Analytical Section Summaries of the Blue Annals [Draft version,
not for public distribution on THDL]
Created by students in Germano's seminar The Tibetan Renaissance at UVA in spring 2004.
Book 1
[Unavailable]
Book 2
LATER SPREAD OF THE DOCTRINE
2.1 Chronology of the later spread of the teaching, the Great
Lama, and other events (bstan pa phyi dar gyi lo tshigs dang bla
chen po la sogs pa’i skabs. Chandra 58; Chengdu 89; Roerich 63).
This section is devoted to the life and deeds of dge ba gsal, the Great Lama (bla
chen po) and the spread of the teaching in Eastern Tibet. It starts with the escape of
the three monks of the meditative monastery (sgom grwa) of dpal chu bo ri, “The
Three Learned Men of Tibet,” from glang dar ma’s persecution. They carried with
them books on the Vinaya and the Abhidharma and traveled first to Western Tibet,
then to Hor, and finally to Amdo. In Amdo, bla chen po achieved his third rebirth in
tsong kha bde khams. {R 63} After having a vision of enlightenment and made up his
mind to spread the Doctrine, he took up ordination with the assistance of “The Three
Learned Men”, and was given the name of dge ba gsal. Then it follows with an
account of his studies with seng ge grags of go rong in cang in rtse, and later with
kwa 'ong mchog grags pa. He wished to go to dbus, but was warned by the king of
dbus of a great famine. Therefore, he settled in the East. {R 64} In addition, there is
an account of his dream, in which he was holding a precious jewel, which symbolizes
the Precious Doctrine, and it was not desired by the crowd in the market place. He
thought he would seek hermitage in the forests{R 65} He was then immediately
invited by asuras from Mount dan tig who perceived him and was filled with faith. At
Mount Dan-tig he prayed to the Religious Protector for help. In order to combat the
wrong view of yogins who believe in gaining merit without deeds, he built temples
and stūpas and "created" merit {R 66} Because of such meritorious practice performed by him, faith was born in a group of disciples who took up ordination. At the
age of eighty-four, he proceeded to the Tuṣita Heaven and prophesized that he
would reincarnate eight times until the coming of the Lord Maitreya. {R 67}
2.2 The Great Translator [Rinchen Zangpo] (lo chen po’i skabs.
Chandra 62; Chengdu 94; Roerich 68).
This is a rather short section on the life of the great translator rin chen bzang po
compared with bla chen po. This section starts with a calculation of the years
between the birth of srong btsan and the birth of the great translator rin chen bzang
po, and rin chen bzang po’s ordination was calculated from the suppression of the
Doctrine. The author notes that the Doctrine first re-appeared in mnga ‘ris, and later
in Central Tibet, as demonstrated by the great translator. He also claims that the
"later" spread of the Tantras in Tibet was greater than the "early" spread (of the
Tantras), and this was chiefly due to this translator. {R 68} It follows with a list of his
studies, translation work, erecting of shrines and temples, and other
accomplishments. He attained the highest realization and passed into Nirvāṇa in his
ninety-eighth year, without leaving his body behind, but only three relics, which
disappeared to Heaven.
2.3 Arrangement of similar dates (dus mtshungs bsgrigs pa’i
skabs. Chandra 63; Chengdu 96; Roerich 69).
This section attempts to synchronize different events that occurred at various
locations at about the same time. Many events get mentioned briefly here and are
expanded in more detail in later sections/chapters of the book. It starts by accounting
the effort of the kings of Upper mnga ‘ris to spread the Doctrine there. Events are
mentioned in relation to the times of these kings. During the reigns of these kings,
numerous paṇḍitas and learned translators were invited from India, and they
translated a number of sūtras, śāstras, and other texts. At the same time that these
kings ruled, the teaching of Logic became established in dbus and gtsang. khyung po
grags se composed numerous treatises on Logic. They are called the "Old Nyāya"
(tshad ma rnying ma). Later the translator blo ldan shes rab founded the lineage
known as the ''New Nyāya" (tshad ma gsar ma). Other paṇḍitas also came to Tibet
with or without invitation. In the time of King ‘Od-lde, Atīśa was invited and reformed
the Doctrine. A Religious Council, the “Council of the Fire-Dragon Year,” was held
during the time of king rtse-lde, and in which most of the great Tripiṭakadharas of
dbus, gtang, and kham were assembled. Each of them set in motion the Wheel of the
Doctrine. {R 70} The author commented that services rendered to the Doctrine by
these kings of Upper mnga' ris find no parallel in other countries. {R 71}
The next section refers to events of teachings by various teachers in relation to major
events such as birth of srong-btsan sgam-po, disappearance of the doctrine, Atīśa’s
coming to Tibet, and the death of Atīśa {R 71-74}
2.4 The founding of temples by Lumé and his disciples (klu mes
dpon slob kyis gtsug lag khang btab pa’i skabs. Chandra 67;
Chengdu 102; Roerich 74).
This section details the building of temples during the sixty-four years which
preceded Atīśa's coming to Tibet by klu mes and his disciples. Klu mes seems to be
one of the “Six Men from dbus and Tsang.” Eighteen of his disciples, including gru
mer, took up ordination and were involved in the building of temples. These disciples,
and disciples of disciples, were called by building-related metaphorical names, such
as “Four Pillars,” “Two Beams,” “southern door-bolt,” “northern door-bolt,” “Rafts,”
and “Planks”. Here the author mentions klu and sum without giving a clear
explanation of who they are. They seem to be either names of klu mes’s disciples or
refer to klu mes and some else. They are named as the “Two Beams”. Sum’s name
is always mentioned with klu, but his separate identity was not addressed by the
author. They founded four great monasteries in the lower part of dbu ru (lha sa): the
temple of rgyal lug lhas, distinguished by wealth and riches; the ārāma (kun dga' ra
ba) or gzhu, distinguished by its house holders (bza' mi); thang po che, famous for its
kalyāṇa-mitras, and gra thang, famous for its temples. These are the roots of the
Doctrine of the Buddha. {R 76}
2.5 Keepers of Vinaya (‘dul ba’i ‘dzin pa’i lo rgyus kyi skabs.
Chandra 70; Chengdu 105; Roerich 77).
The origin of the preaching of the Vinaya by klu mes and sum pa
This section is concerned with the history of the Vinayadharas, or the keepers of the
Vinaya. It first details the transmission of the Vinaya by the lineage of disciples of klu
mes and sum pa. Here, the name “sum pa” is mentioned again and it seems to refer
to the sum mentioned in the previous section. Again, the author does not elaborate
on who sum is. There is also the first mentioning of the "Ten Men of dbus and
gtsang", comprised of klu mes and others. Are they related to the “Six Men of dbus
and gtsang”? Again, it is not clear in the text. They received there ordination in kham
and dbus and gtsang upon completion of their studies of the Vinaya. Each of them
preached at a certain locality. klu mes took over kwa chu and other monasteries.
Then four of his disciples were named, one was gru mer. The disciples of gru mer
were named, and one was gzus. {R 77} This lineage of disciples founded various
schools of the Vinaya. The stories of several disciples in this lineage, including the
Vinayadhara of rgya and bya, were elaborated in this section. Among the disciples of
rgya are the “Four Pillars” and “Ten Beams”, similar names to the disciples of klu
mes. {79} The account of this lineage of disciples ended in rje btsun dam pa blo
bzang grags pa’I pal, or tsong kha pa, who issued strict monastic orders and purified
the minds of the three kinds of human beings in conformance to with the precepts of
the Atīśa.
Then the account turned back to the kings of Upper mnga ‘ris. The king srong nge,
who fostered the spread of the Doctrine, took the badge of monkhood with two of his
sons because there were no upādhyāyas and ācāryas available. His name was
changed to ye shes ‘od. The story was told in verses. It is about the invitation of
Dharmapāla from India to Upper mnga ‘ris and the ordination of many who studied
Vinaya. {R 84-87}
2.6 Gyelwa Lhakhang [Monastery] (rgyal ba lha khang gi skabs.
Chandra 78; Chengdu 117; Roerich 87).
This section is an account of the history of the rgyal lha khang monastery and its
lineages of Abbots. rgyal lha khang was known as one of the “Four Pillars of klu
mes,” or the four great monasteries founded by klu mes and disciples. It was also the
only one among the four that had a record of the Lineages of Abbots. This implies
that the monasteries acquire their significance and identities from the people who
managed them. The monastery was founded by sna nam rdo rje dbang phyug, who
was known to be a manifestation of Maitreya. His personal history was told in relation
to major events such as the birth of mar pa, etc. Then there is a long list of abbots.
Their respective year of birth, year and age at which they became abbot, duration of
occupation, and year of death were told. There were also time gaps in the history
during which there was no abbot. {R 87-90} The temple of rgyal was also burnt down
by Mongol troops and five hundred laity and clergy were killed. The Mongols later
repented and arranged for the rebuilding of the temple. Then there was another list of
abbots. Inserted in the middle of the lists were several reminders of how many years
have passed between the founding of the monastery and the end of service of the
most recent abbot mentioned. (Why are these reminders inserted after these
particular individuals’ names?)
2.7 Trabla Khawa [Monastery] (khrab la kha ba’i skabs. Chandra
82; Chengdu 122; Roerich 93).
This is a particularly short section (one paragraph) on phug po che, a branch of khrab
la kha, taken over by the kalyāṇa-mitra yam shud, a disciple of klu mes. The names
of the lineage of its abbots are given here, but there is no detailed information of their
birth and death.
2.8 Tangpoché [Monastery] (thang po che’i skabs. Chandra 82;
Chengdu 122; Roerich 93).
The history of thang po che monastery was told around the people (the khu pas) who
took residence there, not the abbots. The abbots were only named and nothing was
told about them, perhaps because of what was mentioned in section 2.6 that there is
no record of the abbots. The teachings of the khu pa in residence were told in more
detail. After the last abbot in the lineage of gru mer, the houses and property were
taken over by a bla rang pa. The bla rang pa, gser khang pas, and khu pas were all
considered outsiders because they didn’t belong to the spiritual lineage of gru mer.
{R 93-94}
2.9 Good Friend Drapa Ngonshé, his disciples, and Chenyé
[Monastery] (dge bshes grwa pa dpon slob dang spyan g.yas pa’i
skabs. Chandra 84; Chengdu 124; Roerich 94).
This section starts with tracing the lineage of gra pa mgnon shes. He was born in the
lineage of khri srong lde btsan’s minister ‘chims rdo rje spre chung, who built the
“blue” stupa of bsam yas and the monastery of Upper byang chub gling. gra pa
mgnon shes was of the same age as Master mar pa. He worked as a shepherd in his
youth and then his mind awakened and he took ordination in the presence of yam
shud. He built many vihāras, but decided to become a layman and built a mansion for
himself after his uncle’s death. Many disciples came to him. He met dam pa sang
rgyas and Somanātha, who bestowed on him the precepts of the Ṣadaṅga and zhi
byed sgron ma skor dgu. Having meditated on it, he mastered the great wisdom. {R
96}
Then here is a section about King bug pa can being sonless, and it wasn’t clear how
this section is related to others. {96}
It then continues with dra pa mgnon shes. He built skyid ru and later gra thang. He
passed to Nirvāṇa three years before completing the building and his nephews
completed it. After his death, don steng pa occupied gra thang. {R 97} He was also
the abbot of spyan gyas, founded by gra pa. He was succeeded by a list of abbots.
Inmates from spyan gyas became followers of the lineage of lo bya yul pa later. Later
on the mahā-upādhyāya rgyal tsha pa joined spyan gyas, the number of inmates
increased {R 100}. The monastery of spyan gyas is emphasized in this section
because at the end it says that the other monasteries of gra pa have no inmates at
the present, but the monastic community in spyan gyas existed without interruption.
PART 3 (GA): Early Translations of Secret Mantra [6 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the Early Translations of Secret Mantra.”
deb ther sngon po las / gsang sngags snga ‘gyur gyi skabs.
46 folios. Chandra 91-181; Chengdu 135-254; Roerich 102-203.
This chapter is concerned with the traditions claiming lineal descent from the
period of the early translation of tantric textual materials into Tibetan and is
therefore structured by ‘gos lo tsa ba according to the nine-vehicles schema
rnying ma pas use to heirarchically classify Buddhist doctrine. Owing to ‘gos
lo tsā ba’s emphasis on the trasmission of tantric materials, he includes only
the top three tantric vehicles of the nine-fold hierarchy, which according to
rnying ma pa sources are Mahāyoga, roughly equivalent to the Māyājāla;
Anuyoga, which is centered on the dgongs pa ‘dus pa’i mdo; and Atiyoga, or
the Great Perfection (rdzogs chen), which rnying ma pas further suddivide into
Mind class (sems sde), Space class (klong sde), and Precept class (man
ngag sde).
‘gos lo tsa ba only deviates from this basic structure when giving rong zom his
own titled section, a position he reserves for no other rnying ma pa figure.
Each sub-section usually consists of a short introduction and defense,
followed by the relevant lineage history containing a series of biographical
accounts depicting the defining episodes in the religious careers of important
lineage figures. These biographies are strung together with very little narrative
continuity beyond what is strictly necessary to demonstrate unbroken lineal
descent.
There are several overarching tendencies in this chapter that merit attention.
First, ‘gos lo offers no section devoted to the revelation of treasures (gter ma)
or treasure revealers, only mentioning gter ma a few times in passing, mostly
in reference to the snying thig cycle. This stands out as a curious omission,
especially given the wide-spread popularity of treaure cults in the rnying ma
pa lineages thriving before and during ‘gos lo tsa ba’s time. A connected
tendency is ‘gos lo tsa ba’s obsession with Indian pedigree, rather than
internal Tibetan developments, in the rnying ma pa lineage histories he
recounts. ‘gos lo tsa ba is willing to defend those rnying ma pa scriptures with
verifiable Indian origins, yet entirely ignores other rnying ma pa literary
movements of a more mixed Tibetan character.
Also of note, there is a tendency for transmission lineages such as the Mind
class and the mdo to be assiliated within a larger class, such as the Māyā
cyle, at some point in their transmission history. Judging by the accounts
themselves, this seems to represent a Tibetan tendency to consolidate and
systematize disparate cycles into a whole over the course of time, even to the
point where transmission lineages merge. Yet, this may also represent a
tendency to reintegrate detached cycles that had previously formed a whole.
There are various examples of cycles with shifting transmission links
throughout each section.

