or the gift without return (see
Laidlaw, 2000).
Conclusion
Through the analysis of the domestic units of two collectives in Vic we suggest
some ideas to assess the role of reciprocity in complex society.
First, it is useful to distinguish between social exchanges, namely, exchanges
that create an obligation to reciprocate in a diffused way in the future, and
economic or bureaucratic exchanges, formally balanced and determined. This
social exchanges develop naturally in the domestic sphere while they are
formally restricted to etiquette in the market and Public Administration spheres.
Also, we suggest that social capital studies express the failure of this restriction.
13
Second, social exchanges among domestic units can be categorized as
socialization, home work and financial aid. We have seen that neighbours and
acquaintances provide the first one and kin the rest (except in the case of
Berber neighbours).
Third, the network of domestic units and public and private organizations can be
a useful perspective for a better understanding of the social structure and its
dynamics.
Bibliography
ADLER-LOMNITZ, Larissa (1994). Redes sociales, cultura y poder. Ensayos de
antropología latinoamericana. México: Miguel Angel Porrúa.
AIXELÀ, Yolanda (2000), Mujeres en Marruecos. Un análisis desde el
parentesco y el género, Ed. Alborán, Ed. Bellaterra, Barcelona.
AJUNTAMENT DE VIC (2000). Fòrum Intercultural de Vic. Cicle de Xerrades
sobre Fenomen Migratori i Procés d'Adaptació 97-99. Vic: Servei de
Publicacions.
ATTIAS-DONFUNT, Claudine; ROZENKIER, Alain (1996). "The LineageStructured Social Networks of Older People in France" in LITWIN, Howard (ed.)
(1996). The Social Networks of Older People: A Cross-National Analysis. (3253).
BLAU, Peter M (1964). Exchange and Power in Social Life. New York: John
Wiley.
CAMPS, Gabriel (1998), Los beréberes. De la orilla del Meditarráneo al límite
meridional del Sáhara, Ed. CIDOB, Ed. Icària, Barcelona.
COLECTIVO IOÉ (1994), Marroquins a Catalunya, Col·lecció Mare Nostrum,
Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona.
14
EVERS, Hans-Dieter; SCHRADER, Heiko (1994). The Moral economy of trade
ethnicity and developing markets. London: Routledge.
GOULDNER, Alvin W. (1960). "The Norm of Reciprocity: A Preliminary
Statement", American Sociological Review, 25 (161-178).
GRANOVETTER, Mark S. (1985). "Economic Actions and Social Structure: The
Problem of Embeddedness", American Journal of Sociology (481-510).
HOMANS, George (1958). "Social behaviour as exchange", American Journal
of Sociology, 62, (597-606).
ISPA (1993). La gent gran de Vic. Anàlisi sociològica de les característiques i
condicions de vida de la població. Vic: Ajuntament de Vic.
KAPFERER, Bruce (1972). Strategy and transaction in an African factory:
African workers and Indian management in a Zambian town. Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
LAIDLAW,
James
(2000).
"A
Free
Gift
Makes
No
Friends",
Royal
Anthropological Institute, 6 (617-634).
LIN, Nan (2001). Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MALINOWSKI, B. (1986). Els argonautes del Pacífic Occidental. [Argonautes of
the Western Pacific. An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the
Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea, 1922]. Barcelona: Edicions 62.
- (1977). El cultivo de la tierra y los ritos agrícolas en las islas Tobriand.
[Coral Gardens and their Magic. Soil-tilling and agricultural rites in the Tobriand
Islands, 1935]. Barcelona: Labor Universitaria.
MAUSS, Marcel (1979). "Ensayo sobre los dones, motivo y forma del cambio
en las sociedades primitivas [Essai sur le don, 1925]" in Sociología y
antropología. Madrid: Tecnos.
15
MOGA, Vicente (ed) (1992), Revista Aldaba: Amazigh – Tamazight. Debate
Abierto, Servicio de Publicaciones del Centro Uned, Melilla.
MOGA, Vicente; AHMED, Rachid (eds) (1998), Mujer tamazight y fronteras
culturales, Servicio de Publicaciones del Centro Uned, Melilla.
MOLINA, José Luis (1997). "La solidaritat avui: el cas d'una ONG pel
desenvolupament", Revista d'Etnologia de Catalunya, 11 (78-85).
-
(2001).
"The
informal
organizational
chart
in
organizations",
Connections vol. 14, Spring 2001 (78-91).
MORENO, Paz y NAROTZKY, Susana (2000). "La reciprocidad olvidada:
reciprocidad negativa, moralidad y reproducción social". in Hispania, Consejo
Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
POLANYI, Karl (1957). “The economy as instituted process”, in POLANYI K.,
ARENSBERG, C.W. and PEARSON, H.W. (eds.), Trade and Market in the
Early Empires. New York: Free Press.
- (1992). La gran transformación. Los orígenes políticos y económicos de
nuestro tiempo [The Great Transformation. The Political and Economic Origins
of our Time, 1944]. México: FCE.
RIFKIN, Jeremy (1996). El fin del trabajo. Nuevas tecnologías contra puestos
de trabajo:el nacimiento de una nueva era [The end of work. The decline of the
global labor force and the dawn of the post-market era, 1994]. Barcelona:
Paidós.
- (2000). La era del acceso. La revolución de la nueva economía [The
Age of Access, 2000]. Barcelona: Paidós.
SAHLINS, Marshall (1977). Las sociedades tribales [Tribesmen]. Labor,
Barcelona.
SEGURA I MAS, Antoni (1994), El Magreb: del colonialismo al islamismo,
Publicacions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona.
16
TERRADAS, Ignasi (2000). "Reciprocidad ¿para qué?", Proyecto PB98-1238,
Programa Sectorial de Promoción General del Conocimiento.
VALCÁRCEL GUITIÁN, Rosario (1999), Etnografia de les families immigrants
marroquines. Tesina, Master en Antropologia Aplicada, Universitat Autònoma
de Barcelona.
17