3.1 Principally on the Magical Illusion (māyajāla) (sgyu ‘phrul
gtso bor gyur pa’i skabs. Chandra 92; Chengdu 135; Roerich 102).
3.1a General Introduction to Early Translation Period Tantric Texts and
Lineages
‘gos lo tsā ba begins this chapter contrasting the instability of the Vinaya
teachings (Cdu 135: ‘dul ba’i stan pa) in Tibet with the enduring presence of
the Great Vehicle Secret Mantra teachings (Cdu 135: theg pa chen po gsang
sngag kyi bstan pa), which have not experienced decline since their initial
introduction into Tibet. Here, ‘gos lo tsa parts from his previous periodization
scheme of early and later spread of the Vinaya. Now the focus is on early and
later translation periods, the later period, by ‘gos lo tsā ba’s account,
beginning with the translations of paN+Di ta s+m+ri ti.
i. Defense of Early Translation Textual Authenticity
Here ‘gos lo tsā ba attempts to defend the authentic Indian pedigree of the
Guhyagarbha-tantra and the Sādhana of Vajrakīla, both of which are from the
Mahāyoga collection of tantras known as the Māyājāla. These two texts were
of central importance to the rnying ma pa lineages claiming literary and lineal
descent from the dynastic period, yet because of doubts about their Indian
origins, bu ston rejected them from inclusion in his famous bka’ ‘gyur
catalogue
‘gos lo tsā ba’s strategy for the Guhyagharba-tantra is, first, to isolate two
texts that were translated during the dynastic period and included in bu ston’s
bka’ ‘gyur catalogue, namely the dpal sang ba 'dus pa (Guhyasamāja) and the
sangs
rgyas
mnyam
sbyor
(Śrī
Sarvabuddhasamayogaḍākinīmāyāsambaratantrārthodaraṭīkā. He then lists a
number of Indian commentaries on those texts included in bu ston’s bstan
‘gyur catalogue that reference or quote the Guhyagarbha-tantra.
‘gos lo tsā ba also mentions a later-period translation (gsang snying rgyud
phyi ma) done by thar pa lo tsā ba. The Sanskrit edition was first discovered
by Śākyaśrībhadra (1204-1213 A.D.) at bsam yas and eventually made it into
the hands of rig pa ral gri before the translation was commissioned. ‘gos lo tsā
ba claims to own a damaged copy of the Sanskrit original.
Allegations against the Indian pedigree of the Sādhana of Vajrakīla were
quelled, according to ‘gos lo tsā ba, by sa skya paṇḍita kun dga' rgyal
mtshan’s (1182-1252 A.D.) discovery of a Sanskrit edition at shangs sreg
zhing and his subsequent translation.
ii. Summary of three-stage transmission history from the dynastic period
under khri srong Ide btsan, to snubs sangs rgyas ye shes, to the zur clan
Here, ‘gos lo tsā ba offers an abridged version of the famous three-phased
scheme of early translation lineal descent in Tibet. However, rather than
single-out gnyags dz+nyA na ku mA ra as the leading figure of the first phase,
as would become standard, ‘gos lo tsā ba begins with a general litany of
accomplished Tibetans to emerge during the reign of khri srong lde btsan. He
lists thirteen important male figures and one female, 'bro gza’ dI paM, while
acknowledging the presence of several other accomplished females during
this period.
‘gos lo tsā ba has snubs sangs rgyas ye shes leading the second phase of
lineal descent and cites his role in propagating the tantras after the
disintegration of imperial law (Chu 137: rgyal khrims zhig). He also mentions
snubs’s role in the translation and transmission of the mdo dgongs pa ‘dus pa
with a Gilgit master snubs encountered in Central Asia during a sojourn from
the escalation of civil strife (Chu 137: phyogs ris kyi ‘khrug pa dar ba’i dus) in
central Tibet.
The third phase begins with the activities of the zur clan, beginning with zur
senior and junior. ‘gos lo tsā ba then correlates their dates with Atīśa‘s arrival
in Tibet.
3.1b Detailed transmission history from dynastic period
Then follows a slightly more detailed discussion of the texts and practices
transmitted from Indian masters during the dynastic period. The focus here is
on the interaction between Tibetans and Indians, or other non-Tibetans, on
Tibetan soil.
This section begins with the traditional accounts of the general origins of
Buddhism in Tibet. Here ‘gos lo tsā ba mentions the royal family of king tho
tho ri gnyan’s worship of the gnyan po gsang bo text.
He also discusses the tantric deity practices of king srong btsan sgam po,
specifically his devotion to Bhairava, and the general popularity of deity
propitiation practices during his reign. As evidence, go lsa ba offers a curious
mix of textual and prophetic support – he mentions a text for the conjuration of
Bhairava attributed to srong btsan sgam po and a prophecy that ŚriGuhyapati delivered to las kyi rdo rje concerning his previous life as a nāga in
yar klung who used witchcraft against a Bhairavī yogin. ‘go lo tsā ba also
points out that deity practices were secret prior to the reign of king mes ag
tshom, but that the six-syllable mantra of Avalokiteśvara had already
pervaded popular religious practice by this time, “beginning with small
children.” {R 105}
Next, ‘gos lo tsā ba briefly mentions king khri srong de’u btsan’s invitation of
Santaraksita to Tibet and the origin of monastic ordination under his reign,
before describing his reception of the Vajrakila and Hayagriva initiations from
Padmasambhava’s. ‘gos lo tsā ba singles out the Hayagriva practice as
especially significant to the king and describes his signs of success in this
practice – mysterious neighing heard by several witnesses.
i. Transmission of the eight precept deities (bka’ brgyad)
‘gos lo tsā ba next very briefly describes the transmission of the eight precept
deities, dividing them into five transcendent groups and three mundane
groups {R106-107}. Notably, ‘gos lo tsā ba explicitly links the cycles of ‘jam
dpal, yang dag, bdud rtsi and phur pa with Indian masters active in Tibet
during the reign of king khri srong de’u btsan. Padma is not mentioned
separately, unless its links with Padmasmbhava are implied. ‘gos lo tsā ba
concurs with rnying ma sources that claim the three groups of mundane
deities derive from Padmasambhava’s subjugation of Tibetan spirits, and
addresses a critique voiced by dpal ‘dzin essentially stating that if the deities
of the “praise of the world” (‘jig rten mchod bstod) mandala are indeed
Tibetan, then given the purportedly non-Tibetan provenance of the schema,
other deities would have to have been killed off elsewhere to make way for
the new Tibetan pantheon. ‘gos lo tsā ba rejects dpal ‘dzin’s criticism by citing
his ignorance of the Pañcarakṣā, an Indian text concerned with mapping the
various locations of the multiple yakṣas.
ii. Transmission of the Great Perfection Precepts
Here ‘gos lo tsa wa briefly mentions the three divisions of the rnying ma Great
Perfection texts and practices, the mind (sems), space (klongs), and oral
precept (man ngag) classes and mentions the principal lineage figures
affiliated with each, Vairocana and Vimalamitra for the sems sde, Vairocana
for the klongs sde, and Vimalamitra and his disciple myang ting nge ‘dzin for
the man ngag sde. He treats each in greater detail later under their respective
headings.
3.1b Transmission of Magical Illusion from the dynastic period to the zur clan
Next, ‘gos lo tsa wa turns to consider the lineal descent of the exegesis of the
rnying ma pa tantras (Chu, 140: rgyud kyi bshed pa), specifically the cycle of
the sgyu ‘phrul gsang ba snying po, from the initial interaction between the
Indian adept Vimalamitra and the Tibetan translator rma rin chen mchog that
resulted in the first Tibetan editions from this cycle, to their later spread in
Tibet via members of the zur clan/lineage.
Notable in this section is ‘gos lo tsa ba’s mention of the early formation of
distinct exegetical lineages or schools (lugs) from a single teacher. The
lineage beginning from zhang, the direct disciple of rma rin chen mchog,
becomes known as the bka’ chims phu pas, or the man ngag brgyud, and dar
rje dpaI gyi grags pa, the grand-disciple of rma rin chen mchog, is credited for
the initial emergence of the dbu lugs and the khams lugs, from his successful
missionary activities in those regions. It remains unclear however exactly what
the term lugs refers to here.
‘gos lo tsa wa also takes Vairocana’s translation of nyi ‘od seng ge’s
Guhyagarbha commentary in the temple (gtsug lag khang) of ‘og rdu thugs rje
byams chen in khams as clear evidence for his transmission of an exegetical
lineage transmitted into khams.
Finally, ‘gos lo mentions the figure sangs rgyas ye shes zhabs as pivotal in
yet a third exegetical lineage stemming from Vimalamitra and proliferating in
Tibet. It is this third lineage to which ‘gos lo devotes the bulk of this short
section. After dating his period of activity between the reigns of kings ral pa
can and khri bkra shis btsegs, ‘gos lo gives a detailed account of the lineal
descent until zur po che.
Several items are noteworthy in these accounts. For one, the principal mode
of lineal descent appears to be hereditary, but perhaps should be more
accurately construed in terms of clan, rather than a strict patrilineal system,
which is certainly dominant but not in every case. ‘gos lo here makes the clanreligious lineage link explicit -- the rong lugs that emerges from the disciples
of sangs rgyas ye shes zhabs, such as ye shes rgya mtso and his son myang
shes rab mchog, is also known as the myang lugs, a name designated based
on their clan (Chu: 142, gdung rus las btags te myang lugs zhes).
Also of note, myang shes rab mchog, the son and disciple (yab sras kyi slob
ma) of yon tan rgya mtsho, himself the principal disciple of ye shes zhabs,
built a temple (Chu, 142.2: gtsug lag khang bzhengs). Its name is not given.
Next, ‘gos lo takes issue with g.yung ston’s lineage account, which puts
several generations between sangs sgyas ye shes zhabs and zur po che. He
corrects this to make zur po che the direct disciple of myang ye shes ‘byung
gnas, whose teacher was myang she rad mchog, the son of ye shes rgya
mtsho and along with his father, the direct disciple of sangs rgyas ye shes.
3.1c The zur Geneology
This section is an elaborate genealogical history of the zur clan/religious
lineage through ‘gos lo’s time. It consists of disparate biographies of several
of the more prominent figures from the zur clan/lineage strung together with
few narrative links beyond the overlaps necessary to illustrate unbroken lineal
succession. Notwithstanding, these stories trace the lineal descent of a clan
dynasty from murky beginnings to Chinese Imperial patronage, and in so
doing, offer an incredible wealth of information touching on almost every facet
of Tibetan lay and religious life from the eleventh through the fourteenth
centuries. This section also offers a prolonged look into the formation of an
important Tibetan clan and religious lineage. Especially relevant are the
numerous references to the foundation of institutions, descriptions of the
dynamics of lineal succession, and striking accounts of the encounters
between diverse types of religious specialists.
i. lha rje zur po che shAkya ‘byung gnas (‘ug pa lung pa)
This section begins with a litany of the first several generations of zur
hierarchs before focusing specifically on the religious career of zur po che
shAkya ‘byung gnas, credited with beginning the zur clan’s prestigious
religious lineage. As is clear form the list, with the exception of zur, the Eldest
and zur shes rab ‘byung gnas, the lineage is entirely of patrilineal descent.
zur po che’s biography traces his life chronologically, beginning with his family
genealogy and spiritual lineage, including a list of the teachings he received,
before moving on to his exegetical activity and a delineation of disciples, most
notably, the “four summits of the people,” the eight “crowns of the summit,”
and the single “crown of the summit,” atsags bla ma. {R 111}
It closes with details of zur po che’s institution-building activity, including his
construction (Chu: 144, bzhengs) and consecration of the famous gtshug lag
khang of ‘ug pa lung – the place zur po che would spend the majority of his
life and eventually be named after (‘ug pa lung pa) – as well the sgro phug
temple, and numerous statues.
‘gos lo’s list of the teachings zur po che received include the deity-focused
ritual practices of the eight precept deities (bka’ brgyad), the Magical Illusion
collection of tantras, the mdo dgongs ‘dus, as well as the various Great
Perfection classes.
‘gos lo tsa ba also notes that zur po che was the first to separately classify
root tantras and explanatory tantras, and organize root tantras with their
commentaries, sādhanas with their corresponding tantras, and ritual manuals
with their corresponding sādhanas.
zur po che was a celibate (brahmacāryin), yet there is no mention of his
affiliation with a monastic order of any kind. Moreover, in the story of zur po
che’s invitation to the religious council (chos ‘khor) in nya ri and his
subsequent collaboration in the construction of the sgro phug temple zur po
che is the tantric practitioner invited to complement the presence of a monk
and a bon po priest. This contrast between a celibate non-monastic tantric
and a monk shows that celibacy and monastic ordination were clearly not
mutually inclusive practices, but rather belonged at times to distinct groups of
religious specialists. This story is also interesting for its peculiar depiction of
the interaction between monks, tantrics, and bon po’s in vying and
collaborating for local religious authority and patronage. Interestingly, zur po
che and the bon po priest team up to the exclusion of the Buddhist monk,
suggesting that rnying ma pas of zur po che’s time were more closely
ideologically aligned with bon po’s than with the Buddhist monastic
mainstream.
Also of note is zur po che’s devotion to ‘brog mi, miraculously supplying him
with enough gold upon request to pay the large fee for Indian Gayadhara’s
oral instructions.
ii. zur chung shes rab grags pa (bde gshegs rgya bo pa)
Next follows the biography of zur po che’s chief spiritual heir, zur chung shes
rab grags pa, “the highest among the ‘Four Summits of the People” {R 113}.
zur chung’s biography follows him from his adoption by zur bo che from
distant zur clan relatives, to his eventual rise to material and religious
success, his inheritance of the zur clan religious lineage, as well as his
influential preaching and institution-building activities.
This section is notable for several reasons. It offers revealing depictions of
tensions between zur chung’s lineage of old-translation tantrics and newtranslation tantrics and monastics; it records zur chung’s efforts to maintain
the distinct identity of his sgyu ‘phrul exegetical tradition against the rising
tides of gsar ma authority and charisma; it offers a glimpse into the economic
realities of being an aspiring tantric teacher in the eleventh century; and it
hints at the nature of lineal succession when the boundaries of clan and
religious lineage have merged.
‘gos lo tsa ba begins by relating the story of zur chung’s initial encounter with
his guru, zur po che. By ‘gos lo’s account, it would seem that zur po che
adopts the young monk (Chu, 147, btsun chung) from his father, also a monk,
based solely on his being a distant member of the zur clan {R 114}. This
perhaps indicates the development of a strategy for clan-based religious
lineages to maintain clan inheritance practices even while lineage heads such
as zur bo che practiced celibacy and thus had no natural heirs.
Next, ‘gos lo tsa ba relates zur chung’s financial hardships, specifically how
his lack of funds interfered with his ability to obtain tantric initiations and copy
texts. zur po che’s solution to zur chung’s problem was for zur chung to
compromise his wish to maintain celibacy and take up with jo mo g.yu ma of
khang sngon of ban, one of zur po che’s wealthy women patrons, and her
daughter. Against his wishes, zur chung complied. After zur chung procured
his initiations and texts, zur po che demanded that he take his books and
leave them. zur chung subsequently never experienced financial hardship
again. As a result of his economic success, zur chung also gained the
initiations that authorized him as a teacher, and thus began his successful
teaching career explaining the mdo dgongs ‘dus to a congregation of “three
hundred students possessing text books around him” {R 115}.
During an annual practice of yang dag that zur po che led at the hermitage
(sgrub khang) of shangs kyi bsam pa, zur chung experienced a defining
moment in his religious career. After emerging victorious from a contest of
miracles among the “Four Summits of the People” initiated by zur po che, zur
bo che tells the losers, “you should not walk over zur chung’s shadow,”
thereby implicitly designating zur chung as the rightful heir to the zur clan
lineage.
There is no mention of ‘ug pa lung as an important center for study and
practice for zur chung. Rather, zur chung’s principal center for studies was the
temple of g.yas rus khang khri (Chu. 150: g.yas ru khang khri lha khang na
‘chad nyan skyong), which he left in the care of “the three useless ones” when
he departed to found the hermitage (dgon pa) of rgya bo in thag. zur chung
meditated in rgya bo for thirteen years and hence acquired the name rgya bo
pa.
zur chung was eventually forced to leave his hermitage at rgya po and return
to the temple. The reasons given for zur chungs return, primarily attributed to
the ineptitute of the “three useful ones,” are especially interesting for the
details they offer concerning the sectarian self-identity of the early zur lineage.
Simply stated, “the three (‘Useless Ones’) where unable to protect the
doctrine” {118}, or rather, they were each intent on supplementing the
conservative gsang snying exegetical lineage belonging to the zur clan with
gsar ma period tantric or scholastic materials.
In particular, ‘go bya tsha, in an attempt to supplement the thabs lam section
of the gsang snying with corresponding material from the mother tantras (ma
brgyud), went to study the Hevajra-tantra at ‘gos khug pa lhas btsas’s school
(grwa sa). ‘gos lo also reports ‘go bya tsha’s encounter with two monks on the
way, to whom he viciously insults the vehicle of hearer-listeners and solitary
realizers, subordinating these to the king of vehicles, presumably meaning the
vehicle of secret mantra. {R 117-118} ‘gos lo also mentions that there was
friction between ‘go bya tsha and ‘gos khug pa over ‘go bya’s disrespectful
behavior towards the senior teacher at ‘gos khug’s school, rma ra jo sras rma
bya ba.
Furthermore, meg chung dbang seng, intending to supplement the sgyu ‘phrul
with additional yogic practices when removing a mandala (??) in this system,
left to study under sum pa ye ‘bar for a spell.
Then, in order to supplement the basis and path structure of the sgyu ‘phrul
system, ‘go chung dbang, the third “useless one,” left to study logic and
epistemology (tshad ma) at spang ka dar chung’s school.
zur chung was thus forced to return to the study center primarily to maintain
the integrity of the zur exegetical lineage of the sgyu ‘phrul tantras. However,
‘gos lo also mentions that zur chung had made a commitment to zur po che to
complete the temple that zur po che began before his passing.
Quite appropriately, ‘gos lo next lists zur chung’s principal disciples largely in
terms of building metaphors, i.e., the “four columns,” the “eight beams,” the
“thirty-two planks,” and the like {R 118-119}.
Also of note in this section is ‘gos lo’s description of two debates between zur
chung and scholastic monk figures in which the tenets of the Great Perfection
and the “gsang ba sgyu ‘phrul” are explicit objects of criticism for zur chung’s
opponents, or are mentioned directly by zur po che himself. These suggest
that zur chung was a popular target for gsar ma monastic figures critical of
these controversial texts, doctrines, and practices.
The more detailed of the two accounts concerns the story of the “four pillars,”
four of zur chung’s closest disciples whom he first encountered when their
teacher, the learned dialectal philosopher and monk (grwa pa mtshan nyid pa
chen po shin tu mkhas pa) dge bshes khyung po grags se, dispatched them
to defeat zur chung in debate during a religious gathering they were all
mutually attending. The short transcript of this debate along with other details
of this story, even if only a later contrivance, is interesting as a possible
indication of some of the controversially flash points between scholastic
monks and tantrics of the old-translation lineages active during this period
{Chu 153-155; R 119-120}.
‘gos lo next relates an account in which ‘gos khug pa lhas btsas’s severe
disapproval for zur chung turns to veneration. Interestingly, ‘gos khug pa
expresses his disrespect for zur chung by instituting a rule (Chu. 156: khrims)
that all gsar ma tantrics (Chu.156: gsar ma ba rnams) never sit below or
prostrate to zur chung, further indicating the general tension between gsar ma
adherents and the zur clan/lineage, and perhaps old-translation clan-based
lineages more generally.
Despite zur chung’s avowed preference for celibacy, he produced three sons
and daughters from two separate unions. The son from his second union was
zur shAkya seng ge, the next hierarch of the zur lineage.
iii. zur shAkya seng ge (lha rje chen po sgro phug pa chen po)
This section is a description of the circumstances surrounding zur shAkya
seng ge’s birth from the union of zur chung and jo sras mo mnga’ mo gtsug
tor, a woman studying religion at a monastic school (grwa sa) when zur chung
met her and took her as his consort. By ‘gos lo’s account, the monks (grwa
pa) were displeased when she took-up with zur chung and were considering
her expulsion when skyo ston shAkya dreamt of the great benefit her child
would bring them. They therefore allowed her to stay in the monastery with
the child under the care of a renunciant (his uncle in a later account) who
failed to properly provide for the child. The section ends with an anecdote
about an auspicious donation of food a visiting nun made to the child and his
family, which they take as an omen indicating the sacred nature of the child.
iv. zur Genealogy from zur shAkya seng ge
This section lists eight generations of progeny beginning from zur shAkya seng ge.
v. Concerning zur chung ba’s Dates (1014-1074)
Here, ‘go lo tsa ba is concerned with aligning zur chung’s dates with the
accepted dates of other major figures active during the eleventh century. ‘gos
lo’s basic date is the birth of lo chen rin chen bzang po. He dates zur chung’s
birth in the year wood-male-tiger (1014), when the great translator was fiftyeight.
‘gos lo then correlates zur chung’s dates as contemporary with mar pa, ‘gos
khug pa lhas btsas, khon gkon mchog rgyal bo, and lo tsa ba blo ldan shes
rab. According to ‘go lo’s calculations, zur chung passed away in the year
wood-male-tiger (1074), at the age of sixty-one.
vi. zur shAkya seng ge (lha rje chen po sgro phug pa chen po) continued…
After the detour into zur chung’s dates, ‘gos lo continues with the biography of
zur shAkya seng ge. Most notable in ‘gos lo’s account is that zur shAkya seng
ge appears to have benefited greatly from the hard work of his father zur
chung. Clearly sgro phug pa inherited from zur chung an established,
wealthy, and prestigious religious institution that he was only needed to
maintain, rather than develop further. More, zur shAkya seng ge’s inheritance
occurred in a formal installation into office ceremony (Chu. 160: che ‘don).
This marks the first appearance of this term in the zur lineage records.
Oddly, sgro phug is born in 1074, the year of his father zur chung’s death.
After his installation ceremony at nineteen, his institutional responsibilities
prohibited him from traveling to pursue religious training elsewhere. However,
his clout ensured that he was able to continue his studies by inviting and
financially supporting several famous teachers, thus he received a complete
education in the mdo, Māyā, and Great Perfection systems under the private
tutelage of several of zur chung’s direct disciples, such as the “four pillars”
and other notables. Any reference to institution building is conspicuously
missing from this account, as is any mention of extensive meditation retreat.
Yet, sgro phug pa is the first zur hierarch to be attributed divine status – “lha
rje sgro phug pa was said to be a manifestation of guhyapati Vajrapani” {R
125}. The account closes with a description of the miracles occasioned by his
passing, as well as a listing of his closest disciples. ‘gos lo dates his rgro phug
pa’s death to the year wood-male-tiger (1134)
vii. lha rje lce ston rgya nag
‘gos lo tsa ba is explicit about his reliance on different documents (Chu., 162:
yi ge gzhan dag na) for the biography of rgya nag pa, but fails to mention what
these are. ‘gos lo begins by recounting an alternate lineage history in which
sgro phug pa, or hla rje hor po as he is also referred to here, is the direct
disciple of lang ston dar ma bsod names, rather than zur chung, in a what
appears to be non-clan based lineage stemming from Vimalamitra through his
direct student, the nun sgre mo of rong chu tshan. hla lce ston rgya nag is the
closest of sgro sbugs pa’s four “Black Spiritual Disciples” (thugs kyi sras nag
po bzhi).
The biography follows rgya nag’s life from his birth into a religious family (his
grandfather founded a temple <lha khang bzhengs> during his return from a
trip to khams) and extensive early religious education in the Prajñāpāramitā,
Abhidharma, Nyāya and Mādhyamika literature at a philosophical college
(Chu., 162: mtshan nyid kyid grwa sa) in upper myang, to his eleven-year
period of tantric study and practice under sgro phug pa, and eventual rise to
preeminence in the zur lineage.
rgya nag’s biography is distinctive in several ways. To start, rgya nag’s
account is the first that emphasizes a zur lineage-holder engaged in intensive
studies of mainstream Mahāyana scholastic materials. Recall the explicit and
implicit critiques of monastic-style scholastic studies that so often occur in the
previous accounts. Also of note, rgya nag’s teacher of the khams lugs Great
Perfection system stemming from a ro was a women, jo mo myang mo, which
also marks an unusual relationship in the zur lineage records. Lastly, rgya nag
became a monk (gshegs btsun mdzad) at the age of forty, just a year prior to
sgro phug’s passing, which constitutes the unusual instance of an ordained
monk assuming the head of the zur lineage.
The account also includes a listing of teachings received and encounters with
his principal students ston shAk and zhig po or dbu, before concluding with a
list of rgya nag’s brothers’ offspring. rgya nag appears to have had no
progeny. ‘go lo tsa ba gives rgya nag’s dates as year wood-male-dog—year
earth serpent (1094-1143).
viii. yon tan gzungs
This brief section describes yon tan gzung as rgya nag’s nephew and tantric
student, and mentions that at twenty-four he assumed the leadership position
of rgya nag’s “seat” (gdan sa mdzad), and that his studies were subsequently
completed by rgya nag’s senior students ston shAk and zhig po.
ix. dam pa se brag pa (ston shAk)
This section briefly tells dam pa se brag pa’s biography through only touching
upon his education at the school of lha rje nta ri, his subsequent studies under
rgya nag, his search for a hermitage (Chu., 166: dgon pa tshol du byon) at yol
pa rock in the northern mountains (byang ri), and his success in meditation for
the benefit of beings.
x. zhig po of dbus
In this section zhig po of dbu, first exposed to religion during his work as
secretary of the school of sgro phug pa, subsequently studied tantra under
rgya nag and later developed strong renunciation during a trip to Nepāl to
seek the ritual implements necessary for his installment ceremony. Important
in this section is the vague reference to zhig po’s uncle (khu bo) as his
principal religious teacher, and the reference to zhig po’s installment
ceremony (che ‘don). Evidently, by this stage uncle to nephew inheritance had
become an important mode of lineal succession for the zur clan, and this
transfer of property and stewardship was formally signaled through an
installment into office ceremony (che ‘don). Thereafter, zhig po maintained a
school (grwa sa skyangs), presumably his uncle’s, but the name is not given.
‘gos lo gives his death date as year Wood-Female-Hare (shing mo yos—1195
A.D.) and lists his principal students.
xi. zhig po bdud rtsi
This story begins with the first fully explicit mention of the popular unclenephew model of lineage succession (khu dbon ‘di gnyis), here referring to
zhig po bdud rtsi’s inheritance of the zur religious estates from his mother’s
brother dam pa se brag pa. dam pa se brag pa here is credited with bringing
the scholastic tradition (mkhyen pa’i srol) to the lineage, while zhig po bdud
rtsi is credited with conducting extensive teaching activities which helped
disciples (gdul bya la phan pa’i bstan pa’i bya ba).
Next, ‘gos lo gives zhig po bdud rtsi’s genealogical background, and briefly
describes the religious works of zhig po bdud rtsi’s ancestors down to his
father, sangs rgyas dag chung. ‘gos lo credits sangs rgyas dag chung with
making offerings to a number of hermitages in lho brag (Chu, 169: gnas dgon
mang du phul), such as lha gdong hermitage and ‘ug lung hermitage, through
his connections with patrons in gzad pa. His student-base expanded much
through this activity and zhig po bdud rtsi was eventually born at the lha
gdong hermitage to wang mo rgya gar gsal, also of the gzad clan.
Then, the story follows zhig po’s life from his auspicious birth and the death of
his father soon thereafter, to his precocious childhood years with his single
mother. As an indication of other types of religious authorities active during
this period, ‘gos lo gives two interesting episodes in which zhig po’s mother
consults a sharp local soothsayer (ma mo rnon po zhig) for advice concerning
her young son, and later a yoginī for a blessing.
Then an episode involving an annual communal fertility ritual is described,
and zhig po’s disregard and ultimate mastery of these is certainly intended to
feature the young zhig po’s power. However, this story may also hint at the
Buddhist assimilation and subordination of such local agricultural rituals -zhig po, as a powerful Buddhist tantric, demonstrates his ultimate control over
the local deities of the harvest, even without relying on the communal ritual
procedures.
Next is a detailed discussion of zhig po’s educational career beginning with
Great Perfection studies under his uncle and principal guru, dam pa se brag,
followed after his passing by studies under yon tan gzung, as well as several
years under skyil mkhar Iha khang pa, where he focused specifically on
Mental class (sems phyogs) materials. This section is of considerable interest
for its details concerning the various exegetical lineages of the sems phyogs,
such as the skor, rong, and khams lugs, as well as their principal texts and the
transmission links between them.
Next are the details of zhig po’s teaching career, which began at sixteen years
of age when he successfully taught the skor lugs stong thun at a religious
assemply in upper myang and achieved renown as a scholar. zhig po also
received considerable wealth as a result.
zhig po then formally inherited the zur clan lineage holdings in an installment
ceremony (che ‘don) that occurred this time in gzad, zhig po’s maternal clan
district from whom zhig po’s father also received great patronage. Thereafter,
zhig po assumed control of much (Chu. 177: mang du gzung), including se
sbrag (his uncle’s residence) and chos ldings in gtsang, as well as ‘ug skad
hermitage (Chu. 177: ‘ug skad dgon pa la sogs pa gzung). It appears at this
juncture as though the gzad clan had become affiliated with the zur clan in
maintaining and promoting the interests of the lineage.
The next section recount the founding of the chos ldings hermitage (dgon pa),
and bla ma zhang’s important role in naming and promoting the hermitage
during its initial phases of development.
The next section vividly illustrates zhig po’s wide range of influence through
depicting his many great activities, including his miracles, his extensive
patronage of statues, temples, and translation activities, his support of Indian
masters visiting Tibet and Tibetan meditaters, his great generosity to the poor,
his offerings to Bodhgaya and the lha sa jo bo temples, and his public works,
most notably, his four efforts at rebuilding the lha sa dam.
The account ends with the miraculous events surrounding his death, the
transport of his body to gzad thang skya, after the king, officials and his
disciples recognized this to be the residence (Chu. 180: gdan sa) of this
mahāpuruṣa, and the constructing of numerous temples and stupas in the
many areas he used to preach (gdan sa che chung kun tu).
‘gos lo gives his dates as year Earth-Female-Serpent (sa mo sbrul—1149
A.D.)—Earth-Female-Sheep (sa mo lug—1199 A.D.), before closing with a list
of his primary disciples.
xii. jo bsod of dbus
This section begins with a description of the religious education and
affiliations of jo bsod’s grandfather and father. Of note is the sectarian fluidity
among the leaders of what by ‘gos lo’s account is an extremely wealthy and
powerful aristocratic family. rta bon dbang brags rta, for example, the leader
of upper g.yu ru (Chu, 180-181: g.yu ru stod kyi bdag po bye ba), had faith in
both the bon and Buddhist teachings. His son, ston jo ‘bum, received
teachings on most of the major gsar ma and rnying ma doctrines circulating
during his time {R 142}, even though his major teachers were gnyos chu bo ri
pa and phag mo gru pa. He spent much of his life meditating in chu bo ri,
where he accumulated a rather large following.
Of his two sons, jo bsod and jo yes, jo bsod was five years junior. ston jo ‘bum
died when his children were still quite young, thus jo bsod came under the
care and spiritual guidance of zhig po and lha khang pa, and thus became
learned in much of the rnying ma pa literature. However, jo bshod died young
at thirty-one.
xiii. rta ston jo yes
This section begins with a detailed list of the teachings and texts jo yes
received during the early part of his education prior to encountering zhig po.
According to this account, rta ston jo yes followed his father’s example and
pursued training in most of the gsar ma and rnying ma tantric materials
available from a number of tantric adepts.
Next, ‘gos lo relates jo yes’ initial encounter with zhig po at the hermitage of
‘ug skad, before listing the texts and oral precepts he subsequently received
during their eleven-year stay together.
Notably, prior to jo yes’ encounter with zhig po, is the description of a joint
installment/coming of age ceremony (che ‘don) held for both brothers, without
mention of the properties conferred.
The next episode credits jo yes with incredible renunciation, recounting the
abandonment of all his estate holdings, through selling them (Chu, 186: yul
gzhis thams cad btsong nas) and using the assets to institute four separate
religious assemblies on zhig po’s behalf. He also offered seventy-four “good
horses” {146-147} to zhig po, in total.
So heavy were jo yes’ institutional responsibilities in maintaining zhig po’s
religious establishment (gdan sa) after his passing that he was utterly unable
to engage in extensive meditation retreat. Instead, he lived his remaining
years with a wife and child working to further the religious establishment
(gdan sa). In a clear reversal of early zur lineage vales, the account defends
such the institutional life, stating, “His sins were removed, for having laboured
for his teacher” {R 147}. ja yes himself even maintains that his life of service
was superior to a life in hermitages (ri khrod).
Then, after listing jo yes’ principal teachers, as if to support the previous
defense of a life of institutional labor, the narrative relates a sequence of
episodes that signaled transformational moments in jo yes’s meditative life.
The narrative closes with yet more discussion of jo yes’s work for the religious
establishment, noting that “he visited many kingdoms” to further zhig po’s
legacy.
‘gos lo tsa ba gives the date of his death as the 19th day of the month
Bhādrapada (ston zla ra ba, 15th Aug—15th Sept.) of the year Iron-MaleTiger (lcags pho stag—1230 A.D.), at sixty-eight years of age.
Notably, ‘gos lo mentions that his principal source for the zur clan lineage
accounts is a history of the gsang snying lineage composed by sta ston gzi
brjid, a student of sangs rgyas dbon ston, as part of sta ston gzi brjid’s gsang
snying commentary. Moreover, ‘gos lo relates that all “the teachers of the
Lineage were said to have been learned in the Māyā (sgyu ‘phrul) and the
“Mental” Class (sems phyogs)…they belonged to the Lineages of these two
systems” {R 148-49}.
xiv. Alternate source for lineage history from sgro sbug pa to g.yung ston pa
Here, ‘gos lo draws from g.yung ston’s khog dbub to give an alternate lineage history from
sgro spug pa to g.yung ston pa.
Notable in this short account is ‘gos lo’s mention of pa shi shAk ‘od, a zur
lineage hierarch who received the status of imperial preceptor from the
Chinese emperor se chen for offering him “the water of life” he discovered at
the rock rdo rje tshe drtan, a treasure which had originally been concealed
there by Padmasambhava. This is one of the few references ‘go lo makes
throughout the text to treasure revelation or the treasure revealers that were
extremely popular by the 13th and 14th century. The absence of any extended
discussion of treasures constitutes a deliberate omission on the part of ‘gos lo
tsa ba.
pa shi’s successor was zur byams pa seng ge, g.yung ston’s teacher.
xv. g.yung ston pa
This section describes important events in the life of g.yung ston pa of the
glan clan. It includes details of g.yung ston’s extensive study of both gsar ma
and rnying ma tantric materials, his invitation to China by Imperial command
to perform a religious dance (‘chams), his success there in producing a
rainstorm upon Imperial request, and his great generosity with the Imperial
reward to his teachers and the monastic community. g.yung ston’s principal
teachers were rang byung rdo rje and bu ston and he spent most of his years
at phung bo ri bo che and ra dum brag. Given his miracles he was clearly
known as a fantastically powerful yogi. Also of note, the narrative credits him
with holding a view that differentiates between sutric and tantric Buddhahood.
This doctrinal perspective was convincing enough to attract disciples, notably
g.yag ston pan chen and his fifteen attendants. ‘gos lo also mentions that he
took ordination later in life. ‘gos lo tsa ba gives his dates as follows: the year
Wood-Male-Ape (shing pho spre—1284 A.D.) to the year Wood-FemaleSerpent (shing mo sbrul—1365 A.D.).
xvi. ‘jam dbyangs bsam grub rdo rje
This short section is concerned with the basic details of bsam gurp rdo rje.
Unlike g.yung ston pa, bsam grub rdo rje was born (Wood-Female-Sheep
/shing mo lug—1295 A.D.) into a family at rta nag gnas gsar with exclusive
rnying ma pa affiliations. This is also reflected in his education, which was
conducted under zur shakya byung gnas of yang dben pa and bla ma seng ge
ba of ‘ug pa lung, two renowned zur masters. Along with g.yung ston, bsam
grup rdo rje was also a student of zur byam pa seng ge. His principal
hermitage was located at bye seng ma, and he became learned and
accomplished in the sgyu ‘phrul before his death, which ‘gos lo gives as year
Fire-Male-Dragon (me pho 'brug 1376 A.D.), at the age of eighty-two. He had
one son, sangs rgyas rin chen rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po.
xvii. sangs rgyas rin chen rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po
This section focuses on the life of sangs rgyas rin chen, the son and chief
student of bsam grub, and one of ‘gos lo tsa ba’s own rnying ma pa teachers.
Thus, this sectioned is concerned with demonstrating sangs rgyas rin chen’s
eminent qualifications through highlighting his incredible learning in this
system and through presenting the long list of the teachings and
empowerments he received. The apologetical tone of ‘gos lo’s account is
most evident when he states: “I obtained an exceptional faith in the class of
religious texts known as the ‘Old’ Tantras and was not affected by the defilement of abandoning religious vows” {R 153}, indicating that moral lapses
were widely considered a natural outcome of studying the rnying ma pa
tantras.
Like other zur lineage holders, sangs rgyas rin chen was pressured by his
father to produce offspring rather than take up ordination vows, so as to
ensure the survival of the clan-based zur lineage. sangs rgyas rin chen
followed his fathers advice, but later took novitiate and full ordination at the
age of fifty-six. Once again we witness a zur clan religious leader struggling to
honor the religious value of celibacy against the social exigencies of ensuring
the survival of his lineage.
sangs rgyas rin chen was also a prolific author of tantric commentaries,
textbooks and practice texts, and extremely active as a tantric teacher and
ritual master of many disciples, including ‘gos lo tsa ba himself. ‘gos lo tsa ba
gives his dates as follows: year Iron-Male-Tiger (lcags pho stag—1350 A.D.)
to year Iron-Female-Hog (lcags mo phag—1431 A.D.).
xvii. sangs rgyas grags
This section is an extremely brief sketch of the life of sangs rgyas grag from
the gnyal clan. The salient features of his story revolve around his miraculous
acquisition of wealth, and the success this brings him in the religious sphere.
His principal teachers are khyung po khro bo and two disciples of sgro sbug
pa, and he is credited with founding rngo thog thel in his home region of rgyas
smad stag rtse.
xviii. chos kyi seng ge of skyi
This section includes only one episode from the life of sangs rgyas grags’s
principal disciple chos kyi seng ge of skyi, namely, his peculiar treatment at
the hands of the Mongol Emperor se chen. The episode depicts the Emperor
having chos seng sealed inside a stupa for a year. chos seng’s emergence
unscathed and in the image of Vajrakila inspires faith in the Emperor, who
responds with great gifts and extensive land grants.
xix. shAkya 'od of sman lung
This account of chos kyi seng ge’s chief successor touches upon shAkya ‘od’s
family origins, his early tantric education under chos seng and dsog rgyal of
glan, his composition of an important summary and commentary of the gsang
snying, his multiple disciples and his propagation of the doctrine in khams
through his position as teacher of the Lord of gong gyo.
xx. zur lineage from shAk 'bum pa to ‘gos lo tsA ba
This section lists the important gsang snying lineage figures from shAkya ‘od
of sman lung through shAk ‘bum pa to ‘gos lo tsA ba. Of note here is the
reference to dpal Idan rdo rje rgyal mtshan, a figure who studied logic and
epistemology at gsang phu before becoming learned in the mdo and sgyu
‘phrul tantric literature under rgya ye shes mgon po. He later composed a
commentary on the gsang snying based on the Indian master Vilāsavajra’s
spar khab commentary, an initiation ritual manual (Chu, 196: dbang gi cho ga)
and other related textual materials. rdo rje gyal mtshan’s texts formed the core
of ‘gos lo tsa ba’s study and practice of the gsang snying under the master
bkra shis rgya mtsho. ‘gos lo also mentions having received from him the phur
pa lha nag ma. The section closes with a list of bkra shis rgya mtsho’s
lineage.
xxi. Summary of mdo and Māyā commentarial lineage from rog shes rab ‘od
This section concerns the rog exegetical lineage from rog shes rab ‘od, in
which the mdo and mgyu ‘phrul are transmitted together. Reference here is
made to the commentarial systems of so, skyo, and zur, indicating that this
lineage included them all. This section also refers to several compositions
authored by leading figures of the lineage. Most importantly, the principal
study center of the rog lineage became dan bag, where klong chen rab
'byams (rdo rje gzi brjid) studied the gsang snying. ‘gos lo relates that klong
chen pa regarded rong zom’s commentary on the gsang snying preferable to
the spar khab’s treatment {Chu 198-199; R 157}, and composed both the
spyi’i khog dbub and the rgyud kyi rnam bshed according to the rnying thig
precepts.
xxii. Continuation of the zur lineage south, north, and east into khams
In this section ‘go lo tsa ba attempts to document the spread of the zur clan
lineage to southern, northern and especially eastern Tibet (khams), and offers
evidence for the existence of other mdo and sgyu ‘phrul lineages in khams. In
this regard he specifically mentions the enduring existence of the gtsang
lineage of initiation and meditation in ka thog hermitage in khams, and the
emergence of a sgyu ‘phrul lineage in khams stemming from Vairocana’s
translation of the Indian figure nyi ma’i ‘od kyi seng ge’s commentary on the
gsang snying.
3.2 Lineage of the Assembly Sūtra (‘dus pa mdo’i brgyud lugs kyi
skabs. Chandra 142; Chengdu 200; Roerich 158).
‘gos lo’s brief discussion of the dgongs ba ‘dus pa’i mdo, the root text of the
anuyoga category of tantras in the rnying ma pa nine-fold vehicle schema,
presents only the most basic details of the sūtra’s lineal transmission.
3.2a In Defense of the Authenticity of the mdo
‘gos lo opens this section by describing that the mdo category is inclusive of
two separate texts – a root text, the kun 'dus rig pa’i mdo, and an explanatory
tantra, the bshad rgyud mdo dgongs pa ‘dus pa – before offering a broad
defense of the sūtra’s authenticty. Once again, bu ston’s rejection of this text
from inclusion in his bka’ ‘gyur catalogue forms the backdrop, as ‘gos lo tsa ba
compares a pasage from the mdo sde gdams ngag 'bogs pa’i rgyal po, which
was included in bu ston’s famously authoritative index, with a similar passage
from the mdo dgongs pa 'dus pa'i mdo.
3.2b The Lineage of the mdo
This section offers the zur hierarch sgro sbug pa‘s detailed listing of the mdo’s
transmission among Indian, Central Asian, and finally Tibetan masters,
culminating with himself.
The Indian transmission history has Vajrapani teaching it initially only to
enlightened beings on Mount Malaya, and only later communicating it to the
human realm via Vajrapani’s initiation and empowerment of king dza in a
series of seven dreams. The king’s dissemination of the teachings to his sons
features the prince Indrabodhi and his transmission of the mdo to Kukkurarāja
as important.
After a list of the prominent Indian figures important in the mdo’s transmission,
sgro sbug pa explains the transmission of the mdo to ‘bru sha, or Gilgit, and
its translation into that language. The Tibetan edition of the mdo is explicit
about its translation from the language of Gilgit, rather than Sanskrit, a fact
that attracted much criticism among gsar ma neo-conservatives. This
controversy surrounding the allegedly non-Sanskritic origins of the mdo
appears to form the backdrop for sgro sbug pa’s efforts in this section to link
the ‘bru sha mdo transmitted to Tibet with important Indian and Nepali figures.
Note the Indian Dhanarakṣita‘s role in translating the mdo into the language of
‘bru sha, his transmission of the mdo in Nepal to Dharmabodhi and
Vasudhara in the meantime, and snubs sangs rgyas ye she’s reception of that
text from those two masters, as well as from the upādhyāya of bru zha, ru che
btsan skyes credited with having initially invited the Indian Dhanarakṣita to the
land of ‘bru sha. sgro sbug pa’s account cleverly addresses critiques of the
mdo’s non-Sanskritic origins by emphasizing snubs’ interaction with the Indian
or Nepali direct disciples of the Indian Dhanarakṣita, rather than his teacher in
Central Asia from whom he received and translated the text.
sgro sbug pa finally lists the important figures in the Tibetan transmission of
the text, from snubs to sgro sbug pa himself.
‘gos lo closes with the important note that since sgro sbug pa the mdo was
only transmitted through the Māyā cycle, which was the manner of its
transmission to ‘gos lo from his teacher sgrol ma pa.
Also noteworthy is ‘gos lo’s reception of the reading transmission (lung) for
the famous mdo commentary composed by snubs sangs rgyas ye shes, mun
pa’i go cha, a text which was subsequently lost only to reappear centuries
later.

3.3 Account of Rongzom Chökyi Zangpo (rong zom chos kyi
bzang po’i lo rgyus kyi skabs. Chandra 143; Chengdu 202; Roerich
160).
In this section, which constitutes the only biography of a rnying ma pa figure
given its own chapter heading, ‘gos lo sequentially recounts two separate
biographies of rong zom chos kyi bzang po composed by yol dge bsnyen rdo
rje dbang phyug and g.yag rdo rje 'dzin pa. Both accounts emphasize rong
zom’s prodigious Sanskitic learning, his excellent work as a translator for
visiting Indian masters, and how this authorized him to compose original
treatises in Tibetan. Moreover, several episodes from each account clealy
indicate that composition of religious texts by Tibetans in Tibetan was a hotly
contested activity during the eleventh century, strongly critiqued by gsar ma
neo-conservatives.
3.3a Account given by yol dge bsnyen rdo rje dbang phyug
yol dge dsnyen rdo rje dbang phyug’s account begins with rong zom’s birth at
“khungs rong on the border of Lower gtsang, a sub-division (ru lag) of one of
the four Tibetan districts (ru)” {R 160}. The narrative then mentions four
divergent traditions that alternately depict rong zom’s previous life as one of
three distinct Indian figures; ācārya Smṛtijñānakīrti, ācārya phra la ring mo, or
ācārya Kṛṣṇapāda, the Great, or a manfestation of the bodhisattva ĀryaMañjuśrī.
The next section, which treats rong zom’s education, focuses on his early
mastery of Sanskrit and the ease with which he learned languages of all sorts,
his mastery of Indian Buddhist śāstras, Sūtras and Tantras, as well as the
broader Indian Vedic disciples of logic, poetics, and others. Significantly
absent from this rendering is any mention of rong zom’s Tibetan teachers.
Only Indian figures are credited with having a role in rong zom’s education.
Sections emphasizing his Sanskritic learning are interspersed with episodes
highlighting his compositional mastery, as though the former are present to
support the latter.
Notable is the episodes involving go rub lo tsA ba sge slong chos kyi shes
rab, who’s criticisms of textual composition among Tibetans are quelled when
he encounters rong zom’s defence of the Great Perfection, "Introduction to
the system of the Mahayāna" (theg mchog tshul ‘jug). Then, after go rub
discovers that rong zom’s interpretation of the gsang snying accords with the
Indian scholar Lord Kṛṣna’s, go rub is counted among rong zom’s closest
disciples {R 162-63}. From this episode and subsequent reference to the
translator mar pa chos kyi dbang phyug, rong zom’s principal opponents
appear to have been the gsar ma translators and new-conservatives that were
championing Indian Sanskritic provenance as the authoritative benchmark for
textual and doctrinal authenticity.
The section closes with an episode relating the encouragement and
authorization rong zom received from his many Indian teachers to compose
treatises in Tibetan.
3.3b Account given by g.yag rdo rje 'dzin pa
This account, authored by a direct disciple of rong zom, centers on the same
set of issues as rdo rje dbang phug’s biography, namely rong zom’s excellent
Sanskrit learning, and his consequent authority to compose original texts in
Tibetan despite the controvesy surrounding Tibetan composition in the
eleventh century. However, this rendering follows a more traditional sequence
in naming some of the Tibetan teachers important in rong zom’s education.
On this note, the account mentions the school belonging to 'gar ston tshul
khrims bzang po in Lower myang as the site of rong zom’s early education
until the age of thirteen, and the teacher mdo ston seng ge rgyal mtshan,
under whom rong zom appears to have studied the tantras. rong zom’s tantric
education was deemed completed under mdo ston, after rong zom related an
auspicious dream in which the gsang snying the sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor
appeared as food that rong zom prepared and consumed.
By rdo rje ‘dzin pa’s account, this dream began rong zom’s career as a
teacher, exegete, and most importantly, as an author. The next sections lists
the most important of rong zom’s many commentaries and treatises, including
commentaries on the gsang snying, sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor, a treatise on
vows and committments, and treatises on the Great Perfection, grammar and
other topics.
The section closes with an interesting episode at a religious assemply in
which a group of scholars and translators including 'gos lhas btsas, “intended
to debate with him [rong zom], holding the opinion that it was improper for
persons born in Tibet to compose treatises” {R 165}. In the end the brilliance
of rong zom’s compositions wins out and they request teachings and all
become rong zom’s disciples.
3.3c Lineages belonging to rong zom
This section, detailing rong zom’s lineal legacy and summarizing his life, is
from an unnamed source.
After ‘gos lo notes rong zom’s important lineal successors, which appears to
be largely heritary, he then offers a sketch of the lineages belonging to rong
zom. He includes the secret precepts of the ācārya padma]; a “Mind" Class
(sems sde) lineage stemming from Vairocana and g.yu sgra snying po;
the "(Lineage) of the 'Great Perfection” (rdzogs chen) according to the
khams method (khams lugs) that combines “the seventh link in the chain of
the Indian Lineage, as well as those of the seventh link of the Chinese
Lineage of hwa shang (ho shang)” {R 167}, and which first appeared in
Tibet from a ro ye shes ‘byung gnas; and the lineage flowing into Tibet
through Vimalamitra and his chief disciples myang ting 'dzin bzang po, rma
rin chen mchog and gnyags dz+nyA na ku mA ra.
‘gos lo concludes with a discussion of rong zom’s dates, which he roughly
estimates in light of rong zom’s reported encounters with other major eleventh
century figures {R 167}.
3.4 Mind Class (sems phyogs kyi skabs. Chandra 151; Chengdu
212; Roerich 167).
This section concerns the Mind class (sems sde), the first of the three classes
of the Great Perfection, or atiyoga class that constitutes the ultimate vehicle of
the rnying ma pa nine-fold vehicle schema. The section begins with a general
introduction and defence of the authentic Indian origins of the Mind class and
the Great Perfection, before giving a detailed account of the Indian and
Tibetan transmision of this class of literature and praxis.
3.4a General Introduction and Defense of the Mind Class
This section begins with a brief reference to the Indian origins of the Mind
class and its transmission in Tibet. Major figures include the Indian Śrī Siṃha
who received the doctrine from 'jam dpal bshes gnyen and the Tibetan bai ro
tsa na, who received it from him and propagated it in khams.
Next, after noting the great terminological similarity between “Mukhāgama (zhal
lung) system of sangs rgyas ye shes zhabs, the "Mental" Class (sems
phyogs) and the Cycle of Secret Precepts (man ngag gi sde)” {R 168}, ‘gos
lo tsa ba defends the Great Perfection Mind Class against dpal ‘dzin’s criticism
that the term “Great Perfection” (rdzogs chen) never appears in the gsar tantric
material. ‘gos lo’s offers numerous quotes from gsar ma tantric material with
instances of the term.
‘gos lo also illustrates the striking similarity between a passage from the
Mukhāgama (zhal lung) and a passage from the first chapter of the eighteen
divisions of the "Mental" Class (sems sde), and takes the opportunity to
refute “some of the followers of the ‘Great Perfection’ (rdzogs chen) who
refuted the upāya cārya” {R 169}, through pointing out an explict reference
to the bodhisattva Pāramitās practices of generosity, morality and the
likein the sems sde selection.
This section concludes with a terse synopsis of the distinction between
sems, klong, and man ngag classes (sde) of the Great Perfection {R 169170}.
3.4b Lineage of the Mind Class
This section concerns the lineage of this important class of literature and
therefore lists the principal Indian and Tibetan figures instrumental in its
transmission. ‘gos lo opens by mentioning that rnying ma pa masters name
Buddhagupta (sangs rgyas gsang ba) and his disciple Vimalamitra as the
key figures in the its transmission from Indian to Tibet.
i. Buddhagupta
‘gos begins with this figure and names his teacher as Jñānapāda (ye shes zhabs).
ii. bai ro tsa na
This section describes Vairocana’s transmission of the doctrine to Tibet on
five separate occasions. Initially, Vairocana taught it to the king, then he
taught it three times in khams, to rgyal mo g.yu sgra snying po, gsang ston ye
shes bla ma and to sangs rgyas mgon po, respectively, at three separate
hermitages (Chu. 215: dgon pa). Finally, he taught it in dbu the nun la zi
shes rab sgron ma.
iii. gnyags dz+nyA na
This section describes gnyangs’s important role in the consolidation of distinct
sems sde lineages and their wider circulation in Tibet. This took place, by ‘gos
lo’s account, as a result of gnyags studies under bai ro (tsa na) and g.yu sgra,
and his studies of the “later” translation under Vimalamitra.
Consequently, the “four great streams of the doctrine came together” {R
170} in him, enabling gnyags to disseminate the doctrine widely.
This account then lists a number of his important disciples.
iv. Alternate lineage from spangs sangs rgyas ye shes
This section describes another lineage described by rtsad tsha shAk rdor
which documents the continued transmission of the sems sde in Tibet from
spang sangs rgyas ye shes, who also figures prominently in the rdo rje zam
pa lineage, to important members of the zur clan, such as sgro sbug pa and
shAkya rdo rje.
v. Alternate lineage history
Here ‘gos lo mentions an alternate lineage history from Vimalamitra to jo mo
sgre mo in which the sems sde is transmitted through the bshad rgyud of the
Māyā.
vi. ‘gos lo tsA ba’s lineage
Here ‘gos lo tsa ba mentions his reception of sems sde materials and lists the
transmission lineage belonging to his own teacher.

3.5 Account of the Adamantine Bridge (rdo rje zam pa’i lo
rgyus kyi skabs. Chandra 154; Chengdu 217; Roerich 172).
This section concerns the Space class (klong sde), the second of the three
classes of the Great Perfection, or atiyoga class that constitutes the ultimate
vehicle of the rnying ma pa nine-fold vehicle schema. The section begins with
a general introduction to the principal Space class literary sources, before
giving a detailed account of the Indian and Tibetan transmission of this class
of literature through a series of loosely connected biographical accounts of the
principal lineage figures involved. Success in the rdo rje zam pa is said to
bring longevity, and death without bodily remains. Note the rip old age of each
figures passing.
3.5a Introduction
‘gos lo tsā ba heads this section with a brief discussion of the principal source
texts for the klong sde of the "Great Perfection" (rdzogs chen), the greater
and lesser nam mkha'i dang mnyam pa'i rgyud. He gives an outline of “nine
spheres” that constitute the major thematic division of the klong sde section
from this pair of tantras, adding that the nine klong are treated sequentially in
chapters 13-19 of the “lesser” tantra. ‘gos lo tsā ba also gives an interesting
excuse for the fact that the textual material of the “greater” tantra falls short of
its alleged 20,000 paragraphs – this high number reflects the volumes found
in the hands of the ascetics (grub pa’i skye bu rnams), not the available
translated material, he claims.
3.5b Lineage of the rdo rje zam pa
The remaining portion of the chapter contains the lineage history of the rdo rje
zam pa, the adamantine bridge, a set of oral precepts (man ngag) that are
said to have flowed in lineal succession from the figure ye shes gsang ba
through Vairocana to a number of figures active in ‘gos lo tsā ba’s time.
i. spangs mi pham mgon po
This section recounts spangs mi pham mgon po’s reception of the rdo rje zam
pa precepts of the Lineage of ye shes gsang ba among others, at the age of
eighty-five from Vairocana. He is said to have lived over one hundred years
as a result. Little more is offered.
ii. ngan lam byang chub rgyal mtshan
This section relates ngan lam of dbu ru ngan lam ral gsum’s departed for
rgyal mo stag rtse to obtain from spangs the precepts of rdo rje zam pa at the
age of seventy-seven. Following spangs’s injunction, ngan lam then enters
prolonged meditation retreat at wa seng ge rock, and there meets three other
elderly disciples, one of whom was a monk (Chu 218 dge slong) who begin
practicing the instructions. All four obtain abnormally long life spans and
eventual pass away without leaving remains.
iii. myang byang chub grags
This episode relates the transmission of the rdo rje zam pa precepts from the
monk myang byang chup grag, a disciple of ngan lam, to the elderly monk
myang shes rab 'byung gnas from dbu ri zhwa while both where residing at
bsam yas ‘chims phu. myang byang chub is credited with dying without
leaving remains
iv. myang shes rab 'byung gnas
This epsode relates that this figure used to reside at 'chims phu, sgrags kyi
yang rdzong and phug po che, before renouncing his monastic affiliations in
favor of the remote hermitage of zur ra ri at phug po che, where he passed
without leaving remains.
v. ācārya sba sgom ye shes byang chub
This sections presents important episodes from the life of sba sgom of the sba
clan, whose parents sent him as a child to be raised by myang at 'chims phu,
sgrags kyi yang rdzong and phug po che in order to ensure his safety during a
period of general unrest {Chu 219: yul na ‘khrug pa yod bas) in his native lo
mo.
The episodes include several miraculous displays by both myang masters,
sba sgom’s reception of the rdo rje zam pa precepts, and his eventual retreat
at the small cave of zu ra ri, where he encountered his chief disciple ‘dzeng
Dharmabodhi. sba sgom was an ordinaed layman upāsaka (dge bsnyen) all
his life and died at ninety-eight.
vi. 'dzeng (Dharmabodhi)
This lengthy account describes the colorful religious career of ‘dzeng
Dharmbodhi, something of a mad-yogin in character, from his birth in a
religious family and his study and practice under the teacher dam pa rgya gar
and other notable teachers, to his decisive encounter with sba sgom, his
reception and practice of the rdo rje zam pa precepts, his outrageous
austerities and unusual behavior, and his rise to religious fame.
This section includes several amusing anecdotes. One notable episode
depicts ‘dzeng’s incredible difficulties in procuring enough provisions to
request the rdo rje zam pa from sba sgom. His wages from giving initiations
and performing ritual services in lo mo and ‘phrung only secured ‘dzeng
enough to sustain him. But religious devotion requires desparate measures,
thus after rounding up money through borrowing from friends and selling
religious garments ‘dzeng was able to offer the teacher “wine, offerings, five
measures of barley, one carcass of meat” {R 179} and finally received the
instructions and initiation he sought.
‘dzeng’s account also includes an elaborate list of teachings recieved, an
episodic list of his many austerities and miracles, and mentions his many
disciples, some of whom were women.
Perhaps most notable about this account is the picture it paints of the
lifestyle of a Tibetan siddha, always on the move, continuously performing
miracles and experiencing visions, undergoing great austerities through
guru-devotion, practicing black magic during the day for money and secret
night rites (gsang spyod) at night {R 184}, and taking up with different
women when the time is right.
The section closes with a lengthy discussion of his dates, a list of his
principal disciples and mentions the existence of ‘dzeng’s rnam thar,
composed by go ri pa. ‘gos lo gives ‘dzeng’s dates as follows: year Water-Male-Dragon (chu pho 'brug—1052 A.D.)—year Earth-Female-Ox year (sa
mo glang—1169 A.D.). He died at the age of 117.
‘dzeng’s principal residence was in dags po.
vii. 'dzeng jo sras
This section depicts important events in the life of ‘dzengs spiritual successor
‘dzeng jo sras. ‘dzeng jo sras, born into a family of tantrics, was sent for his
early education to the rnying ma pa master lha rig pa, from whom he received
teachings on many important rnying ma tantras. When dying, hla rig pa
instructed him to practice secret precepts under ‘dzeng in dags po. The
narrative relates ‘dzeng jo sras’s difficulties in procuring the rdo rje zam pa
precepts from ‘dzeng, whom he asks a number of times only to be refused.
Finally, ‘dzeng bestowed the precepts, ‘dzeng jo sras earnestly practiced
them, and gained his own following, which included male and female
disciples. ‘dzeng jo sras stayed with ‘dzeng for 18 years and was eventually
chosen to head the lineage.
viii. ācārya kun bzangs
This sections describes the transmission of the rdo rje zam pa from ‘dzeng
and ‘dzeng jo sras to their mutual disiple, kun bzangs. kun bzangs, born to a
family of tantrics, met both ‘dzengs at the dgon pa (hermitage or monastery?)
of gser lung, the residence of the master ngu, and subsequently received the
rdo rje zam pa from them on numerous occasions.
Interestingly, this account refers to ‘dzeng and ‘dzeng jo sras as ancestor and
nephew (Chu 235: mes dpon), a relationship reminiscent of the uncle-nephew
lineal succession model present in the zur clan histories. Clearly by this time
the transmisson of the rdo rje zam pa precepts was in part occurring along
hereditary lines. kun bzang’s son ‘od ‘bar seng ge became holder of the
spiritual lineage, which he bestowed upon others.
ix. myang Dharmasiṃha
This section describes the transmission of the rdo rje zam pa from ‘dzeng to
myang Dharmasiṃha of btsan thang in yar klungs. Of note here, myang is
credited with residing at a cemetery hermitage (dur khrod dgon pa), yet
another indication that dgon pa designates a hermitage throughout these
early accounts, rather than a monastery, as Roerich so often assumes.
x. ‘dzeng’s proliferation of the Lineage
Here ‘gos lo lists the many sub-lineages that sprung from ‘dzeng
Dharmabodhi’s prolific teaching career, and notes some of the commentarial
treatises that were authored.
xi. shA kya rgyal po pa
This section details the education and activities of shakya rgyal po pa, the
figure who bestowed the rdo rje zam pa precepts on ‘gos lo tsa ba. This
figure’s early monastic ordination and the details of his education, inclusive of
Abhidharma, Vinaya, and Buddhist logic, epistemology and debate at a major
monastic study center, represent a striking contrast to the primarily lay and
tantric character of ‘dzeng Dharmabodhi and his immediate successors.
After detailing the teachings ‘gos recived from rgyal po pa, he recounts his
death at age of 91 in the spring of the year Wood-Male-Horse (shing pho
rta—1474 A.D.), and the relics retreived there.

3.6 Instruction Section (man ngag gi sde’i lo rgyus kyi skabs.
Chandra 171; Chengdu 238; Roerich 191).
This section concerns the Precept class (man ngag sde), the third and final of
the three classes of the Great Perfection, or atiyoga class that constitutes the
ultimate vehicle of the rnying ma pa nine-fold vehicle schema. As such, rnying
ma pas consider the man ngag sde, alternately termed the rdzogs chen
snying thig, the pinnacle of all doctrines. The section begins with a general
introduction to the major lineage figures of this class of literature, before
considering each in term through sequence of biographical sketches narrating
the salient features of each figure’s life in the reception, practice and
transmission of the rdzogs chen snying thig cycle of literature.
The transmission of the snying thig in Tibet was not continuous. Rather, the
snying thig was concealed by myang ting ‘dzin bzang po and Vimalamitra to
be discovered centuries later by reincarnations of their direct disciples who
were prophecied to disseminate the snying thig at appropriate junctures in
history. Thus, this section is notable for its descriptions of the concealment
and revelation of this important class of literature, and constitutes ‘gos lo tsa
ba’s most extended discussion of treasure cults in his entire text. Given the
extreme popularity of the treasure cults in ‘gos lo’s time, his spare attention to
this phenomena borders on complete omission.
3.6a Introduction
This brief introduction mentions the major Indian figures important in
transmitting the snying thig to Tibet. Vimalamitra, whose teacher ye shes mdo
received this cycle of precepts from Śrī Siṃha, is credited with first teaching
the snying thig in Tibet. Here, ‘gos lo reminds us that Vimalamitra is also
credited with having transmitted the Māyā cycle from his teacher
Buddhaguhya to the Tibetan rma rin chen mchog. ‘gos lo also notes that the
snying thig coincided with the Mind class (sems phyogs) prior to Śrī Siṃha.
3.6b Lineage of the Instruction Section
This section includes a series of brief biographical sketches of the major
snying thig lineage figures. Since the snying thig precepts are a treasure
teaching (gter ma), ‘gos lo tsa ba is less concerned to demonstrate unbroken
lineal descent. Clearly, other authenticating criteria are involved. zhang bkra
shis rdo rje’s narrative represents ‘gos lo tsa ba’s only attempt at offering
anything resembling a full-fledged treasure authentication account.
i. Vimalamitra
This section notes that two Vimalamitras were active in Tibet; the earlier was
a lay man responsible for transmitting the nying thig to king khri srong de’u
btsan and myang ting ‘dzin bzang po before proceeding to China, and the
later was a monk who wrote Vinaya commentaries. No more is offered on
Vimalamitra.
ii. myang ting ‘dzin bzang po
This section relates myang ting ‘dzin’s role as khri srong de’u ntsan’s
guardian, a land grant he later received for his services, his success
practicing the snying thig and most importantly, his role in hiding the snying
thig precepts as a treasure for later generations (Chu 239: gter du sbas) in the
temple of dbu ru hzwa that he himself constructed.
iii. ldang ma lhun rgyal
This short section credits gnas brtan ldang ma lhun rgyal for revealing the
treasures of the snying thig (Chu 240: gter rnams phyung), practicing the
precepts and transmitting them to others, most notably, lce btsun seng ge
dbang phyug from upper myang, and kha rag sgom chung.
iv. lce btsun seng ge dbang phyug
This account relates seng ge dbang phug’s conferral of the snying thig
precepts to myang bka' gdams pa, who attained accomplishment and died,
seng ge’s fifty-year meditation retreat at a mountain range between shangs
and u yug, and his subsequent accomplishment and death.
Also of note, lce btsun seng ge once again hides the snying thig precepts, this
time dividing them between three separate locations (Chu 240: gter kha gsum
du sbas) in u yug, lang gro’i ‘chad pa ltag and jal gyi phu.
v. lce sgom nag po
This section credits lce sgom nag po of Lower rong snar with once again
revealing, practicing, and propagating some of the snying thig treasures (Chu
240: gter ‘ga’ zhig bton).
vi. shangs pa ras pa
shangs pa ras pa is credited with revealing the snying thig treasures hidden at
lang grong ‘chad pa and teaching them to others.
vii. zhang bkra shis rdo rje
This section is the closest ‘gos lo tsa ba comes to giving a fully-formed
treasure revelation account. It includes visionary deity guidance to the site of
the concealed treasure, a fierce encounter with a treasure protector which is
negotiated by zhang bkra’s deity-guide, mention of a prophecy authorizing
zhang as the rightful revealer, and a reference to zhang’s need to be suffiently
purified in order to access the treasure.
‘gos lo mentions that zhang also discovered treasures hidden by lce btsun at
jal gyi phu, and some treasures concealed by Vimalamitra in a rock at 'chims
phu. After revealing these, he disseminated them widely. ‘gos lo gives his dates
as follows: Fire-Female-Ox year (me mo glang—1097 A.D.)—year FireFemale-Hog (me mo phag—1167 A.D.).
viii. nyi ‘bum
This section primarily describes the education of zhang’s son nyi ‘bum. After
listing such notables as grags pa rgyal mtshan, and rngog rdo rje seng ge of
gzhung among nyi ‘bum’s teachers, ‘gos lo mentions his eleven-year
education in the snying thig treasures newly revealed by his father and his
subsequent composition of the snying thig treatise tshig don chen mo. ‘gos
lo also notes that the treasure revealer lce sgom nag po had bestowed
precepts on nyi ‘bum’s father, thus making lce sgom nyi ‘bum’s teacher. nyi
‘bum’s son was jo ‘bar.
ix. jo ‘bar
This section describes the education of nyi ‘bum’s son jo ‘bar in all manner of
gsar and rnying ma topics from such notables as sa skya pan chen, with only
a single reference to the snying thig. It closes mentioning some of his
extraordinary visions.
x. ‘khrul zhig seng ge rgyal pa
This account depicts ‘khrul zhig’s first twenty years in terms of his many
transformative realizations and visionary experiences, before describing his
education in gsar ma and rnying ma tantric materials – most notably, his
reception of the snying thig from jo ‘bar – his ordination, as well as his
meditation and teaching activities.
xi. me long rdo rje
This section is a biographical sketch of me long rdo rje from his early
monastic ordination and education in gsar ma and rnying ma tantric materials
under several important teachers, including his reception of the snying thig
from seng ge dbon po at seng ge rgyab, to his susequent meditative success
and rise to public esteem. ‘gos lo names me long rdo rje’s principal
hermitages as mkhan pa ljongs, mkhan pa gling, seng ge rdzong, kun bzangs
gling and mkhar chu.
xii. rig ‘dzin ku mA ra rA dza
This section, the lengthiest in the chapter, traces the life of rig ‘dzin
kumararadza from his early ordination and education in gsar ma and rnying
ma sutric and tantric materials, to his later extensive teaching career involving
some of the most prestigious figures in the fourteenth century. Some of his
more notable accomplishments are as follows: He founded the hermitage of
'tsha ra stengs in yar klungs, taught the precepts of snying thig to the
karmapa rang byung rdo rje, assisted in the revision of the gsang skor, the
Teachings of rgod tshang pa, the Great Guide of a ro (a ro'i khrid mo che),
and others, and founded founded new tsa ri.
As an indication of the far range of his secular influence, he was able to
prohibit the laying of road traps, fishing nets and traps in the mountains
from kong po to g.yal.
In the doctrinal realm he “taught skilfully the theory (of snying thig) with the
help of terminology peculiar to that system, without mixing the precepts of
snying thig with those of the Sampannakrama degree” {R 200}.
klong chen pa was one of his chief disciples.
xiii. klong chen pa
This section details the educational, meditative and teaching career of the
most influential figure in rnying ma history. After having received ordination at
age twelve, klong chen pa engaged in intensive sutric and tantric studies at
the famous monastery of gsang phu, and studied the rnying ma pa mdo sgyu
sems gsum literature primarily at dan bag. Following a dark retreat in lcog la
he visted rig ‘dzin kumararadza in skyam phu and received from him the
snying thig precepts. After his practice of severe austerities he attained
accomplishment and began his prolific writing career. He had several children
of different mothers and his religious lineage proliferated.
xiv. byang sems bsod nams blo gros
This section counts byang sems as a disciple of me long rdo rje, from whom
he obtained the snying thig, and credits him with having resided at ldan yul in
Upper myang and becoming a successful teacher there.
xv. ‘jam pa’i dbyangs bsam grub rdo rje
Here, ‘gos lo tsa ba names jam pa’i dbyangs bsam grub rdo rje, a student of
byang sems bsod names blo gros, as his snying thig teacher.
3.6c Synopsis
This final section gives a brief summary of the state of religious practice
during the dark period following the collapse of the Tibetan empire. Here, ‘gos
lo mentions that the holders of the rnying ma pa mantras and their
householder patrons were only ever capable of obtaining the vase
empowerment (Chu 251: bum dbang tsam re blangs) throughout the dark
period, a misfortune ‘gos lo tsa ba links explicitly with the absence of monks
(Chu 251: rab tu byung ba ni gcig kyang med). According to ‘gos lo tsa ba, it
was only after the mind-streams of Tibetans had gradually ripened, and
monasticism had been reintroduced in Tibet on a massive scale, that the texts
translated during the dynastic period were capable of being properly put to
use. Thus, despite his partial show of ecumenicism throughout, ‘gos lo tsa ba
closes the chapter by subordinating the early translation lineages to the later.
PART 4 (NGA): New Traditions of Secret Mantra, including the
Followers of the Path and the Fruit [3 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on New Traditions of Secret Mantra, including the
Followers of the Path and the Fruit.”
deb ther sngon po las / gsang sngags gsar ma / lam ‘bras rjes ‘brang dang bcas pa’i
skabs.
16 folios. Chandra 183 214; Chengdu 255 296; Roerich 204 240.
4.1 The beginning of the new translations (gsar ma’i ‘gyur mgo’i
skabs. Chandra 184; Chengdu 255; Roerich 204).
This section's subject is true to its title. We're told that the kings of mnga' ris,
having noticed the arising of a state of degradation of practice, invited
numerous paṇḍitas to the area who were able to remove the defilements by
"placing living beings on the Path of Purity {R 204}. Atīśa, the voice of a more
legitimized India, is quoted condemning coarse Tantric practices to monastics
and lay people alike. gos lo tsā ba then argues that Lord Smṛti was indeed a
gsar ma translator before rin chen zhang po citing that 'brom ston pa learnd
translation from Smṛti who had already translated most of the "Father" class of
the Anuttara-yoga-tantra. bla chen 'brog mi translated the Yoginī Tantras.
4.2 The spread of explanations of Yoginī Tantras, and the story of
the increase of instructions on the Path and its Results during the
life of the Sakyapa father and son (rnal ‘byor ma’i rgyud kyi bshad
pa’i dar so dang / lam ‘bras bu dang bcas pa’i gdams pa sa skya
pa yab sras kyi ring la ‘ji ltar ‘phel ba’i gtam gyi skabs. Chandra
184; Chengdu 256; Roerich 205).
The section starts with the education of 'brog mi.
This occurs in the time of the teacher lo ston rdorje dban phyung, the first of
the gsar ma period. King khri bkra shis brtsegs pa dpal of ru lag's three sons,
dpal lde, 'od lde, and skyid lde, ask lo ston to spread the doctrine in their area.
He sends the upādhyāya shāk ya zhon nu and the ācārya se ye shes brtson
'grus to the area. Later, they, "in the time of the establishment of the monastic
communities, when the lo tsā bar in chen bzhang po was nearing the age of
50" {R 205} are the ones who send 'brog mi to India along with stag lo gzhon
nu brtson 'grus, another student. After some brief initial studies in Tibet, they
go to Nepāl for a year and learnt Sanskrit the Nepālese paṇḍita Sāntibhadra.
He referred them to his teacher, Śanti-pa with whom they studied doctrine.
From Śanti-pa, 'brog mi receives eight years of instructions on the Vinaya,
Prajñāpāramitā, and many Vajrayāna texts.
After that, 'brog mi goes to Eastern India and becomes the disciple of PrajñāIndraruci (shes rab kyi dbang po gsal ba) who, we are told, is a grand-disciple
of Virūpa. He gives 'brog mi more Tantric and Vajrayanā teachings but also
the lam 'bras (without the text). We're told that 'brog mi feels more confidence
in lam 'bras than the Vajrayana texts he'd received before.
After 13 more years in India and Nepal, 'brog mi returns to Tibet with an
extensive list of mastered teachings under his belt. He translates three
Tantras and teaches until Gayādhara invites him to visit. 'brog mi likes
Gayādhara's teachings so much that he invites him back to my gu lung where
he aggress to stay for 5 years for 500 srangs of gold. Within three,
Gayādhara has bestowed a complete lam 'bras on 'brog mi and is going to
leave until 'brog mi pays him. Gayādhara is so pleased by this that he not
only stays the remaining two years, but agrees to no teach lam 'bras to any
other Tibetans. We're told that Gayādhara visited Tibet twice more before his
death and that 'brog mi had died by the third visit.
The following section covers the teachings of 'brog mi. He taught the
complete lam 'bras to only three disciples, se ston kun rig being the only one
to carry on the lineage with disciples of his own. Bits and pieces of The Path
and the Fruit he gave to twelve other disciples. He also taught 'gos lo tsā ba
and mar pa lo tsā ba. It's worth note that both of these figures left him
because of qualms they held with this teaching style.
'brog mi died without accomplishing his goal of complete Enlightenment within
his physical body.
Next, the text treats rin chen bzang po: his translations, teachings,
commentiaries of the father and mother class of Tantras. He taught primarily
the mother class.
mar pa is the subject of a brief section. gos lo stā ba includes a list of his
teachings. His personal bias toward the founder of his sect is obvious in the
line "Tibet became filled with (his) disciples, and in this manner he became
the Master of the Tantric Doctrine" {R 210}.
A lengthy sa skya lineage follows. gos notes that its members all came from
the 'khon clan and "followed in regular succession" {R 210}. The founding of
the monastery of sa skya is dated in a Water-Female-Ox year, 1073 by
Roerich's reckoning. bla ma 'phags pa became the Court Chaplain of Prince
se chen in 1260 (Roerich). ma gcig zha ma is placed in 1322 by Roerich.
With zhang dgon pa's teaching of lam 'bras to sach en, gos notes that "From
then on, the spiritual descendants of sa skya became the masters of bother
the basic text and secret precepts (of this doctrine)" {R 215}.
Next we have a brief explaination of Emperor se chen's establishment of a
system of regents to rule Tibet followed by their lineage and a medium-length
description of the more interesting of their political careers.
Finally gos mentions a Mongol Imperial Edict in the time of 'phags pa rin po
che which granted Tibetans religious freedom.
4.3 Defense of the Teaching by Ma Lotsawa, Zhama, and her
brother (rma lo tsa’a ba dang zha ma lcam sring gis bstan pa ji ltar
bskyangs pa’i skabs. Chandra 195; Chengdu 271. Roerich 218).
Part three opens with a short history of the introduction of a Tibetan language
based on Sanskrit during the rule of srong btsan gam po. This leads into a
brief, spiritually-leaning life story of rma lo tsā ba, the great eleventh translator
and teacher of ma gcig zha ma and her brother, 'khon phu ba. gos then
relates a biography of ma gchig sha ma, her brother 'khon phu ba, and of five
other members of their mostly hereditary lineage.
The Life of ma gcig zha ma [Roerich 220]
This section is a biography of ma gcig zha ma, student of rma lo tsā ba and
propagator of lam 'bras. gos lists zha ma's supernatural birthmarks and tells
or her two younger brothers. She marries at 14 and soon faked insanity to
escape family life for one of spirituality. She serves as rma's consort from the
ages of 17 to 22. One night, in union, sees them both transformed into "the
form of a Heruka and his śakti" and "Henceforth, she said, she never saw the
Teacher and herself in an ordinary (human) form" {R 221 – 222}. A line which
follows, "She removed (from her Path) all hindrances created by demons"
makes me wonder if the biography of this ma gcig zha ma isn't sometimes
confused with that of ma gcig lab dron, another proment female practitioner of
the era who is intimately connected with the practice of chöd, a major element
of which is cutting through the negative influence of demon's on one's life.
After rma's death, zha ma becomes afflicted by seven curious, extremely
dihabilitating ailments. dam pa lists for her seven transgression her samaya
vows with her teacher and has her bring seven items to him. When she does
so, he requires of her a corresponding action for each item and forcefully
reminds her of two forgotten events from her past. He then performs a
magical ritual and commands her to gather merit for her teacher's lineage.
She makes seven offerings and her health improves. She is grateful to dam
pa and so sends offerings to him, apparently having learned well the lesson
that one must honor samaya.
Next come two brief, disjoint stories about dam pa.
Finally, ma gcig, we're told, obtained full realization and accomplished much
virtuous activity. As ma gcig zha ma is considered an emmination, she's said
to have feigned death in her 88th year.
The life story of ‘khon phu ba [Roerich 226]
'khon phu ba was born the younger brother of ma gcig zha ma in 1069.
Despite advice to the contrary that he received at a young age from gnya ma
pa, he doesn't seem to have done much translation work. At 14 he studied
with rogn zom chos bzang, the purported top rning ma scholar of the day).
Some time after, rma convinced him to stay in Tibet as his student instead of
visiting teachers in Nepāl. He also prophecied that "You will become a
Bodhisattva in his last rebirth. Till then, listen to the Doctrine at the feet of
Tibetan scholars. Later proceed to India where you will meet a follower of the
Lineage of 'Maitrī-pa" {Roerich 227}.
Next comes a lengthy description of the various teachings 'khon phu ba
received and practices he studied in Tibet, Nepāl, and India until he was 30.
At that time, he took up austerities on the advice of his sister zha ma. At 31
he and zha ma recieved lam 'bras in byang. Later, 'khon phu ba married two
women and "again practiced austerities at 'khon phu and fulfilled his vow"
{Roerich 229}. The text mentions his teaching career from the age of 44
onward.
'khon phu ba died at 76 in 1144.
The life story of lha rje zla ba'i 'od zer (lha rje zla ba 'od zer) [Roerich 229]
lha rje zla ba'I 'od zer (later in the text referred to as lha rje zla ba 'od zer was
reincarnation of Dharmapa, son of 'khon phu ba, and orphan at two. His aunt,
ma gcig zha ma is said to have nursed him for the oddly long period of the
decade following the death of his biological mother. Among others, he
studied with his father who delivered an edict to zla ba'i which paralleled one
he had received in his own childhood: "No one has greater precepts than me!
Stay with me, and learn!" He also received the complete precepts his father
and aunt zha ma together.
Notably lacking from his biography is a detailed list of the teachings he
received and doctrines he studied. Perhaps this is because he was a
reincarnation. Perhaps we're to understand that he received all he needed
from zha ma and 'khon phu ba.
He had a "vision of four wonderful spectacles" {Roerich, 230}, the last of
which was a prophecy which came true that a contest would soon be held
between Buddhists and non-Buddhists. During the match of intellect and
magical powers, the text claims that the Buddhists soundly trounced the nonBuddhists and converted all of them.
zla ba'I died in 1182 at the age of 60.
The life story of mon ston byung gnas shes rab [Roerich 232]
gos spends the first part of this section making sure that we know that mon
ston byung gnas shes rab was the nephew of mtha' bzhi who was the nephew
of rma lo tsā ba. He seems to have had a somewhat more diverse that usual
base of studies, from the doctrine of Atīśa to bka' gdams pa precepts,
Mahāmudra, and the standard slew of sūtra and Tantra.
He took over his uncle's chair (I'm not sure if this refers to dar yul or 'phan yul)
when he was 57 years old. He forbade killing wild animals in 'phan yul and
(ironically) rained hail and other nasty retributions as punishment for those
who disobeyed him. He passed his holdings onto his nephew dbon po 'phags
pa at 66 years old and took up austerities for thirteen years.
He died in 1160 in his 85th year.
The Life Story of the ‘ācārya 'phags pa. [Roerich 234]
For the most part, 'phags pa's biography treats the usual subjects: his birth,
ordination, education, and death. Notably lacking is a lengthy section on the
teachings he gave and disciples he kept. He was born in 1090 or 1091 and
died in 1151. He was the nephew of the kalyāṇa-mitra mon, studied (among
other things) lam 'bras with zha ma and her brother 'khon phu ba when his
health once went sour. He died died with the words "I did not transgress even
a single word of their [my teachers'] advices" {Roerich 236}.
The Life Story of the ācārya ston pa dbang phyug rgyal pa
ston pa, the nephew of 'phags pa and his approximate equal in age, has a
similarly uneventful biography. His studies or various Tantras, Abhidharmas,
and treatises from his ordination at 18 through middle age. He traveled with
his uncle 'phags pa to receive the complete teachings of zha ma and 'khon
phu ba. The number of times that he heard the exposition of lam 'bras from
each is especially noted. He's said to have developed the power to predict
the birthplace of those for whom he'd conducted the seven day funeral rites.
He died at 60 or 61 in 1158.
The Life Story of the mahāsattva yang den pa – the reincarnation of ston pa
[Roerich 237]
yang den pa, ston pa dbang phyug rgyal pa's reincarnation, seems a semimythical figure. He masters reading upon learning its rudiments. His
quickness in study is noted by a number of his teachers and he began giving
expositions at 15. He was said to befriend ḍākiṇīs in all that he did, emit light
rays, and leave foot prints in stone.
At 17, his mother told him he was the figure "indicated by lha rje ma in her
prophecy" {Roerich 238} and sent him to rje zla ba 'od zer (ba = ba'i?). lha rje
greeted him with great joy and "held him dearer than his own son" {Roerich
238}. With lha rje, yang den pa completed his studies and initiations. At 23
he became abbot of an unnamed monastery in dbus (is this a monastery as
well as a province?). He spent much of his next two decades in retreat and
had a vision of zha ma.
He died at 58 in 1217, 174 years after the birth of rma.
PART 5 (CA): A Section on The Sovereign Lord (Atiśa) and his
Lineages [11 CHAPTERS]
“A Section on the Sovereign Lord (Atīśa) and his Lineages.”
jo bo rje brgyud pa dang bcas pa’i skabs.
38 folios. Chandra 215 289; Chengdu 297 398; Roerich 241 327.
1.
5.01 The chapter on the Master, 'brom ston and the monastery of
rwa sgreng (jo bo dang 'brom ston dang rwa sgreng gi skabs.
Chandra 216; Chengdu 297; Roerich 241)
2.
3.
5.01.01. Atīśa (982- ), His birth and studies
Birth: He was the second son of King dge ba'i dpal in India in the Water Male
Horse year (chu pho rta – 982 A.D.).
Early age: Under the influence of his tutelalry deity, Ārya Tārā in his
childhood, {R242} he met Rāhulaguhyavajra (sgra gcan gsang ba'i rdo rje), a
yogin of the "Black Mountains"1 and received the initiation of the cycle of
Hevajra, and listend to the exposition of the Tantra and precepts. After
establishing in the degree of utpannakrama and sampannakrama, he2
proceeded to foreign countries.
From twenty to thirty three, Atīśa had learnt Tantra, Bodhisattva precepts and
studied various doctrinal systems from various teacher: Avadhūtipa,
Śīlarakṣita Jñānaśrīmati, the younger ku sa li,3 Jetāri (dze ta ri), Kṛṣṇapāda
(nag po zhabs chen po), also known as Balyācārya (ba la), the younger
Avadhūtipa, Ḍombhi pa, Vidyākokila (rig pa'i khu yug), Matijñānabodhi, Nāro
(nA ro pa), Paṇḍita Mahājana (mi chen po), Bhūtakoṭi pa, the great scholar
Dānaśrī (dA chen po), Prajñābhadra (shes rab bzang po), {R244} and
Bodhibhadra (byang chub bzang po). Ratnākaraśānti, gser gling pa
(Dharmakīrti, chos kyi grags pa).
After that, he spent most of his time as Elder (gnas brtan chen po)4 of the
monastic college of Vikramaśīla, and his great fame encompassed all quarters
(of the World).
On numerous occasions lha btsun pa byang chub 'od sent him invitations (to
visit Tibet), accompanied by large presents of gold.
4.
5.
5.01.02 the situation of mnga’ ris, Tibet and inviting Atīśa
lha bla ma ye shes 'od of mnga' ris; the retired king and the commander of the
kingdom of mnga’ ris became a captive in the battle with the gar log. The gar
log demanded the same amound of gold with ye shes 'od. However, ye shes
'od asked byang chub 'od to use the gold to invite Buddhist scholars from

1
ri nag po, Kālāśilā /near Rajgarha/ one of the famous seven hills near
Rājagṛha. See Bimala Churn Law; "India as described in Early Texts of
Buddhism and Jainism", London, 1941. pp. 39, 237.

2
JY: Dīpaṅkarajñāna, it may be a typo of Dīpaṅkaraśrījñāna.

3
Kusali.

4
mahā sthavira.
India. nag tsho tshul khrims rgyal ba (1011 - ) went to in the presence of Atīśa
and requested his journey into Tibet. In 1040 A.D., Atīśa departed toward
Tibet for the benefit of the Doctrine in spite of being shorten his life, and nag
tsho promised to send Atīśa back three years after. {R245-247}
They spent a year in Nepāl and built a temple of Sthaṃ vihāra, and deposited
there provisions (in support) of a numerous clergy. Many were ordained.
(1041 A.D.)
In the year Water Male Horse (chu pho rta – 1042 A.D.) the Master proceeded
to mnga’ ris. When Atīśa arrived at mnga’ ris, lha bla ma prepared to welcome
Atīśa. (However, lha bla ma was supposed to be in a jail of the gar log.) He
learnt and received Tantric precepts from Atisha. Moreover, he requested
Atisha to compose a treatise, the Bodhipatha-pradīpa, for solving
disagreements among scholars. {R248} Atīśa was called paṇḍita las 'bras pa
because of his holding in high esteem the fruits of deeds. {R249}
6.
7.
5.01.03 rin chen bzang po (958 A.D . – 1054 A.D.)
Atīśa met the lo tsA ba rin chen bzang po who had self-pride about his
knowledge on Buddhist doctrine and correct his thought. Although Atīśa asked
the lo tsA ba travel together, because of his old age, he refused it. the Master
asked the lo tsA ba "O great lo tsA ba! when an individual is to practise all the
teachings of Tantras sitting on a single mat, how is he to act?" The lo tsA ba
replied: "Indeed, one should practise according to each (Tantra) separately."
The Master exclaimed: "Rotten is the lo tsA ba! Indeed there was need of my
coming to Tibet! All these Tantras should be practised together". The Master
gave him various teachings. After Atīśa left toward dbus, he had meditated for
ten years and had a vision of the maṇḍala of Śri Saṃvara (1052 A.D.). He
passed away at the age of 97 (1054 A.D.) Atīśa was the only one master
among sixty teachers of him who made him meditate. {R249-250}
8.
5.01.04 composing the Abhisamaya (mngon par rtogs pa) of the
Guhyasamāja
lha btsun pa said to the Master: "Among the Tantras I revere the
Guhyasamāja and among the gods I revere Avalokiteśvara." The Master
composed the Abhisamaya (mngon par rtogs pa) of the Guhyasamāja5
{R251} in which 'jig rten dbang phyug6 was the chief deity of the maṇḍala of
Guhyasamāja according to the system of Jñānapāda (ye sges zabs) and in
which one had to recite the ma Ni padme with the addition of three letters
representing the mantra of the above, and a Hymn to this maṇḍala.7 This

5
Guhyasamāja abhisamaya, Tg. rgyud, No.1892.

6
Lokeśvara.

7
dkyil 'khor gyi bstod pa, Śrīguhyasamājastotra, Tg. rgyud, No. 1894.
work agrees with the 'dus pa'i dbang bskur bzhi brgya lnga bcu pa.8 This
method became famous among scholars. In this manner he established on
the path of virtue the kalyāṇa mitras of mnga’ ris, as well as lesser living
beings. The Master spent three years (in mnga’ ris), and the religious practice
based on the method of the Master received wide acceptance. {R250-251}
9.
10.
5.01.05 encounter with 'brom ston pa in 1044
When he was preparing to return to India, he was met by 'brom, while residing
at a place called rgyal zhing of pu hrangs.
This 'brom: (his) family was bzher. His father (was named) rta gsum shu
bzher, his mother (was called) khu lto gza' lan cig ma. He was born in the year
Wood Female Serpent (sing mo sbrul – 1005 A.D.), at upper stod lungs. He
learnt reading and writing in gzhu. While living there, before 1044, jo bo se
bstun met 'brom and travel to Nepāl. In Nepāl, he defeated a heretical acarya.
After his coming back to Tibet, 'brom requested his teaching, and 'brom learnt
from him while working and guarding his teacher. When 'brom asked let him
go to meet under Atīśa, he gave him a donkey with a load, and books. {R251252} He got a promise of building the monastery of rwa sgreng from 'phran
kha ber chung. {R252-253}
'bom then proceeded to 'phan yul. He went to pay his respects to zhang chen
po of rgyal, who had imparted the upāsaka precepts to him. There he met
also ka ba shAkya dbang phyug and told him that he would send a letter to
him if the situation of inviting Atīśa is available, and that ka ba should prepare
to welcome Atīśa by letting ones who held power in dbus. {R253} They
encounted with each other on the street, and 'brom followed Atīśa as if he
knew from before in 1044 A.D. Atīśa bestowed on him an initiation, and thus
spending the night as Teacher and disciple, 'brom was able to discuss (with
the Master). {R253-254}
11.
5.01.06 Travel to lha sa
After spending a year (1045 A.D.) in skyi rong, they attempted to proceed
toward bal po rdzong. However, because of internal feuds, they were unable
to proceed there. 'brom suggested Atīśa to go to the Central Tibet and sent a
message through dbang phyug mgon of zhang. {R254} 'brom's letter was
transmitted to ka ba by zhang dbang phyug mgon, His name was dropped off
from the welcoming letter for Atīśa. This made him hurry to meet Atīśa. Other
teachers were stimulated by him and hurried to welcome Atīśa. They met
Atīśa in Upper dpal thang. {R255}
They were welcomed in rgyang, tsha sna, nyan tsho. At tsha sna, Atīśa
showed miraculous power of the Master a spring appeared. But, he was not
welcomed on the road to gtsang and rong. On the way to rong, they suffered
from short of foods. {R255-256}

8
This text is not found in the bstang 'gyur, Included in the collection is
a commentary on the above text. Tg. rgyud, No. 1871.
Having reached the ferry of spel dmar, they proceeded towards chos 'khor
bsam yas. lha btsun bodhirAja9 arranged a good reception for them, and
numerous Tibetan teachers and notables assembled. khu ston praised his
country to the Master and the Master promised to visit it, and journeyed to
thang po che. {R257}
There the Master resided for one month at rags rtsigs khang pa. There 'brom
also joined him. Since khu did not arrange a proper reception, the Master and
his retinue fled from the place, and entered the ferryboat of myang po. {R257}
After that the Master proceeded to bsam yas and took up residence at dpe
dkar gling. (Residing) there he prepared with the assistance of the lo tsA ba
(nag tsho) many translations. However, because the Lady 'chims mo (jo mo
'chims mo) was hostile to Atīśa. Then, 'brom arranged Atīśa go to bsam yas.
{R257-258}
Atīśa gave an extensive exposition which was written down by phya dar ston
pa and became known as the "Prajñā pāramitā according to the method of
khams" (phar phyin khams lugs ma). He bestowed on 'brom at snye thang
precepts on the instructions to the three classes of living beings. {R258}
After that the Master was invited by rngog legs pa'i shes rab to lha sa. Rngog
request Atīśa and nag tsho translated the Mādhyamakahṛdayavṛttitarkajvālā.
10 In order to explain the text, the Master composed the large and short dbu
ma'i man ngag.11 After that he spent (some time) at snye thang. {R258-259}
The wealth of Atīśa had amassed while preaching to others, was despatched
on three occasions through chag khri mchog and other disciples to India for
offering to the Teacher and the monastic community (of Vikramaśīla).
One day the Master fell from the preacher's chair, he performed the sādhāna
of Hayagrīva accompanied by four ḍākiṇīs so that subdued (the demon). Thus
snye thang, lha sa, yer pa and lan pa, are the places where the Master
preached extensively the Doctrine. {R259-260}
12.
5.01.07 Atīśa passed away
Again, he went to snye thang but because of his illness, he went to 'chims phu
for six months. Then again he returned to snye thang. Formerly, when the
Master was residing at khab gung thang, he sent nag tsho to Nepāl for
learning the guhya samāja according to the system of Nāgārjuna from a
disciple of nA ro pa. Because Atīśa passed away, while nag tsho learnt from
him, later bka' dam pa criticized him. But, shar ba pa defended nag tsho as
innocent about that guilty. {R260-261}
A descendant of the royal line of srong btsan.

9

10

11
Tg. dbu ma, No. 3856.
the Mādhyamaka upadeśa, and the Ratnakaraṇḍodghāṭa nāma
Mādhyamakopadeśa, Tg. dbu ma, Nos. 3229, 3930.
According to BA, 'brom ston was the only one whom Atīśa opened his mind.
While staying at bsam yas, the Master bestowed on 'brom at 'chims phu
numerous methods (thabs) concerning Tantric ceremonies, the Dohā
(Saraha's) and many other hidden precepts. However, because 'brom's chief
purpose was to keep immoral persons who practicing Tantric system, he
pretended not to have studied secret texts. After entrusting 'brom his
successor, Atīśa passed away on the 20th day of the middle autumn month of
the year Wood Male Horse (sing pho rta 1054 A.D.). {R261}
13.
14.
5.01.08 Atīśa’s disciples
The five special disciples of the Master were: the mahāpaṇḍita {R262} pi to
pa, Dharmākaramati, the Lion of the Mādhyamika, Mitraguhya (bshes gnyen
gsang ba), Jñānamati and the paṇḍita Kṣitigarbha and so forth.
15.
16.
5.01.09 Atīśa’s relics
After the cremation, ka ba shAkya dbang phyug arrived there, and divided the
ashes of the Master equally between khu, (%) rngog and others. Images and
objects of meditation (thugs dam lha) he gave to 'brom, khu, rngog and 'gar
dga' ba erected silver shrines to preserve the relics given to them. Then
having gathered the offerings, presented by ka ba and others, they held a
great memorial ceremony in the Sheep year (1055 A.D.).
17.
18.
5.01.10 'brom ston pa
'brom built a vīhara at snye thang. 'brom took into his service all those "sa dra
of the Master" whom the Master used to support, and proceeded to stod
lungs. He spent some time in the sandy valley of gnam. About that time the
chiefs of 'dam held a council and resolved to invite 'brom to rwa sgreng. He
also received an invitation from 'phang kha ber chung.
In the New Year of the Fire Male Ape year (me pho spre'u – 1056 A.D.) he
proceeded to rwa sgreg, and he built the monastery of rwa sgreng. {R263}
'brom lived for nine years more at rwa sgreng. 'brom passed away at the age
of sixty, in the year Wood Male Dragon (sing pho 'brug – 1064 A.D.).{R264}
19.
20.
5.01.11 'brom ston pa’s disciples
21.
22.
5.01.11.01 Three Brothers (sku mched rnam gsum)
phu chug ba, a disciple of the Master, attended on 'brom. spyan snga (1038
A.D.(sa pho stag) –?). To phu chung ba, 'brom taught the Doctrine with
reference to the Four Noble Truths.
spyan snga: From childhood he took up ordination in the presence of mal
shes rab sems dpa' at stod lungs, and proceed to 'brom at rwa sgreng in 1057
A.D. (me mo bya). 'brom taught the meditation on emptiness and gave Tantric
precepts of Atīśa.
po to ba was born in 1031 A.D. (lcags mo lug), and took up ordination in the
presence of glang tshul byang of rgyal lha khang ('phan yul). For one year, he
acted as the steward (gnyer ba) of the monastic community of brags rgyab
('phan yul). In 1058 A.D. (sa pho khyi), he proceeded to 'brom at rwa sgreng.
As soon as 'brom taught the Doctrine, po to ba achieved understanding.
These three became known as the "Three Brothers". {R263-264}
23.
24.
5.01.11.02 the chief disciples
The chief disciples of the kalyāna mitra ('brom) ston pa: were kyu ra gzhon nu
'od zer, lhab mi shes rab gyung drung, ka ba rgya gar, rug pa'i zhang chen po,
bran ka jo btsun, kam yung pa, yung pa ka skyog po, yol rdzong rnal 'byor pa,
ston pa yon tan 'bar, sgom pa rin chen bla ma, a mes sman rgan, sga sgom
ag tshoms, ston pa dbang phyug 'bar, pha rgan Idong ston, jo bo legs, kham
pa lung pa chen po, the "Three Brothers" and others. {R264-265}
25.
26.
5.01.12 teachings of 'brom ston pa’s disciples {R265}
27.
28.
5.01.13 rnal 'byor pa chen po and the lineage of the abbot of rwa
sgreng
After 'brom's death, rnal 'byor pa chen po (rnal 'byor a mes, 1015 A.D. – 1078
A.D.) acted as Abbot of rwa sgreng from 1065 A.D. to 1078 A.D. He first met
the Master at and had thoroughly studied the Doctrine under him. It is said
that his understanding on two truths was better than 'brom ston pa. He tried to
finish what 'brom ston could not complete. His chief disciples were rin chen
sning po of stod lungs (near lha sa), lhab mi chen po, the kalyāna mitra mang
ra and others. {R265-266}
'dzen dbang phyug rgyal mtshan (dgon pa pa: 1016-1082) became Abbot of
the monastery (rwa sgreng) after rnal 'byor pa. He acted as Abbot from 1078
to 1082 for five years. This dgon pa pa's family name was 'dzen, and his
name was dbang phyug rgyal mtshan. He met Atīśa at nyan tsho like rnal
‘byor pa did. He had a special ability to stop breathing for three days. He also
had numerous disciples, such as sne’u zur pa, zhang ka ma pa, gnyan sna
me ba and 'bre ko de lung pa, these four being known as the "Four sons of
dgon'' (dgon gyi bu bzhi).
History of Abbots of rwa sgreng

1056-1064: 'brom established the monastery of rwa sgreng. {R262- 263}

1065 - 1078: rnal 'byor pa chen po

1078 - 1082: dgon pa pa

1083 - ?

Fro 3 years, po to ba was abbot, but having heard kha rag sgom chung's speaking
: No abbots (religious hunger of rwa sgreng)
evil of him, he went toward the ruined temple of rug pa to see the 'son of li mo' (sha ra
ba). {R266-267}

several nominal abbots

'od 'jo

gur ston

Invited abbot: The elder of rwa sgreng invited rma ston but rma ston trefused to be
Abbot of rwa sgreng. The elder sent present, and rma ston became Abbot for many
years.{R267}

Invited abbot: the upādhyāya shes skor ba

Elected abbot: 'dul ba 'dzin pa

jam dbyangs pa acted as abbot for many years till 1477 A.D. {R267}12
The chapter on the Master, 'brom ston and the monastery of rwa
sgreng.
5.02. The Chapter on po to ba
29.
5.02.01 phu chung ba
phu chung ba gzhon nu rgyal mtshan did not maintain disciples and showed
great diligence in the worship of the Ratna, and inwardly remained in
meditation. He preached extensively the Four Truths to those who came to be
introduced to the Doctrine (chos 'brel zu ba). He had several wise yogin
disciples including karma grags and others. {R267-268}
5.02.02 po to ba
po to ba rin chen gsal: After the death of 'brom, he practised meditation till the
age of 50. From the age of 51 he laboured for the benefit of others. He
resided temporarily at mkhan grags ('phan yul), the sgro lag monastery, at
mthar thog ('phan yul), stag lung.
Six basic texts of bka’ dam pa: the Bodhipathapradīpa, the
Mahāyānasūtralaṃkāra, the Bodhisattvabhūmi, the Śikṣāsamuccaya, the
Bodhisattvacāryavatara, the Jātakas and the Udānavarga.
In later life having built the po to dgon pa (in 'phan yul), he took up residence
there. He used to say: "The so called Mahāmudrā agrees in meaning with the
Samādhirāja sūtra, but we should neither deprecate, nor practise it." {R269269}
He had declared himself to be an incarnation of the ārya sthavira yan lag
'byung.13 He was born in the year Iron Female Sheep (lcags mo lug – 1031

12
1476- 435=1041 A.D..
A.D.) and died at the age of 75 in the year Wood Female Hen (sing ma bya –
1105A.D.).
Disciples:
the Eight Great Ones: from gnyal: glang bya rab pa and gnyos bra gor ba; from dol: 'be mon
bu chung ba and rog dmar zhur ba; from Upper gtsang: bya and phag; from Lower (gtsang):
ram sding ma ba and snang dre'u lhas pa;
from Upper myang: lhag and shes; from gyag sde: sog po ba; from bzang: gru gu lung pa,
kha rag sgom chung, 'gos of gnas khang, nags ston mtha' dag, lho stod pa, myang po ri kha
pa, 'khro ston ku su ra ba, grog pa brtson seng, zur re ba mtha' bzhi, gtsang pa mkhar po pa,
ko de lung pa of rgyal, gya' nos pa of dar yul, ye shes seng ge, wa brag dkar ba, sgro'i stag
mgo ba, pho brang sdings pa of grab, sgro lag pa of rgyal, 'brongs stons pa of rma, ban de ba
Rin byang, mag pa gnyan chung, mal gro ba glang sgom, thang po che ba, dgon mer pa,
zhang chen po of gyu sgra, dge sbyong chen po of la mo, mdo lung pa, (%) the "Upper" and
"Lower" dbus zhar dgon pas, sgyu sbyangs dbang seng, byar pa rin gzhon, stod lungs pa
dbang phyug grags, Great Pillars of dbus: glang ri thang pa, shar ba pa {R269-270}
5.02.03 rog she rab rgya mtsho
rog shes rab rgya mtsho (1059-1131): On taking up ordination, he studied the
Abhidharma and the Vinaya with and who had recently become famous. He
had studied the Doctrine under dol pa from 1072 to 1093. 1072 was the third
year since the establishment by po to ba of a monastic college. He was
accepted by the kalyṇamitra dol pa who was aged 26. He attended (on him)
for 22 years, and after that laboured extensively for the welfare of living
beings. It is said that he had more than 1000 disciples at yang gang. The
Chapter on po to ba
5.03 The Chapter on glang thang.
During a considerable time he maintained an assembly (of disciples).
Following the custom of po to ba, he trained disciples. khyung po rnal 'byor,
saying that glang ri thang pa was a manifestation of the Budda Amitabha, cut
his hair in the presence of glang ri thang pa. He also became a disciple of
sne’u zur pa. From among his two thousand disciples, there were many, such
as yar klungs lcags zhin pa, 'dul 'dzin of ba yags, lung mo pa mdo sde, zhang
btsun gnyan, 'gar zhan zhun pa, ma thang pa, nye mal pa and others. {R270271}
sha bo sgang pa padma byang chub was also a disciple of glang thang pa.
He gathered round himself about a thousand disciples. {R271}
glang thang zhan acted as abbot of glang thang (in 'phan yul). He was
succeeded as abbots by the kalyāṇa mitra gnyan, the ācārya sgom pa, the
kalyāṇa mitra 'gar pa and the ācārya gtsang pa. Then glang thang was

13
Aṅgaja, one of the sixteen sthaviras, dwelling on Mount Kailāsa.
entrusted to sangs rgyas dbon of rgya ma. This glang thang zhan was also
met by phag mo gru pa14. The Chapter on glang thang.
5.04 The chapter from shar ba pa to 'chad kha pa.
30.
5.04.01 shar ba pa
The great shar ba pa: In his youth, he proceeded to po to ba, took up
ordination and heard the latter's instructions. After the death of po to ba, most
of the latter's disciples assembled round him. While he taught the
Uttaratantra, he was not satisfied with the quality of translation and relied his
teaching on incomplete translation of rngog. {R271}
When pa tshab lo tsA ba from India, he preached the Mādhyamika doctrine,
shar ba pa offered him many of his own novices as disciples. When shar ba
pa read the texts of the Mādhyamika tr. by pa tshab, he suggested to
corrected his translation.
At rwa sgreng, he took away the Sūtrasamuccaya and asked its translation to
the Kashmirian Jayānanda, the lo tsA ba pa tshab nyi ma grags and khu mdo
sde 'bar. While other bka’ gdams pa maintained that the cittotpada rites of the
Mādhyamikas and the Vijñānavādins different, he maintained similarities of
rites based on two systems. Later, the All knowing blo bzang grags pa'i dpal
(tsong kha pa) maintained the same theory. {R271-272} ==> What are
differences and similarities of the cittotpada rite. Are there any rite based on
Mādhyamikas?
From among his 3600 disciples; Prajñā jvāla, nag shod dpe ston, ban chen
skyas bu of Idan, shes rab rdo rje of gzho, gtum ston of snar thang, grags pa
seng ge of bya, 'jing pa dgye lung pa, byang chub grags of la stod, rtsed pa of
Lower myang, rgyu bug pa of shangs, gtsang gad gnyos pa, {R273} khu le'i
kha mo zer ston, 'Be dkar of Upper myang, myang ro pa, bya rgyus pa, jo sras
of Upper myang, shar ba pa blo gros grags, rgya ston of gtsang, zhar chos of
po dong, dge 'dun skyabs of gnyal, gyor ston of myang po. the "former" and
the "latter" tshes pas, gnyos ston of gnyal, dar rin of gnyal, jo sras kong po,
lho pa dar ma grags, myang of sol thang, sba 'dul of nag mo, tshul she of
zhogs, the "latter" zhar dgon pa, skyo ston of yung, stod lungs mon gra pa,
lho pa dar ston, byang grags of rgyal, bya ston 'chad ka pa, stabs kha ba, the
Great, and many other holy men.
31.
32.
5.04.02 bya ‘chad kha pa
bya ’chad kha pa (ye shes rdo rje:1101 - 1175) had been a disciple of ras
chung pa of lo ro. He went as attendant of ras chung pa to a religious
assembly of ngor rje btsan bho ra at gnyal. When he was studying the Vinaya
under sha mi, there he met the kalyāṇa mitra myang lags zhing pa in yar
klungs.
From him he heard the "Eight Sentences" (tshig brgyad ma) of glang ri thang
pa, and faith was born in him. For four years, he attended on the kalyāṇa
mitras dol pa and lugs smad pa till 1089 A.D. At the age of 20, he met
accidentally a disciple of glang ri thang pa in lha sa. And found that glang ri

14
This means that the latter was his disciple.
thang pa passed away and there was a conflict between gnyan who became
the second abbot of glang thang and 'dul ba 'dzin pa.
Having heard that, he proceeded to shar ba pa, the Great, who was residing
at khang pa gnas of gzho. {R273-274} He attended the classes, but the words
of the blo sbyong (tshig brgyad ma) did not appear clear to him. After 13 years
studying with shar ba pa, he could get clear understanding on blo sbyong.
{R274}
{R275} He had taught and leart blo byong at gzho, for six years at dge gong,
shar ba, and byen. While residing at 'gres phu, He taught the don bdun ma
(blo sbyong don bdun ma). He proceeded to mal gro and founded the
monastery of Old 'chad kha ('chad kha rnying ma in 'phan yul).
He also prophecised to se spyil bu pa that the latter will found the present day
"New" 'chad kha. Then he visited bya nur mo. He composed the mthar thug
gsum gyi gdams pa and an auto biography in ślokas. {R275}
33.
5.04.03 se spyil bu pa
se spyil bu pa: his family name was se. He was born at in the year Iron Ox
(lcags glang – 1121 A.D.). His name was chos kyi rgyal mtshan. For many
years he followed on 'chad kha pa. In the year Wood Ape (sing spre – 1164
A.D.) he founded the "New" 'chad kha. He also established a monastery at
spyil bu. After the death of 'chad kha pa, he resided alternatively in the above
two monasteries for 14 years, between the year Fire Ape (me spre – 1176
A.D.) aud the Earth Hen (sa bya – 1189 A.D.) year. He died in his (1189 A.D.
69th year) at spyil bu.
His disciples the yogin byang seng, rgya spang thang pa, lha dge 'dun sgang
pa, and nyan lha sdings pa founded the monasteries of gro sa, spang sa, dge
'dun sgang and nyan lha sdins each.
34.
35.
5.04.04 lha lung gyi dbang phyug
lha15 lung gyi dbang phyug, son of jo bo rnyal 'byor and dpal 'dren, lady of sna
nam. {R276-277} From 1165 to 1172, gu ri ba was his teacher. At the age of
15, he invited and requested klubs dkar to act as ācārya, and khyung po as
upādhyāya, and thus received ordination at bya sa. He received the name of
byang chub rin chen. He also studied the Vinayakārikā16 and heard twice the
sum brgya pa17 and mastered it. In the same year, he preached them at spu
gu no, and on seeing the image of bya 'chad kha pa, he was filled with faith.
Having known his death, he went to se spyil bu pa. In 1182, his 24th year, se
spyil bu pa ordained him as a monk. The upādhyāya glan, the ācārya zhang,
gnyags performed the ritual and gave secret precepts.

15
lha means Prince, son of a king. S.C. Das, A.S.B. N.2 /1889/ p.47
misunderstood the title.

16
Tg.'dul ba, No. 4123.

17
Āryamūlasarvāstivādiśramaṇerakārikā, Tg.'dul ba, No. 4124.
He attended on many teachers, such as the kha che pan chen18 and others.
After the death of se spyil pa, lung gyi dbang phyug occupied the abbot's chair
of spyil bu for 43 years, from 1190 to 1232. He also received the permission
(lung) of the entire kangyur and therefore became known as the "Lord of
Permissions". {R278-279}
36.
5.04.05 lha 'gro ba'i mgon po
lha 'gro ba'i mgon po (1186 – 1259): His father was jo 'bag and his mother lha
gcig (Princess) dzam gling, sister of lha 'dri sgang pa. He was born in the year
Fire Male Horse (me pho rta – 1186A.D.). At the age of 16, he obtained the
upāsaka vows from 'chad kha in the presence of lha lung gyi dbang phyug in
1191. He received the name of byang chub 'od.
After lha lung gyi dbang phyug’s death, became abbot from 1233 to 1259. He
managed many monasteries of po to and its branch monasteries, 30
monasteries of kong po, from dags po, from gnyal the monastery of zangs po
che and its branch monasteries, rong rtse dkar. In subsequent periods, there
were many followers of the Spiritual Lineage of spyil bu pa at zangs po che
and bra gor. {R278-279}
He laboured for the benefit of scholars, priests and notables, and died at the
age of 74 in the year Earth Female Sheep (sa mo lug – 1259 A.D.) at spyil bu.
After his cremation many relics were distributed spyil bu, ngo sgra, spu gu
ngo and inside the image of Mahābodhi and so forth. {R280}
37.
38.
5.04.06 From blo gros ye shes to lha zur khang pa
blo gros ye shes of lha brag kha: he was born at bye chung in the year Iron
Male Dog (lcags pho khyi – 1250 A.D.) as son of the Lord shAkya bkra shis
and skyor mo dar rgyan. He became a disciple of lha 'gro ba'i mgon po, and
mastered, in the manner of a filled vase, all the knowledge of sbas pa ston
gzhon. For 27 years he occupied the abbot's chair, from the year Iron Male
Ape (lcags pho spre – 1260 A.D.) to the year Fire Dog (me khyi – 1286 A.D.),
and laboured extensively for the welfare of living beings. He lived till he was
37.
lha zur khang pa (1277 - 1337) was son of jo bar. He became a disciple of lha
brag kha pa and received the upāsaka vow. He was ordained and received
the name of dbang phyug ye shes. From ston gzhon he heard the "Five
Treatises of Maitreya", the tshig 'jug19 and other texts, and mastered them
without difficulty. From the upādhāya lhag ru ba he heard the
Abhidharmakośa and preached it to a class of pupils. He became abbot of
spyil bu from 1287 to 1307. {R280-281}

18

19
the Great Paṇḍita of Kāśmīra – Śākya Śrībhadra.
the
Prasannapāda,
Tg.
dbu
Mādhyamakāvatāra, Tg. dbu ma, No. 3861.
ma,
No.
3860,
and
the
lha blo gros 'od (1285 - 1350): he was the eldest son of king grags pa rin
chen and lha gcig rdo rje. He proceeded to spyil bu (in 'phan yul) as indicated
by lha zur khang pa and received from zur khang pa the upāsaka vows. With
zur khang pa he studied all the basic texts and instructions. In particular, he
heard many oral precepts known and unknown, such as the blo sbyong don
bdun ma and others. From 1311 to 1350, he had been the abbot of spyil bu
for 40 years. During this period the trouble between sa skya and 'bri khung
came to an end. spyil bu pas also lived in plenty. {R281}
After that lha rin chen seng ge who possessed excellent {R282} faculties,
such as the remembrance of his former rebirths, etc., held the abbotship till
the year Fire Female Ox (me mo glang – 1337 A.D.). The chapter from shar
ba pa to 'chad kha pa.
5.05 The chapter on snar thang
Alias: gtum ston
Origin:
Date: 1285 - 1350
Place:
Event:
gtum ston blo gros grags pa, by request of shar ba pa, spent in the vicinity of
snar thang from 1141 - 1152. While he was practising meditation, a number of
followers gathered round him and in 1153 A.D., he founded snar thang. He
spent there 14 years and later proceeded to stod of Upper Tibet.
1166 to 1185: rdo ston shes rab grags
1186 to 1195: zhang bstun rdo rje 'od
1196 to 1234: gro ston bdud rtsi grags
1235 to 1244: zhang ston chos kyi bla ma
1245 to 1244: sangs rgyas sgom pa seng ge skyabs
1245 to 1280: mchims nam mkha' grags
1281 to 1296: skyo ston smon lam tshul khrims
1297 to 1303: nyi ma rgyal mtshan
1304 to 1315: ze'u brtson 'grus grags pa
1316 to 1327: ze'u brtson 'grus grags pa’s grags pa shes rab
1328 to 1367: the mahā upādhyāya blo bzang grags pa
1367 to 1374:
1375 : the mahā upādhyāya kun rgyal ba
- 1417: the mahā upādhyāya rin po che grub pa shes rab
1418 – 1433: the mahā upādhyāya bsod nams mchog grub. In 1433, there
was disagreement in the monastery, so bsod names mchog grub moved to
dbus but could not come back. There took place much wrangling and even
some casualties between the monks and the mahā upādhyāya's younger
brother.
1433 - : spyan snga grags pa ba, bka' bcu pa bzod pa pa, 'dul 'dzin dpal ldan
bzang po
1476 (present): shes rab rgyal mtshan {R283} The chapter on snar thang.
5.06 The Chapter on kham lung pa and the disciples of shar ba pa
sgang shAkya yon tan of Kham pa lung was born in the year Wood Female
Ox (sing mo glang – 1023 A.D.). He lived for 91 years till the year Wood
Female Sheep (sing mo lug – 1115 A.D.). His teaching was known to contain
{R284} eight sections (thun brgyad ma). After his death, monks gathered at
the residence of sne’u zur pa who had about a 1000 disciples. Among shar ba
pa's disciples nyi ma 'dul 'dzin was selected (by the Teacher) to preserve the
tradition.
The yogin shes rab rdo rje was understood to own property. He occupied the
chair for three years. He founded the monasteries of stabs ka, 'od 'jo and khra
phu. rong ston kha bo che took over 'od 'Jo. rnyam med 'dul ba 'dzin pa took
over khra phu. At khra phu the study of the Vinaya and of the
Abhidharmakośa continued for a long time. gzhon nu yon tan (1127-1213) of
'od 'jo gathered 1,000 disciples and dar ma grags (1103 - 1174) of stabs ka
gathered about 600 disciples. {R284} The Chapter on kham lung pa and the
disciples of shar ba pa.
5.07 The chapter on the abbots (of bya yul) from spyan snga to bya yul pa.
5.07. 01 spyan snga
spyan snga tshul khrims 'bar was son of dbas shAkya rdo rje and mother li mo ye shes sgron.
In childhood he was called stag tshab 'bar. In 1057, he came to rwa sgrengand attended on
'brom. Later he attended on rnyal 'byor pa, dgon pa pa and the yogin shes rab rdo rje. From
his childhood he believed in the doctrine of 亨nyat
and possessed great wisdom, as well as
a sufficient knowledge of Sanskrit to enable him to translate (Sanskrit texts). He used to recite
mantras, whatever were to be found inTibet. He erected many caityas made of jewels, similar
in style to the Master. He exhibited many supernatural powers. He died at snug rum. It seems
to me that this was due to lack of devotion on the part of the elder (sthavira) of lo(otherwise
he would have passed away at lo). He passed away at the age of 66.
Among his disciples (were found) 'u yug pa a mi, rgya rtse sbre ba, sku
bsrungs ston pa, klungs shod ral pa, 'dul 'dzin sal gur ston pa, 'tsher ston,
thang 'dul, 'brom 'dul the four, thar pa'i phag sgom, ched cher bag ye sgom
pa, rug pa'i rgya sgom and mang ra sgom pa – the four, zar pa jo btsun, g.ye
pa'i sgre pa, 'phan yul pa rgya, yul chos pa lha bzo, stod lungs pa chen po,
khyun kham po che, lho brag pa pa wa ston, gtsang pa jo phad, bya yul pa
chen po and others. {R285-286}
39.
5.07.02 stod lungs pa and zar pa phag sgom
stod lungs pa chen po rin chen snying po (1032-1116) established the
monastery of stod lungs btsan 'gro and gathered about a hundred disciples.
zar pa phag sgom founded the monastery of zar at mal gro. {R286}
40.
41.
5.07.03 bya yul pa
bya yul pa (1075 - 1138)was born at gol go lung in stod lungs in the year
Wood Female Hare (sing mo yos – 1075 A.D.). His father was g.yung 'drung
brtan 'bar and his mother gyi ljangs gza' lcam bu. In 1086, he took up the
noviciate and was given the name of gzhon nu 'od. At the age of 12, he
became a successful steward (gner ba) of gol go lung. In 1088, ye shes rgyal
mtshan entrusted him to the great stod lungs pa and he became the latter's
attendant. {R286}
Once, when spyan snga was residing at cho rab, stod lungs pa sent him as
spyan snga’s attendant by request of spyan snga. stod lungs pa presented to
spyan snga his attendant and with him the customary scarf. After the lapse of
one year, spyan snga having dressed bya yul pa in woolen clothes, sent him
to stod lungs pa.
He worked hard, and the possession of spyan snga was increased. spyan
snga was extremely liked his attitude, so that the old disciples became
envious. po to ba also praised him from afar, for his service to spyan snga
and his courteous attitude cowards the other disciples. {R287}
bya yul pa resided at phu chung, 'tshal chung and brul gyi ra ba dkar po, and
was invited to gnyer by byang dar ma ratna and stayed there. {R288} During
this period there were two Tantrics, husband and wife, at bya yul. They
presented that place to zha ba who gave it to glang ri thang pa. However,
because of refusal of glang ri thang pa, bya yul pa pleased to receive it. bya
yul subdue him by spreading his mat over him. Since he had been an intimate
friend of shar ba pa, the latter's disciples were also sent to help in the building
of the vīhara. His attendant sher seng who made his effort to establish the
monastery was poisoned by se chung ba, and bya yul pa guided sher seng to
escape the Hell. {R288-289}
When spyan snga was about to die, he said: "Do not cake up final monastic
ordination", so for a Iong time he abstained from taking up final ordination.
{R290-291} Later, he saw a dream in which the second ordination was not
necessary. Again he offered prayers and then saw in his dream that he was
given by his Teacher an Indian monastic robe (cīvara). He thought that he
was allowed to become a monk and took up ordination. He laboured extensively for the benefit of the Doctrine. At the age of 64, on the 18th day of
the Kārtika month (smin drug) of the year Earth Male Horse (sa pho rta –
1138A.D.) {R291}
Among the 2000 monks, there were 500 who attained a concentrated trance.
Among the no learned kalyāṇa mitras, there were nine "Great Outsiders",
eight "Great Middle Ones" (bar) and three "Inner" Spiritual Sons.
42.
5.07.04 gtsang pa and glang lung pa
He was born at snubs yul rong of gtsang in the year Fire Female Serpent (me
mo sbrul – 1077 A.D.) as son of a great Tantric (sngags pa chen po), named
snubs a la la, and his wife, ral rgyags gza' lcam ma. {R293} He had a vision of
a ḍākiṇī, filling the entire sky. In particular, he saw a ḍākiṇī, called 'bar ma.
Among his teachers, to mention only the translators, were: rngog lo tsA ba,
gnyan lo, ba ri lo tsA ba, rwa lo, btsan kha bo che, five in all.
He traveled India and he turned back and proceeded to skyi shod (lha
sa).{R294} Though scholars used to speak disparagingly about the bka’
gdams pas, he thought that these bka’ gdams pas must also possess a
complete Doctrine of their own. Despite of people’s blame, he requested to
bya yul pa be his teacher of the Mahāyāna Tantras. {R295}
{R296} When bya yul pa taugh him, gtsang pa rin po che, he understood
completely all the words of the four classes of the Tantras, so there can not
be any doubt as to his understanding of their meaning.
The inmates of lo invited him and he became Abbot of lo. Later when bya yul
pa was about to die, he sent a messenger, but the latter did not convey his
message, and thus they did not contact each other at the time of death. After
the death of bya yul pa, he cook over both lo and bya yul. {R296}
He passed away at the age of 85, in the year Iron Female Serpent (lcags mo
sbrul – 1161 A.D.). {R297}
His disciples: it is said that gtsang pa had four sons and other disciples, in all
14.
43.
44.
5.07.05 glang lung pa
The Abbot rin po che glang lung pa (1123-1193): he was born as the eldest of
the three sons of snubs rdo rje btsan grags and hor gza' mo in the year Water
Female Hare (chu mo yos – 1123 A.D.) at sgang ra of stod lungs 'tshur. In
1140, he went to see nyag mo ba, a disciple of bya yul pa, and took up the
vows of an upāsaka. He took up the noviciate and was given the name of
brtson 'grus gzhon nu. {297}
In 1127, he received the final monastic ordination. Till 1134, he attended on
the kalyāṇa mitra bkra shis sgang pa, a disciple of both nyag mo ba and bya
yul pa. {R298}
According to the record of his dream, it seems true that the upāya mārga of
the Master was handed down in the Lineage of spyan snga, but there were
different opinions too.
When his meeting with gtsang pa rin po che, an extraordinary faith were born
in him. Once again he went to meet him from bkra shis sgang. {R299} From
1162 to 1193, He acted as abbot for 32 years. He passed away at the age of
71 1193A.D. dbu se and bla ma zhang died {R300} in the same year.
45.
5.07.06 sangs rgyas sgom pa and zem rin po che
sangs rgyas sgom pa (1160 - 1229)who was a native of. His family name was
zi tsha, a division of the 'be (clan). He was born in the year Iron Male Dragon
(lcags pho 'brug – 1160 A.D.). In 1177, the age of 18, he again proceeded to
the residence of the Precious glang lung pa. There, after the lapse of one
year, an excellent mystic trance was born in him. Till 1190, he received
teachings from glang lung pa and obtained from him complete instructions. In
1197, he received final ordination. In 1201, he became abbot. He occupied for
a long time the abbot's chair and died at the age of 70 in the year Earth Ox
(sa glang – 1229 A.D.). {R299-300}
zem rin po che (120120 - 1256)was born in the year Iron Female Hog (lcags
mo phag – 1101 A.D.) at nger gom of ham mdo', his father being sba yags me
po and his mother the nun bkra shis skyid. In 1116, he met sangs rgyas sgom
pa and requested him to bestow ordination on him. He received the name of
grags pa seng ge. He studied the Vinaya. In 1119, he received the final
ordinationHe then visited sangs rgyas sgom pa at bya yul. The latter accepted
him in spirit, and bestowed on him the complete instructions. When he had
reached the age of 39, sangs rgyas sgom pa passed away. Later on receiving
the command of Śrī Devī, zem became abbot (of bya yul). He died at the age
of 66 in the year Fire Male Dragon (me pho 'brug – 1256 A.D.). {R300-301}
At that time, 219 years had elapsed from the birth of spyan snga. From
among his numerous disciples, 'od gsal ba, the Great, founded the monastery
of 'od gsal in Upper zhogs. ri mer ba, the Great, founded the monastery of ri
mer in Eastern lho brag. {R301-302}
46.
47.
5.07.07 mkham pa lung pa
The kalyāṇa mitra mkham pa lung pa (1232 - 1282) was born in the year
Water Dragon (chu 'brug – 1232 A.D.) to sbas rnal 'byor mgon po and mother
zhang lcam dkar yal. He studied the Vinaya, and obtained instruction from rin
po che (glang lung pa), and practised meditation. At the age of 25, in 1256
A.D. he succeeded the chair of abbot from zem. Till the Water Male Horse
(chu pho rta – 1282 A.D.), for 27 years, he acted as abbot and passed away.
48.

20
correct.
BA: 1101. However, counting his date of death, 1201 may be
49.
5.07.08 sang rgyas jo bo and doom of bya yul
sangs rgyas jo bo (1232 - 1312): He proclaimed himself to be an incarnation
of sangs rgyas sgom pa. He was born in the year Water Dragon (chu 'brug –
1232 A.D.). In 1256, he took up the final ordination (upasampadā). At 51, he
became abbot of btsang gro and came to bya yul in the year Iron Hare (Icags
yos – 1291 A.D.) at the age of 60. He passed away at the age of 81, in the
year Water Male Mouse (chu pho byi ba – 1312 A.D.). {R303}
After having obtained the power of a Religious Protector he buried inside the
wall of the temple four images of dharmapālas together with their offerings
,while he was repairing the vīhara of bya yul. When the 'bri khung pa killed
nine monks at lo. The inmates of lo, having discovered gtor ma, so killed the
uncle and his disciples. {R303}
After mkham lung pa, gtsang ston acted as abbot from 1283 to 1285. He was
murdered by the 'bri khung pas. (The monastery) of bya yul was burnt down,
and from the year Fire Dog (me khyi – 1286 A.D.) till the year Iron Tiger (lcags
stag – 1290 A.D.) the chair seems to have remained empty. In this Iron Tiger
(lcags stag – 1290 A.D.) the rebellion of 'bri khung took place.
The next Iron Hare year (Icags yos – 1291 A.D.) is the year of the coming of
sangs rgyas jo bo to the abbot's chair (of bya yul). The Emperor se chen
(quibilai) presented many measures of gold to sangs rgyas jo bo to cover the
expenses of rebuilding (of bya yul). Within one year they had rebuilt the vīhara
of bya yul bya yul was rebuilt in 1292. {R303}
50.
51.
52.
5.07.09 sangs rgyas ston pa the first and the second and other abbots
The Precious sangs rgyas ston pa: His native place was gru shul sgo. He was
the eldest of the four sons of bkra shis 'bum and Śrī thar skyid. About the age
of 14, he met mkham lung pa. He died in the year Wood Female Ox (sing mo
glang – 1325 A.D.). {R303-304}.
sangs rgyas sgom pa, "the second"(1284-1326): he was born in the year
Wood Male Ape (sing pho spre – 1284 A.D.). He came to bya yul to
(interview) sangs rgyas jo bo and there obtained final monastic ordination. He
obtained from sangs rgyas ston pa the complete religious system (chos skor)
of bya yul pa. At that time the precepts of Vajrayāna were not extant, because
of the extinction of the teaching after mkham pa lung pa. He went to mon lug
mgo stens and obtained the teaching (of the Vajrayana) from sgom pa byang
skyabs. At the age of 43, in 1326 A.D., he became abbot of bya yul. He
passed away at the age of 55 in the year Earth Tiger (sa stag – 1338 A.D.).
{R304}
sangs rgyas dbon po of rgyal stengs occupied the chair (of bya yul) for 18
months.
tshul khrims mgon po of btsan gro. His native place was. He was ordained by
sangs rgyas jo bo and received instructions from sangs rgyas ston pa. He
acted as abbot (of bya yul) from the year Iron Serpent (lcags sbrul – 1341
A.D.) till the year Water Female Hare (chu mo yos – 1363 A.D.).
spyan snga blo gros rnam dag pa, spyan snga chos kyi rdo rje of rgyal stengs.
{R305} The chapter on the abbots (of bya yul) from spyan snga to bya yul pa.
5.08 The Chapter on the disciples bya yul pa
53.
5.08.01 gul pi pa, dum bu ri ba, shab pa gling pa
gul pi pa, the Great, founded (the monastery) of rgyal po stens at mal gro
(dbus).
The great dum bu ri ba of smad founded dum bu ri. He was known as the
Bodhisattva zla rgyal of smad.
shab pa gling pa, the Great, built the monastery of sab pa gling at dags po.
54.
5.08.02 Abbots of kam kam
khrom bzher (1100 - 1170) established the vīhara of kam kam. khrom bzher
rin chen seng ge was born in a Tantric family at 'chims. He lived as a lay
Tantric. He attended on dbyig thang ston pa, who resided at mdo lung, and
was a disciple of snam jo dpal and Lha btsun byang chub 'od. He also
attended on kam pa, shar ba pa and bya yul pa. At the age of 38, in the year
Fire Female Serpent (me mo sbrul – 1137 A.D.) he built the monastery of kam
kam, and about 208 monks gathered in this monastery. {R305}
skyo ston rin po che byang chub zin chen (1126 -)was born at in the year Fire
Male Horse (me pho rta – 1126 A.D.). In 1138, he met khrom bzher. At 21, he
received the noviciate and the final monastic ordination in the presence of bya
'dul (bya 'dul ba 'dzin pa). In 1171, he became Abbot of kam kam. At the same
time he became also Abbot of rgyal lha khang (in 'phan yul). {R305-306}
khrom bzher jo sras rin chen seng ge (1163 - 1220) was born at 'chims. In
1200, he occupied the chair (of kam kam) and also became abbot of spangs
thang stod. {R306}
zhig po rin chen 'byung gnas of 'dul gra (1187-1254). He was a contemporary
of sangs rgyas yar byon of stag lung, lha chen po of spyil bu, zem tshe ring
mo ba, rgya spangs pa of se spyil bu, lha dge 'dun sgang pa, gan pa da re,
and rgya ma pa sang yon.
bsod nams rin chen was born in 1214. At 19, he received the noviciate and
the upasampadā ordination in the presence of the yogin byang seng. He
attended on 'dul gra pa and zem tshe ring mo ba. At 41, he became abbot in
the year Wood Male Tiger (sing pho stag – 1254 A.D.). He died at the age of
73 in the year Fire Male Dog (me pho khyi – 1286 A.D.). {R307}
khrom bzher dbon po rong gzhon (1255 - 1327): At the age of 14, he took up
ordination at kam kam. At 32, in 1286 A.D., he became abbot. In his fifth year
as abbot in the year Iron Female Tiger (lcags pho stag – 1290 A.D.) the
rebellion of 'bri khung took place, and The monastery of bya yul was damaged
by fire. He died at the age of 73, in the year Fire Female Hare (me mo yos –
1327 A.D.). {R307-308}
His nephew, the Abbot khrom bzher rin chen seng ge (1305-1365) was a
nephew of khrom bzher dbon po rong gzhon. At 20, attended on the ācārya
rin gzhon and sangs rgyas ston pa of bya yul, and studied. At 24, in 1328, he
became abbot. When he was 59, he appointed his nephew sangs rgyas 'od
zer to the abbot's chair in the year Water Female Hare (chu mo yos – 1363
A.D.) and himself retired. He died at the age of 61 in the year Wood Female
Serpent (sing mo sbrul – 1365 A.D.). {R308}
His nephew, sangs rgyas 'od zer (1346 - 1369): At 18, in the year Water
Female Hare (chu mo yos – 1363 A.D.), he became abbot. He died at the age
of 24 in the year Earth Female Hen (sa mo bya – 1369 A.D.). For 39 years,
the chair of abbot had been empty. {R308-309}
brtson 'grus bzang po (1313 - 1385): At 37, in the year Earth Female Ox (sa
mo glang – 1349 A.D.), he became abbot. When he was 49, in the year Iron
Ox (lcags glang – 1361 A.D.), the All knowing jo nang pa died. The chair
remained empty during the Fire Tiger year (me stag – 1386 A.D.). {R309-310}
The present Abbot don grub dpal was born in the year Wood Female Serpent
(sing mo sbrul – 1365 A.D.) at klu gong of 'phan yul. He became Abbot at the
age of 23 in the year Fire Female Hare (me mo yos – 1387 A.D.). In the year
Fire Female Hen (me mo bya – 1417 A.D.), at the age of 31, he composed the
chos byung bstan pa rin po che'i gsal byed. {R310-311} The Chapter on the
disciples bya yul pa.
5.09 The Chapter on rgya ma pa
55.
5.09.01 four sons of dgon pa pa: kam pa shes rab 'od and ne’u zur pa
kam pa shes rab 'od (1057-1131) was born with the blessing of Atīśa in 1057.
On being ordained, he received the name of shes rab 'od. Later, he went to
interview dgon pa pa who helped him with spiritual and material means. He
possessed an immeasurable faculty of intuitive knowledge and a very great
wisdom.
In the Tarkājvāla,21 translated by nag tsho, it is stated that the text has been
translated by the two – nag tsho and mkhas btsun shes rab 'od who revised
the Yogacaryā Tathatā (rnal 'byor spyod pa'i de kho na nyid gtan la dbab pa),
and he seems to have been this shes rab 'od. He founded the monastery of
kam, where about 700 monks gathered. He died at the age of 75 in the year
Iron Female Hog (lcags mo phag – 1131 A.D.). {R311}
56.
the kalyāṇa mitras ne’u zur pa (1042 - 1118) who was the principal disciple of
dgon pa pa was born in the year Water Male Horse (chu pho rta – 1042 A.D.).
His name was ye shes 'bar. From that time (henceforth) an excellent innate
mind concentration was born in him.
sgom pa shes rab dbang phyug offered his teaching, but sne’u zur pa was
prevented for a time from going there. Later, at the age of 26, in 1067, he tried
to interview with dgon pa pa, but he already retired. sne’u zur pa waited and
served dgon pa pa till he allowed to meet. He chose bhaṭṭāraka Acala (mi gyo
ba) as his yi dam22, recited the mantra (bsnyen pa) and obtained a vision of
the deity. After the death of dgon pa pa, he attended on po to ba. {R312}

21
dbu ma'i snying po'i 'grel pa rtog ge 'bar ba, Tg. dbu ma, No. 3856.

22
samā dāna.
Because of other’s envy, he was slandered. po to ba felt disgust towards him.
However, finally, po to ba found out that he was innocent and felt very glad.
He seems to have an ability of healing. He had helped many lepers.
Later he built the monastery of sne'u zur ('phan yul). {R313} He became a
friend of the Venerable mid la on the mere hearing of his name. {R314}
He was known as a manifestation of the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra. He died
at the age of 77 in the year Earth Male Dog23. {R314}
5.09.02. the spiritual lineage of spyan snga and spyan snga
The Spiritual Lineage of sne'u zur and that of spyan snga are known as "The
Holders of Precepts".24
dg.yer sgom chen po, uncle and nephew, were disciples of sne’u zur pa.
{R314} dg.yer sgom, the Great, was born in 1090 in the family of dg.yer lha
snang. He was a disciple of the bla ma sne’u zur pa and of bya yul pa.
Because he held meditation in high esteem, he was known as dg.yer sgom.
His name was gzhon nu grags pa. He built the vīhara of rin chen sgang
together with the monastery (of that name). About 300 monks gathered round
him. He died at the age of 82 in the year Iron Female Hare (lcags mo yos –
1171 A.D.). {R315}
dbon ston rin po che, the son of bu mo stag, a younger brother of dg.yer
sgom, the Great, was known as a reincarnation of the Bodhisattva skal ldan
shing rta25 who was to become a Buddha among the thousand Buddhas of
this Bhadrakalpa. He passed away at the age of 73 in the year Iron Male
Horse (lcags pho rta – 1210 A.D.). {R315} dbon ston occupied the abbot's
chair from 1179 to 1210.
1211 - 1241: sangs rgyas yon tan (sang yon pa) (1180 - 1241)
1242 - 1266: bde gsegs chen po (1202-1266)
1267 - 1268: gzhon nu 'bum of skam dgon (1201-1268)
1268 - 1292: sangs rgyas 'od 'byung (1230-1292)
1293 - 1334: sangs rgyas gzhon 'od (1293-1334)

23
sa pho khyi – 1118A.D., The re'u mig, JASB. No. 2/1889/, p.44,
gives 1119 A.D. an Earth Hog year/sa phag/.

24
gdams nag pa, one of the two main sects of the bka’ gdams pas:
bka’ gdams gdams Nag pa and bka’ gdams gzhung pa.

25
Bhāgī rathi.
1335 - 1342: The Dharmasvāmin bkras rgyal ba (bkra shis rgyal mtshan)
(1280-1342)
1343 - 1344: spyan snga kun bzang pa (1272-1344)
1345 - 1346: gzhon nu seng ge ba (1316-1346)
1347 - 1360: The Dharmasvāmin bsod rgyal ba (bsod nams rgyal mtshan)
(1314-1360)
1361 - 1365: sang yon pa (1311-1365)
1366 - 1368: empty.
1369 - 1389: spyan snga sangs rgyas byang chub pa (1334-1389)
1390 -1400: spyan snga kun blo ba (1342-1400)
1401-1436: spyan snga gzhon 'od pa
1438 - 1448: spyan snga blo gros rgyal mtshan (1390-1448)
1439 - 1440: The second blo gros rgyal mtshan (1413- )
1450 - : blo gros 'jigs med
The Chapter on rgya ma pa
5.10 The chapter on kam pa and shar ba pa, disciples of dgon pa
pa, and their followers
byang chub dge mdzes (1084-1167) a disciple of sne’u zur pa and native of
mnga’ ris. His family name was dge shing. He studied the Vinaya with tsha
rong pa. He also met phu chung ba, glang ro thang pa, kam pa and kham pa
lung pa. The kalyāṇa mitras gre pa having come to gyer in order to present
his knowledge to sne’u zur pa, he acted as his priest. When sne’u zur pa died,
he obtained a section of the Doctrine from bya yul pa and meditated at the
monastery of byes can. He died in the Fire Hog year (me phag lo – 1167
A.D.). {R318}
skor, the Great. He was ordained as novice and then received the final
monastic ordination in the presence of gnyags chung lo tsA ba. He briefly met
sne’u zur pa. gun pa ba prophesied to him, and according to it, he obtained
from mnga’ ris pa dge mdzes the teaching of sne’u zur pa. He built the great
stūpa of stag can in yar klungs. {R318}
skor appointed skor jo sras to the abbot's chair. However, the kalyāṇa mitra
ston dar and the sthavira brtsod se did not install him (as abbot) and he
proceeded to sha 'ug stag go. He was again invited to stag can. He died at
rgya sa sgang. {R318-319}
mar pa phug pa (1156-1228) was ordained in the presence of gser sdings pa
and received the final monastic ordination in the presence of klubs dkar. He
studied extensively the Vinaya. For twenty years he practised meditation and
studied with skor jo sras the precepts of the bka’ gdams pas. From 63
onwards, he began teaching. He took over stag can, ser ba dgon pa, rgyas sa
sgang, btsan thang and rong skam. {R319}
His successor was zhig po kun grol. His native place was Eastern yar klungs.
He received the noviciate and the final monastic ordination in the presence of
gra 'dul and yol lcags. {R319} He had also been a disciple of sangs rgyas
sgom pa of snar thang. When sa skya pa arrived in dbus, he invited him to
dpungs rings and offered him a hundred presents. He studied the bstan rim
with zem at bya yul, and the lam rim (of the Master) with lha spu gu do ba.
{R319-320}
sangs rgyas ston pa: His family was mtha' bzhi. He took up the final monastic
ordination (upasampadā) at spyil bu in the presence of bha 'gro bo'i mgon po,
and laboured extensively for the welfare of the Doctrine and living creatures.
He died in the year Water Female Ox (chu mo glang – 1313 A.D.).{R320}
sangs rgyas dbon, the Great, was a disciple of lha zur khang pa. He studied
the bka’ gdams doctrine under sangs rgyas ston pa at chos phug. He passed
away in the year Earth Male Dog (sa pho khyi – 1358 A.D.).
At chos phug, sangs rgyas dbon po was succeeded by chos phug pa gzhon
nu blo gros, grags pa rgyal mtshan, grags pa bzang po, rdo rje rgyal mtshan
and sangs rgyas rdo rje. Till the present time the practice of preaching the lam
rim chen po of skor to an assembly has not been interrupted. The chapter on
kam pa and shar ba pa, disciples of dgon pa pa, and their followers.
5.11 The Chapter on the Venerable Master and his Spiritual
Lineage.
57.
5.11.01 bra gor
Since the monastery of bra gor had been established by gnyos bra gor pa of
gnyal, it should be considered as belonging to the Line of the "Holders of the
Texts" among the bka’ gdams pas (bka’ gdams gzhung pa). However, it
seems no to be any successor of bra gor.
In later times there have been four chief disciples of dar ma bsod nams of
zangs chen who had been a disciple of lha 'gro ba'i mgon po: mtsho sna ba,
rtse dkar ba, dar ma sgang ba and byar khang pa. They are known as the
"Four sons of zangs chen pa."
Among them mtsho sna ba shes rab bzang po resided at bra gor. After him
tshul khrims bkra sis of mon grab, {R321} sangs rgyas shes rab of gye, chos
skyabs bzang po, chos dpal rgyal ba, bsod nams dpal ldan, also known as the
mahā upādhyāya brag pa, yon tan rin chen bsam se ba, rdor se ba, yon
dbang pa, chos rje ba, chos rgyal bzang po, chos rgyal bzang po dbu nag pa,
brtson 'grus rgyal po and yon tan 'od zer of gtsang.
58.
59.
5.11.02 ri stengs
Before him there had been 15 upādhyāyas. rgyal mtshan bzang po of ri
stengs, a disciple of mtsho na ba, the Great, (was abbot) at ri stengs. After
him the Dharmasvāmin rin chen, kong ston shes rab rdo rje, sku 'bum pa,
chos rgyal ba, the Dharmasvāmin dpal bzangs pa, an incarnation of sgo gcig
pa, known as sgo gcig pa. Before him there had been seven upādhyāyas.
The one known as rong pa phyag sor pa remembered thirteen of his (former)
lives and possessed great prophetic knowledge. He visited nag tsho lo tsA ba
who was residing at khab gong thang. nag tsho bestowed on him numerous
secret precepts of the Mantrayāna and he spent three years (with him).
He preached the Vinaya sūtra (mdo rtsa) and the Sikṣasamuccaya. Then he
renounced all (worldly) activity and for a long time meditated at lag sor
monastery, without seeing his attendant. At the end of his meditation, when
{R322} he was proceeding to mediate in a dispute between spa tshab and
'phrang kha, he met rma tsho byang rdor at phong mdo. He invited him and
de'u shang rdor, and held a religious assembly during which the "Four Sons of
rong pa" appeared. They are: bya 'dul ba 'dzin pa, rog 'chims phu ba, rnam
par ba and the kalyāṇa mitra zhus lan pa. rgya ra ston being an upāsaka is
not included among the sons. rnam par ba founded rnam par and ram pa lha
sdings. He also acted as abbot of gsang phu for eight years. rnam par ba and
rog held in high esteem the secret precepts. They seem not to have cared for
the history (of the school). {R322}
zhus lan pa held in high esteem the history, basing on which zul phu ba
composed a detailed history of the Master. zul phu ba studied much the bka’
gdams pa precepts under stod lungs pa, the Great, but his followers are listed
among the Vinayadharas and none of them seem to have been listed among
the bka’ gdams pas.
The disciple of rnal 'byor pa, the Great, – mang ra 'byung gnas rgyal mtshan.
His disciple brtson 'grus rgyal mtshan of snyug rum: he was born in the year
Water Male Horse (chu pho rta – 1042 A.D.) and died at the age of 68 in the
year Earth Fcmale Ox (sa mo glang – 1109 A.D.). About eight hundred monks
gathered round him.
60.
61.
5.11.03 khri mchog
A native of lho brag chag pa, khri mchog by name: this chag khri mchog26
obtained many instructions from the Venerable Master. He was good at the
preaching of treatises and the analysis of the theory. When he asked about
his meditation when Atīśa was dying, Atīśa suggested him to abandon this life.
{R323} He asked the kalyāṇa mitra ston pa:to preach without saying “"This
(will be) of no use" and admonished rnal 'byor pa. After that, even though he
stayed at rwa sgreng, he did not talk with anyone.{R323-324}
62.
63.
5.11.04 rngog and rngog lo ldan shes rab
rngog was a descendent of a minister of the religious king27 khri srong lde'u
btsan had a minister, rngog. He was the eldest son, rngog legs pa'i shes rab
of rdo rje gzhon nu of the "Old" Tantra School. He was ordained by 'brin ye

26
died in 1058 A.D. according to the sum pa mkhan po's re'u mig
/JASB, No. 2, 1889, p.41/.

27
dharmarāja.
shes yon tan. He went to khams to study the Piṭakas and became a disciple of
the Master se btsun. {R324}
He studied extensively the Doctrine, and having befriended khu ston and
others, went to dbus in the Hen year (bya lo – 1045 A.D.) which is the Hen
year following the year of 'brom ston's coming (to dbus). He requested the
Master and the lo tsA ba (nag tsho) to translate the Tarkajvalā and to write the
Mādhyamakopadesa nāma. {R324}
He founded a monastery at brag nag (near lha sa) and the great vīhara of
ne'u thog (gsang phu) in the year Water Female Ox (chu mo glang – 1073
A.D.). In the same year 'khon dkon mchog rgyal po founded sa skya. {R325}
His nephew rngog lo chen po (rnog lo ldan shes rab:1159-1109) was son of
chos skyabs. When he was 17, he was sent for study to Kaśmīra. He went
there in the company of rwa lo, gnyan lo, khyung po chos brtson, rdo ston and
gtsang kha bo che. When king rtse lde had invited most of the Tripiṭakadharas
of dbus, gtsang and khams, and held the religious council of the year Fire
Male Dragon (me pho 'brug – 1076 A.D.), he also attended it.
He studied at Kaśmīra and returned to Tibet. In Tibet he studied the Doctrine
with the paṇḍita 'bum phrag gsum pa (brtan skyon) and Sumatikīrti. He visited
Nepāl for a short whde and heard the Tantra from Atulya vajra, Varendraruci
and others. Then he again returned to Tibet and made numerous correct
translations. {R325-326}
He gradually gathered round himself 23,000 learned and venerable monks.
Among his assistant preachers (zur chos pa) were: 55 preachers of
Alaṃkara28
and Pramāṇaviniścayaṭīka29, 280 expounders of the
Pramāṇaviniścaya (rnam nges), 1800 Āgama dharmabhāṇakas (lung chos
smra ba) and about 2130 preachers of the Doctrine (chos smra ba)30. Among
the numerous disciples who attended his classes, formerly and later, four are
known as his "Four Principal Sons": zhang tshes spong chos kyi bla ma, gro
lung pa blo gros 'byung gnas, khyung rin chen grags and 'bre shes rab 'bar.
There appeared many teachers such as gangs pa she'u, gong bu ra can,
sham po me dig, me lhang tsher, dmar sgas lung, rngog skya bo, tre bo
mchog gi bla ma and others. The lo tsA ba himself heard the (exposition) of
the Doctrine of the Master from (his) uncle. Up to the time of the direct
disciples of the uncle and nephew, all were holders of the Master's treatises.
legs pa'i shes rab being also a disciple of 'brom, is included among the bka’
gdams pas. In general, during the 13 years of the Master's stay in Tibet, there
had been many on whom he bestowed secret precepts and who had obtained
excellent knowledge (of the Doctrine), but their number cannot be
ascertained. {R326-327}
64.
65.
5.11.05 epilogue

28
Pramāṇavārtikālaṃkāra.

29
Tg. tshad ma, No. 4229.

30
dharmabhāṇakas.
In gtsang 'gar, 'gos and yol, and in dbus khu, rngog and 'brom appear to have
been famous. I gave here a brief account about the kalyāṇa mitras of the bka’
gdams pa sect who belonged to the Spiritual Lineage of 'brom and whose
biographies have been seen by me. In the "Life stories" of the kalyāṇa mitras
who had appeared in Tibet in later times, and of the yogins who had been
Saints, statements are found that they had met the kalyāṇa mitras of the bka’
gdams pas.
'brom's labours have been very extensive and lasted for a long period of time.
Above I have briefly described the results of the setting into motion of the
Wheel of Law by Dipaṅkaraśrījñāna. The Chapter on the Venerable Master
and his Spiritual Lineage.
PART 6 (CHA): Translator of Ngok together with [his] lineages, [and] the origins of
Middle Way, Epistemology, the Maitreya’s Doctrines, and other (exoteric) traditions
[5 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on Translator of Ngok together with [his] lineages,
[and] the origins of Middle Way, Epistemology, Maitreya’s Doctrines, and other
(exoteric) traditions.”
deb sngon las / rngog lo tsha ba brgyud pa dang bcas pa dang / dbu tshad / byams
chos sogs ji ltar byung ba’i skabs.
10 folios. Chandra 291-310; Chengdu 399-428; Roerich 328-350.
This book appears to be a collection of information that shares only in the fact that it
did not fit in elsewhere. I am little dubious of the assertion that this book concerns
‘exoteric scholasticism’, if only because the information presented here is largely
incomplete and sporadic. While the last few pages detail some information regarding
three specific textual bodies, the majority of the book focuses on information
regarding dpal gsang phu monastery.
Of note is the lack of dates in this entire book. Out of 13 dates total, the majority
come in the first two pages, leaving much of the information temporally unspecified.
6.1 Translator Ngok together with his lineage (rngog lo brgyud pa
dang bcas pa’i skabs. Chandra 292; Chengdu 399; Roerich 328).
This chapter’s stated concern is the abbots of dpal gsang phu monastery. The very
interesting first line [da ni lo tsa ba’i dngos kyi slob ma rnams kyi yang slob mar gyur
pa . . . sde snod ‘dzin pa chen po gzhung chen po’i bshad pa mdzad pa rnams bka’
gdams kyi lugs skyong ba’I nges pa ni med mod] seems to admit that while some of
the disciples of rngog lo tsa ba’s disciples may not have been kadampas, they
labored grealy to preserve the various teaching lineages, some of which he
discusses. This preface would appear to point out that in the following lineage
details, the emphasis is not focused on a select few individuals. Instead, the first
section of the book [6.1] is a free-form flow of information from individual to individual,
irrespective of affiliation, which sometimes returns to individuals as the sequence
leads ‘gos lo tsa ba back to them. phyA pa is a good example of this recurrence.
While this chapter supposedly details endeavors by the abbots of dpal gsnag phu –
this connection is not readily apparent in the particulars provided for many of the
individuals mentioned. [26 sections, total of 28 sub-sections]
6.1.1 rngog lo tsA ba lbo ldan shes rab [R 328]
rngog was born in 1059 A.D., 49 years after nag tsho was born, who was in turn born
54 years after the Great Translator rin chen bzang po. At the age of 18, rngog
attended a religious council held by king rtse lde. It seems that immediately following
this council, he left for Kasmir, staying there for the next 17 years. No information
regarding his teachers or the texts he studied is given. He died at the age of 51 in
1109 A.D.
6.1.2a Abbatial lineage of dpal gsang phu part I [R328-9]
Following rngog, the lineage starts with zhang tshes spong ba chos kyi bla ma. He
provides durations for each, ranging from 35 years to 6 months in length.
6.1.2b Abbatial lineage of dpal gsang phu interjection [R 329]
Here ‘go los tsa ba interjects concerning the number of years that elapsed in total.
He says, any discrepancy results from concurrent occupation of the abbot’s chair. I
could not get the numbers to work out to anything near what he claims to have
occurred.
6.1.2c Abbatial lineage of dpal gsang phu part II [R 329-30]
The lineage list continues up to the current abbot during ‘go lo tsA ba’s time: rin chen
byang chub.
6.1.3 Duration of the abbatial lineage [R 330]
From the birth of rngog lo tsA ba to the writing of the Blue Annals 418 years had past.
6.1.4 shes rab ‘bar of ‘bre [R 330]
He is called the ‘best of rngog’s disciples’, and when he taught, “the gods used to
come down to hear his exposition.” He is said to have been influential for his
interpretation of the Prajn͂͂ā
͂͂ pāramitā.
6.1.5 gzhon nu tshul khrims [R 330-1]
He studies under ar, a contemporary of ‘bre and composed numerous commentaries.
He also served as abbot of snye thang monastery.
6.1.6 dbang phyug rgyal po [R 331]
He maintained a congregation at grib kyi phu and composed an extensive
commentary to the Prajn͂͂ā
͂͂ pāramitā.
6.1.7 Lineage extending from dbang phyug rgyal po [R 331]
This is a short succession of seven names ending with spo bo yon tan seng ge, from
who ‘gos lo tsA ba’s teacher directly heard the Sphuṭartha.
6.1.8 blo gros ‘byung gnas of gro lung [R 331-2]
He is another chief disciple of rngog who composed commentaries, a lam rim, and a
bstan rim. He accumulated great wealth that allowed him construct brin las
monastery.
6.1.9 rgya dmar pa byang chub grags of stod lungs [R 332]
He is said to have been both “fully learned, but also possessed numerous Tantric
precepts.”
6.1.10 phyA pa [R 332-3]
He served as Abbot of ne’u thog of gsang phu, composed numerous commentaries
and abridgements on most of the primary textual sources of the day. He also
composed a text in verse, the tshad ma’I bsdus pa yid kyi mun sel and its autocommentary.
6.1.11 phyA pa’s disciple gtsang nag pa [R 333-4]
He primarily worshiped Man͂͂j͂͂ uśrī and composed text-books on the Mādhyamaka,
Nyāya and other subjects. One of his texts supposedly reports that one with his
ability to ascertain Candrakīrti will not appear again.
6.1.12 rma bya byang chib brston ‘grus [R 334]
Very learned in the Āgamas and the Nyāya, he composed many commentaries, but
is supposed to have preferred the school of Jayānanda over that of phyA pa. He
also composed refutations of phyA pa’s theory on the endlessness of Time and the
infinity of atoms. ‘gos lo tsA ba reports re was not impressed with these refutations
and that his only response was “’O’!”
6.1.13 bar phu ba [R 334-5]
He composed a commentary on the Mādhyamakamūla, but later became and ascetic
follower of the Mahāmudrā.
6.1.14 gnyal zhig [R 335]
He meditated for nine years at u shang rdo, and had many disciples.
6.1.15 phu thang dar dkon and others [R 335]
[In the next few sections things are less clear, so I am combining what would be
several sections together for the sake of clarity and succinctness - mes]
phu thang dar dkon taught and had many disciples. Stang pa gru gu established the
Doctrine at zha lu. At zha lu, bus ton arrived and in order to “conform with them” he
obtained the lung for the gnyal ṭīkā and taught it to himself.
u yug pa studies with sa skya pang chen at sa skya and produced many disciples.
‘gos lo tsA ba comments that during his lifetime gsang phu moastery switched from
emphasis on the Pramāṇaviniścaya to the Pramāṇavārtika.
6.1.16 kun mkhyen chos kyu ‘od zer [R335-6]
He founded a philosophic school (bshad sgra) and a meditative school (sgom sgrwa),
after which he went to wu t’ai shan. He is reported to have spoken on the reasons
for contradictions in his own previous and later interpretations of the Doctrine. He
said it was due to differing approaches to establishing equanimity in meditation.
Later he studied the Kālacakra.
6.1.17 ‘chims chen mo [R 336]
Here we are given a story concerning the trouble that ‘chims’ student skyel nag has
in setting up a monastic college at snar thang because of bka’ gdams pa objections
to it. What those are we are not told. How he overcomes the objections through a
tea ceremony and debate, but how this exactly works is not clear.
6.1.18 bcom ldan rigs pa’I zal gri [R 336-7]
He was a monk at bsam yas and supposedly considered the Kālacakra to be a nonBuddhist system. He developed signs of leprosy and was told to propitiate Vajrapāṇi
for eleven years without seeing the sun. It is unclear if this is what he did. We are
told however, at the moment his foot touched the threshold of snar thang, the sun
shone on him and a conch shell resounded. He was then told to avoid anxiety and
recite the Pramāṇaviniścaya in a ravine. He is said to have recited the mantra of
Acala 13 billion times. (There is mention of a ‘four-headed religious protector, but
who is this?) He had many disciples, but being cured of leprosy is never mentioned.
6.1.19 ‘jam dbyangs [R 337-8]
Here an amusing story is related about when he disguised himself with a mask and
scared his teacher in the dark. The teacher, rig ral, chased him around the
monastery and refused to allow him in his presence. He then relocated to sa skya.
Once there, he was invited by the Mongols and became court chaplain of buyantu
qan from 1311-1320 A.D. He wrote commentaries, and sent presents to bcom ldan
pa, but it was Chinese ink that most impressed his teacher.
6.1.20 On the bka’ gyur and bstan ‘gyur at snar thang [R 338-9]
‘jam dbyangs later made the request for a complete copy of the bka’ ‘gyur and bstan
‘gyur be kept at snar thang. Many others worked to find original copies and properly
copy them. From this many copies were made for other monasteries. bu ston then
edited this copy of the bstan ‘gyur, excluding all duplicate texts and classifying all
texts that had not been classified previously. This new version was deposited at zha
lu and many copies were then made from it. khams pas also used this one to
produce their own copies. ‘gos lo tsA ba then attributes all this great work back to
‘jam dbyangs, and retraces his influence to the “Kasmirian paṇḍitas and ultimately to
the grace of the Buddhas.”
6.1.21 Builders of bkra shis lhun po [R 339]
‘gos lo tsA ba states that shes rab seng ge and his disciple who built bkras shis lhun
po had actually been scholars of snar thang.
6.1.22 Son of byang chub rin chen of rtses thang [R 339-40]
He was a famous scholar of sa skya in charge of sa skya dga’ ldan, but had originally
studied at gsang phu.
6.1.23 rong ston smra ba’i seng ge chen mo [R 340]
He became a kalyāṇa-mitra at the age of 20, composed many commentaries, and
attracted many disciples.
6.1.24 rgyal ba mchog [R 340]
He taught at byams chen and his reincarnation (who is unnamed) filled his position
and erected a statue of Maitreya.
6.1.25 red mda’ pa [R340-1]
He studied the Prajn͂͂͂͂āpāramitā, and wrote a ṭīkā on the Sphuṭartha. tsong kha pa
heard it from him directly. Later he became an itinerant monk.
6.1.26 Final section – other disciples, etc [R 341]
This final section contains additional material that it seems did not naturally flow from
previous details. This includes other lineages of the smaller monastic establishments
– bde ba can, ‘tshal gung thang, chos ‘khor gling. ‘gos lo tsA ba closes saying, “the
custom of preaching texts in small monasteries and other monastic schools
originated with rngog lo tsA ba.”
6.2 Patsab together with his lineage (pa tshab brgyud pa dang
bcas pa’i skabs. Chandra 304; Chengdu 415; Roerich 341).
This chapter details the “origin of the exposition of the basic texts by the ācārya
Candrakīrti according to spa tshab lo tsA ba nyi ma grags. [2 sections, 5 total subsections]
6.2.1a spa tshab nyi ma grags [R 341-2]
He traveled to Kasmir as a youth and studies with the sons of San͂͂j͂͂ ana. After 23
years there, he returned to Tibet and was given the ‘phag sgur’ – a large turquoise
stone. He produced many translations and commentaries.
6.2.1b spa tshab nyi ma grags on the Guhyasamāja [R 342-3]
He called the commentary on the Guhyasamāja by rin chen bzang po ‘not properly
done’, so he retranslated it.
6.2.1c spa tshab nyi ma grags’ disciples [R 343]
This is a list of his main disciples. He is also said to have propagated the
Mādhyamika widely.
6.2.2a zhang thang sag pa [R 343-4]
He was the founder of thang sag and composed numerous commentaries.
6.2.2b Lineage of thang sag monastery [R344]
This is a list of names (no dates) for the successors of zhang, as well as their lineage
in India.
6.3 Abhidharma lineages (mngon pa’i brgyud pa’i skabs. Chandra
306; Chengdu 419; Roerich 344).
This chapter’s stated topic, the lineage of the Abhidharma, seems to cover two texts.
The mngon pa kun btus by Asaṅga of which information has been found, and the
Abhidharmakośa, of which no information is found. Much of the information here is
again, less than specific. [2 sections, total of 4 sub-sections]
6.3.1a The lineage of the mngon pa kun btus (Abhidharmasamuccaya) Part I [R 3445]
The lineage starts with the Buddha, Maitreya and Asaṅga. When the lineage was
represented by dbas, a revolt (no info?) caused him to depart for khams. He in turn
had many disciples.
6.3.1b Lineage interjection about brang ti [R 345]
He is supposed to have honored rngog’s retinue of 300 monks with a 13:1 ratio of his
own monks when the latter was visiting ‘brum phrag gsum pa.
6.3.1c The lineage of the mngon pa kun btus (Abhidharmasamuccaya) Part II [R 3456]
The lineage list continues here, apparently concluding with bu ston. ‘gos lo tsA ba
also puts much importance on bo dong (‘bum phrag gsum pa’s monastery) as key in
its transmission.
6.3.2 Findings on the lineages [R 346]
‘gos lo tsA ba gives some details regarding his findings of further information. He
could no find the abbatial lineage for bo dong, but says it was, “a remarkable place”.
As for the lineage of the Abhidharmakośa, it “has not been preserved.”
6.4 Pramāṇavārttika lineages (tshad ma rnam ‘grel gyi brgyud pa’i
skabs. Chandra 307; Chengdu 421; Roerich 346).
[one section]
6.4.1 The lineage of the Pramāṇavārtika [R 346-7]
This is simply a list of names for this lineage, starting with the historical Buddha and
ending with bsam grub bzang po ba. There are no dates provided. ‘gos lo tsA ba
does state that some could not find these names earlier, but these had been
provided by mkhan chen rin po che rgyal mtshan bzang po.
6.5 The Tsen System of Maitreya’s Doctrines (byams chos btsan
lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 308; Chengdu 422; Roerich 347).
An account of the specific body of works called the Mahāyānottaratantraśāstra,
composed of two separate texts. Again, only one date is provided. [Five sections]
6.5.1 The discovery of the Mahāyānottaratantraśāstra [R 347]
The text had been unknown to scholars previously. Then Maitrī pa (10th c. [TBRC])
saw light emanating light from a crack in a stupa. Inside the crack he discovered
these two texts. Here we have a description of a terma discovery that goes
uncommented on by ‘gos lo tsA ba. After he has the books, Maitreya appears and
expounds the books to him. Maitrī pa then taught the material to Aanandakīrti. He
travels to Kasmir disguised as a beggar. There, San͂͂j͂͂ ana learns from him the two
books. [Is this a case of a Kasmiri learning from a Tibetan, or is Anandakīrti Indian,
I’m not sure.] San͂͂j͂͂ ana made several copies of the books and taught it to many
students.
6.5.2 btsan kha bo che [R 347-8]
Born in 1021 A.D., he was a disciple of grwa pa mngon shes. The latter offered him
spiritual protection on his trip to Kasmir, which he would have needed traveling at the
advanced age of 56. He asked San͂͂j͂͂ ana for the Doctrine of Maitreya to use as a
death prayer. San͂͂j͂͂ ana seems to have not instructed him, but one named gzu dga’
ba’I rdo rje did. There is an interjection concerning commentaries on the Uttaratantra
and the Sūtrālaṃkāra. The former conformed to the teaching of btsan, the latter with
San͂͂j͂͂ ana, but no details are given regarding this split.
btsan returns to Tibet, “before rngog” (who returned in 1092, see R 328) – meaning
that he was in Kasmir from 1077 up to possibly 1092, but probably earlier. btsan
resided at btag rgya and taught many disciples. ‘gos lo tsA ba comments that these
texts are still readily available.
6.5.3 Comments on the Uttaratantra of the school of btsan [R 348]
This text supposedly contains ‘precepts on practice’ mixed with the ‘text of
exposition’. ‘gos lo tsA ba reports that no one questions the specific preservation of
this method.
6.5.4 Comments on the teachings of the Tathāgatagarbha [R 348-9]
Here ‘gos lo tsA ba seems to take exception to some of the teachings preserved by
btsan and the ‘great lo tsA ba, presumably rin chen bzang bo. He comments that
they maintained the connection between the Tathāgatagarbha and the Paramārthasatya (Transcendental Truth). What he disagrees with is their position that the latter
could not be the object of an approximate judgement, and more so, even a direct
object of perception. ‘gos lo tsA ba mentions an opposing view held by phyA pa,
namely that it instead called for the absolute negation of the reality of external
objects.
Next, a position of the btsan school is given – “the pure nature of Mind was the
Essence of the Sugata, and therefore it was stated to be the fertile seed of
Buddhahood.”
red mda’ pa considered the Uttaratantra to be the work of Vijn͂͂ā
͂͂ namātra, and
composed a commentary based on that view. A song of red mda’ pa is quoted to
support this argument.
6.5.5 Final comments on the texts of the Maitreya Doctrine [R 349-50]
‘gos lo tsA ba confirms the likely truth of the texts’ discovery, and cites that kha che
pang chen imparted the precepts of the teachings on at least one occasion. The
Uttaratantra’s translation lineage is given as starting with Atīśa.
The End of Book Six of the Blue Annals. [22 pages, 5 chapters, 36 sections]
PART 7 (JA): The origins of the exegetical traditions of the tantric
systems [6 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the origins of the exegetical traditions of the
tantric systems.”
A Section on the Development of Exegetical Traditions on the Tantric Corpus
20 folios. Chandra 311-349; Chengdu 429-482; Roerich 351-398.
7.1 Account of Yoga[tantras] (yo ga’i lo rgyus kyi skabs. Chandra
312; Chengdu 429; Roerich 351).
This section gives an account of the lineage of Yoga Tantras (meaning both
Yoga Tantras and Anuttara Yoga Tantras) in Tibet along with some brief
information concerning some of the Tibetans connected with their arrival and
transmission in Tibet. Prior to the details concerning the later period of
transmission of the Yoga Tantras, the author refers to the ‘Early Spread of the
Doctrine’ {R 351} and the significance of Buddhaguhya’s teachings on the
Kriyā (bya ba) and Caryā (spyod pa) Tantras (rgyud). After listing many of the
earlier tantras that had been translated, ‘gos lo tsa ba remarks about the
continuity of the earlier and later teachings. The continuity seems to be a
specific continuity with the Indian systems pertaining to these same texts.
The author considers the continuity of the later spread of the Doctrine to be
inferior to what had existed during the earlier spread. As this issue of
connection/alignment of the later spread of the Doctrine with the Indian
sources is a deeply contested and important one for the formation of various
Tibetan Buddhist sectarian/textual traditions, his comments here reveal this
concern to be of continuing importance in to the 15th century.
Next, the translator rin chen bzang po (958-1055) is identified as a primary
figure in the transmission and teaching of the Yoga Tantras in Tibet. His
labors are described as ‘properly’ (Tibetan?) establishing the teaching of the
Yoga Tantras, and so one must assume that ‘gos lo tsa ba does not consider
his efforts as contributing to the issue of inferior ‘continuity’ {R 352}. A list of
the primary texts he translated is given, followed by the introduction of his
main disciples who are referred to as his “Four Spiritual Sons” {R 352}. Rin
chen bzang po’s translation of these texts was largely the result of his three
trips to Kashmir, but no information regard these trips is given. All that can be
gleaned from the account that ‘gos lo tsa ba provides is some assessment of
the order in which he retrieved the texts. This can be based on the occasional
reference to certain texts being ‘heard’, ‘obtained’ or otherwise transmitted by
rin chen bzang bo after his specific trips to Kashmir.
Of additional interest in the list of the lineage stemming from rin chen bzang
bo is that many of the connections to rin chen bzang po seem to be highly
dependent on the ‘Junior Translator’ legs pa’i shes rab. On five separate
occasions in the listing of those who received texts, teachings, or initiations in
the Yoga Tantras from rin chen bzang bo’s lineage ‘gos lo tsa ba comments
that the studies were primarily under the direction of the Junior Translator
rather than under the Great translator himself {R 353 & 354}. The importance
of this may not be significant, but the presentation of this detail differs from
many of the other lineage transmissions given in the Blue Annals that I have
looked at so far.
Of primary importance in the continuation of the transmission of the Yoga
Tantras was zangs dkar ‘phags pa shes rab who studies only under the Junior
Translator. zangs dkar and his disciple gnyal pa nyi ma shes rab continue in
the teaching of the Yoga Tantras, including returning to Kashmir (zangs dkar)
and studying with Kashmirian visitors to Tibet (gnyal pa). Gnyal pa and three
other disciples are collectively known as the “Four Sons of zangs dkar” {R
355}.
Following this, several other disciple of rin chen bzang bo and zings dkar are
listed along with their respective students. The culmination in the list is bu
ston rin po che, author of one of the primary historical sources used by ‘gos lo
tsa ba throughout the Blue Annals. ‘gos lo tsa ba makes the distinction
between the Yoga Tantra initiation rites’ transmission (lung) and the
exposition of the Yoga Tantra’s transmission – the former being existent and
the latter not being existent. If this is the case, what are implications? Are
there other factors that would contribute to the propagation of the lineage
besides the lung?
7.2 [Guhya]samāja[tantra] system of Noble [Nāgārjuna] (‘dus pa
‘phags lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 315; Chengdu 429; Roerich 356).
This lengthy section deals primarily with the Guhyasamāja Tantra of the
Anuttara Yoga class – its origins, primary transmitters, and significance as a
primary Tantra of the Buddhist Doctrine. The authors first concern is to
establish the Guhyasamāja Tantra doctrinally as the ‘chief among Tantras’ {R
357}. This is a peculiar section given the lack of doctrinal arguments made
elsewhere in the text. The meaning of the title ‘guhya-samāja’ means ‘hidden
assembly’ and refers specifically to All the Buddhas (also referred to as the
‘Great Vajradhara’ {R 357}) who were hidden from earlier followers of the
Buddha.
This particular lineage of the Guhyasamāja Tantra is traced to Nāgārjuna and
his disciples (which Nāgārjuna?) Of interest here is the comment regarding
the perception of this text as an independent work and that viewpoint being
connected to Hīnayāna views {R 358}. But this connection is not clear. ‘gos
lo tsa ba is of the opinion that other tantras are related to it – the Kālacakra
being its commentary and the Hevajra being its introduction – and offers
evidence to that effect. Following these arguments the translations of the
Guhyasamāja Tantra produced during the ‘Early Spread of the Doctrine’ are
mentioned, and its significance among the so-called eighteen classes of
tantra among the rnying ma pas is also referred to here. To what degree
were the ‘eighteen classes of tantra’ established during the ‘Earlier’ rather
than the ‘Later’ spread of the Doctrine? (Eastman article?) The translation
made during the ‘Later Spread of the Doctrine’ was by rin chen bzang po who
was discussed earlier.
The origins of the Guyasamāja Tantra are treated next, beginning with its
origins in Oḍḍīyāna. As the reputed birthplace of Padmasambahava,
Oḍḍīyāna is often considered to be of great significance in the rise of
‘translations’ of tantric texts during the ‘Later Spread of the Doctrine’. At the
request of the king Indrabhūti, Munīndra (the/a Buddha?) teaches the Tantra
there. Following this, all the inhabitants become realized. The text is
transmitted, via the king, and eventually to ‘ācārya Nāgārjuna’.
Six
generations later, ‘gos lhas btas receives it. ‘go himself studies in India and
some his story is given here {R 360}. After a short list of some of ‘gos’
teachers, the author provides three lineages, the relationship of which is very
unclear. Of the three different lineages of the Guhyasamāja Tantra’s
transmission presented, two are offered as being possibly contradictory {R
361}, and the others are of an unspecified relationship. The author then
spends two pages offering support from quotes for the origins of the text in
Oḍḍīyāna. Following this defense, ‘gos lo tsa ba offers in summation that the
tantra may “have originated in several lineages” {R 363}.
Next is a list of ‘gos lhas btsas translations, including several re-translations of
the Guhyasamāja Tantra. His lineage is given next, and this appears to be in
line with the previous issue of ‘several lineages’ of this text. Several times this
lineage appears to start over with a teacher of significance, such as with Atīśa
{R 364}. The lineage again ends with its mastery by bu ston rin po che, and
then its eventual transmission to tsong kha pa, who considered the
Guhyasamāja to be of utmost importance [see book 15, section two].
7.3 [Guhyasamājatantra] system of Jn͂͂ā
͂͂ napāda (ye shes zhabs
lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 324; Chengdu 446; Roerich 367).
This sections deals with a second ‘system’ of the Guhyasamāja Tantra – that of Jn͂͂͂͂ānapāda
(Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na).
This system is of similar origins as the one above and was likewise
introduced into Tibet by the Great Translator rin chen bzang bo. This system appears to work
from the same basis of origin for the Guhyasamāja Tantra that was provided in the previous
section. The primary difference is its association with Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na, who was a student of
one of Nāgārjuna’s disciples, bsrung ba’i zhabs {R 368}. In the description of Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na’s
travels, again Oḍḍīyāna is mentioned and is referred to as the ‘source of Mantrayāna’ {R
367}. During his travels in Oḍḍīyāna, Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na dreams of a Mahā-Lakṣmī with whom he
must study. He goes there and studies mahāmudrā with her and obtains powers (siddhi) {R
368}. This portrayal of an un-named woman as his teacher stands out from the rest of the
lineages that I have seen in the Blue Annals so far. Are there other female associations with
this lineage based on this episode of instruction in the life of the lineage master? What is the
significance of the distinction between these two ‘systems’ and is that distinction one that has
persisted?
In addition to the strong presence of a female teacher, the list of bsrung ba’i zhabs other
disciples includes members of all the castes of Indian society, including two from the Śūdra
caste. In addition there are two ‘harlots’ (Tibetan?) mentioned as disciples. The presence of
outcastes in tantric communities is often referred to as possible, but rarely is it confirmed.
How reliable are these references on this matter? Is this uncommon in Tibetan material?
While studying with the aforementioned disciple of Nāgārjuna, Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na expresses
dissatisfaction with his level of perception in regards to the teachings. His teacher offered a
curious response, that he was having the same difficulty {R 369}. This leaves Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na
‘disappointed’ and so he goes to a forest and after some time there, obtains the insight he
wanted. It seems that this curious exchange may be one of the reasons for the distinction
between these two systems. If Nāgārjuna’s disciple was not proficient in the teachings of the
tantra, than that lineage would seem inferior to the one propagated by Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na who had
achieved more by himself.
After a more details story of Buddhajn͂͂͂͂āna’s realization and the texts that he composed (the
‘Fourteen treatises” {R 371}), ‘gos lo tsa ba reports that while Buddhajn͂͂ā
͂͂ na had an impressive
level of realization, “he could not transform his physical body into that of Vajrakāya” {R 371}.
No further explanation is given about this statement. Is it related to the siddhi bestowed by
the female teacher earlier? Why does the author offer this comment?
Next, the details of Buddhajn͂͂a
͂͂ na’s disciples are given. Similarly to the previous system of the
Guhyasamāja Tantra, the lineages seems to be less than clear, and several lineages are
referred to here. Of significance in this lineage is that the author himself is placed at the end
of it. ‘gos lo tsa ba received the initiation into the system of the Jn͂͂͂͂ānapāda in the same line
as bu ston rin po che, just two generations later.
7.4 Yamāntaka Cycle (gshin rje gshed kyi skor gyi skabs. Chandra
331; Chengdu 454; Roerich 374).
This section details the Yammāntaka cycle, which is based on the Kṛṣṇayamāriantra. The
bulk of the material however, concerns the primary teacher of the cycle – rwa lo tsa ba rdo rje
grags. After a divinely assisted birth, rwa lo studies in Nepal under a teacher who had
learned the Tantra from na ro pa. Following this is a list of all the texts that rwa lo mastered.
Again, the ‘continuity’ of the texts associated with rwa lo is brought to the attention of the
reader. Of these texts, ‘gos lo tsa ba says, “These were genuine systems of (Indian) paṇḍitas
and were not mixed with Tibetan doctrines” {R 376}. This quote illustrates further the concern
that must have weighed heavily on the numerous textual traditions of the period. Following
this is a long list of rwa lo’s followers.
Next are some interesting details concerning the physical text of the Tantra. Information is
given concerning the reported numbers of copies brought to a religious council. What follows
seems to be either information on the price that rwa lo was charging for copies of the text
itself, or instruction on them, but this is unclear {R 377}. Next are details concerning what rwa
lo did with the large accumulation of wealth rwa lo had. This mostly consists of sending
money to monasteries in India for recitation costs, and giving it to other religious teachers.
Rwa lo also contributed to the maintenance of many monasteries in Tibet, including bsam
yas, and the details of his contributions are given here. Finally there are details of this
teaching lineage, which ‘gos lo tsa ba finds to be no longer existent. He mentions a possible
connection with a tutelary deity – the Red Yamāntaka, but again the author did not find its
existence.
7.5 [Cakra]saṃvara (bde mchog gi skabs. Chandra 335; Chengdu
460; Roerich 380).
This section details the lineage of the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra, or Śrī-Saṃvara.
Again, its origins in Tibet are connected with the Great Translator rin chen
bzang po, who heard it from Atīśa, and he from those who heard it from na ro
pa. The immediate information given here pertains to a group of Nepālese
brothers who all had spent time with na ro pa. Then there are several brief
and seemingly unrelated (to the saṃvara cycle) stories concerning these
Nepālese students. The first involves a quick departure by na ro pa to Wu t’ai
shan (a famous mountain monastery in China), a flower floating upstream that
gives wisdom to those who drink affected water, and the servant Bhadanta
who had drunk such water and becoming a master of a text after a shortcourse in Tibetan.
Next, the lineage stemming from one of the Nepālese brothers (pham mthing
pa) is given. Here ‘gos lo tsa ba again comments “there must have existed
many lineages of disciples . . .” {R 383}. This cycle, along with the previous
two, all seem to suffer from less than clear lineages. What factors are
informing ‘gos’ treatment of such aspects of these texts? Do the lineages of
these texts get ‘redone’ after this treatment by ‘gos lo tsa ba? Considering
that the Guhyasamāja Tantra and Cakrasaṃvara tantras are up held by the
dge lug pas and ka gyud pas respectively. What are the orthodox views of
these texts from those sectarian perspectives?
At this point the text transitions to mar pa do pa [1042-1136 (TBRC)] {R 383}.
mar pa do pa also studied with rin chen bzang po and pham mthing pa. A
brief story detailing his encounter with na ro pa in ti ra hu ti is given. The
lineage stemming from mar pa do pa is given, connecting it again to bu ston
rin po che {R 385}. Following this, the lineage appears to back track to one of
mar pa do pa’s students, cog ro chos kyo rgyal mtshan [1108-1176] and the
details of his disciples. Of these the direct lineage of kun tu ‘od is treated in
the most detail {R 387}. Again, the connection of this lineage between bu
ston and tsong kha pa is mentioned by ‘gos lo tsa ba. Furthermore, there
seems to be further concern of the fragmented nature of this lineage.
7.6 Six texts of [Adamantine Sow] (Skt. [Vajra]vārahī) (phag mo
gzhung drug gi skabs. Chandra 343; Chengdu 471; Roerich 389).
This section details the phag mo gzhung drug, or the “Six Texts of Vārahī”
which is related to the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra discussed above. ‘gos lo tsa ba
describes this textual lineage as being a very popular one in Tibet, where “the
majority of Tantric yogins . . . were especially initiated” {R 390} and “most of
the Tibetan kalyāṇa-mitras appear to have possessed the precepts of the
Vajravārahī Cycle” {R 396}. As with the Guhyasamāja Tantra above, the start
of the text lies with king Indrabhūti in Oḍḍīyāna. He then teaches it to Virū pa
and then to Avadhūti pa. A story of the latter is given in which pulls a sacred
trident from the Ganges, causing concern among the ‘heretics’ {R 390} – who
are probably Śivites.
Avadhūti then teaches ldong ngar ba, who, after obtaining insight from his
teacher, engages in debate with heretics, and converts them to Buddhism.
ldong ngar ba also annoys a king by staring at him, but instead of being put to
death for his annoyance, the king is converted and abandons his kingdom {R
392}. ldang ngar ba then heads to Nepal where he amazes his host by
making the wine in his skull-cup boil {R 392}. He then meets Devākaracandra
who belongs to Buddhist monastery of Nepāl. His efforts to seek religious
training in India are given. Included in this is the mention of his attempt to be
ordained at Vikramaśīla, but he failed because of there being an insufficient
number of monks to hold the ordination ceremony {R 392-3}.
More details of Devākaracandra’s studies are given next. Included is an
episode from an initiation ceremony where five girls attend with the help of
mantras that made them invisible {R 394}. The only one who seems to be
unaware of there presence is the wife of the initiate ha mu. Devākaracandra
has further adventures escaping from robbers on his way to India by blessing
them and causing them to dance and become distracted.
Following these detail about Devākaracandra, attention is given to one of his
disciples, dpyal kun dga rdo rje {R 394-5}. His family appears to have
historical connections with the rnying ma pas, implying that they have since
studied mainly the ‘new’ tantras. Finally a more comprehensive list of the
lineage of the Vajravārahī cycle is given.
Over all, in comparison with the other sections of the Blue Annals I have read
so far, Book VĪ appears to much significantly less cohesive both in terms of
the subjects matter and the presentation of it. Are these the only Yoga
Tantra’s treated in the Blue Annals? Is their association with this class of
tantra the only commonality between them, or does ‘gos lo tsa ba treat them
all here together for other reasons? Is the fragmented nature of their lineages
unique among the lineages treated by ‘gos lo tsa ba, or are the representative
of the majority of Tantric lineages in Tibet?
BOOK VIII Structural Summary and Analysis
PART 8 (NYA): The famous Dakpo Kagyü (traditions) transmitted
from the great translator Marpa [24 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the famous Dakpo Kagyü (traditions) transmitted
from the great translator Marpa.”
deb ther sngon po las / mnga’ bdag lo tsa ba chen po mar pa nas brgyud de dwags
po bka’ brgyud ces grags pa’i skabs.
142 folios. Chandra 351-633; Chengdu 483-850; Roerich 399-725.
--This section describes the major lineages in Tibet stemming from mar pa lho brag
pa. Due to ‘gos lo tsa ba’s sectarian affiliations, this section receives the most
thorough attention of any sectarian group in the Blue Annals. Investigation of these
lineages in detail may be particularly helpful as we consider the ways in which
isolated streams of yogic practice, initially developed in siddha communities in India,
were synthesized, systematized, and brought into the institutional fold in Tibet during
the time period covered by the Blue Annals.
--Of particular importance is the convergence of two yogic Mahāmudrā traditions of
the liminal siddha figures Saraha (through Naropa directly and in visions) and
Maitripa (directly) in the charismatic figure of mar pa lho brag pa. He also recieved
traning from the great translator ‘brog mi lo tsa ba. It is said that his "practice
lineage" was transmitted only to mid la ras pa, while his "teaching lineage" (i.e. the
exposition of texts) was transmitted to the other "Three Pillars," rngog chos rdor,
‘tshur dbang ne, and mes tshon po. While it is somewhat unclear exactly what was
transmitted by Maitripa, it is clear that he was a central figure in bringing Mahāmudrā
traditions to Tibet, as well as a commentarial tradition for the ratnagotravibhaga.
rngog wrote the first commentary on this text in Tibet (It is particularly important for
Kagyupas).
--Some of the main practice systems and textual cycles transmitted by mar pa
include:
Guhyasamāja tantra: primarily through ‘tshur.
Hevajra tantra: primarily through rngog, eventually a distinct system was propogated
by his disciple ram.
Cakrasaṃvara tantra: primarily through mid la ras pa and ras chung pa.
Ratnagotravibhaga: through not mentioned in the Blue Annals, it is important to note
that a transmission of this text on Buddha-nature was transmitted from Maitripa to
mar pa. Formal commentary was written by rngog, while it could be argued that mid
la ras pa also continued a form of this tradition as songs of realization reminiscent of
Dohā literature in a Tibetan vernacular context. This lineage was articulated in
formal commentary on the RGV later by the third karamapa rang byung rdo rje, the
Jonangpa Dolpopa, and others.
It seems as though the famous "Six Yogas of nA ro pa" were transmitted to all of mar
pa’s major disciples. As we saw earlier in Davidson’s discussion of lam ‘bras, could
this also be a case of a "free-floating" set of yogic practices that was only later
formally grounded in a particular Buddist mandala?
Of course it is important to keep in mind that none of the lineages just sketched out
were completely isolated. On the contrary, there was much overlap and exchange these are only the lines in which particular transmissions were most emphasized.
--sgam po pa was also a key figure in the consolidation of yogic Mahāmudrā
traditions into a scholastic monastic context. He was particularly suitable for this role
because of his early training in the bka’ dams pa tradition. Only later in his life did he
receive transmissions directly from mid la ras pa. He is particularly famous (or
infamous?) for his synthesis of these two approaches. Davidson focused on the fact
that much controversy arose because of his mixing of the descriptive language of the
sutras and the tantras, which was considered by many to be completely
unacceptable. Davidson rightly pointed out that his relative lack of formal training (he
spent only 13 months with mid la!) and emphasis on personal meditation experience
may have led to this type of writing. (Using sutra to describe/legitimate tantra had
always been okay, but using tantric vocabulary to describe sutra was considered
anathema.) Another important factor contributing to his synthetic teaching and
writing style may simply be the fact that his early training was with bka’ dams pa
teachers, thus he knew well and taught that tradition as the early stages of the path.
He received his transmission from mid la ras pa relatively late, when he was already
an advanced meditator, and thus may have been better able to teach more advanced
tantric practices. He may have received Mahāmudrā transmissions, however, from
both sources (Atīśa also held a Mahāmudrā lineage, as well as a RGV transmission).
Thus it could be seen as suitable for those in engaged in sutric lam rim studies or
those with tantric empowerments. There is much to be explored here in terms of his
understanding of the place of Mahāmudrā on the path, gradual and sudden
enlightenment, and his understanding of tathagatagarbha (shentong/rangtong). ‘gos
lo tsa ba does not address many of these issues directly.
--In addition, the early formation of the politically powerful kar ma bka’ rgyud tradition
is interesting as it may be the first incidence of an important reincarnate lineage in
Tibet. Centered at ‘tshur phu monastery not far from Lhasa, several of the early
Karmapa had important connections to Mongol and Chinese emperors. Also of note
is the overlap with certain nyingma lineages especially in the third kar ma pa rang
byung rdo rje. He was also a student of Longchenpa’s root teacher, Kumārāja.

8.1 Ngok lineage (rngog pa’i brgyud pa’i skabs. Chandra
352; Chengdu 483; Roerich 399).
This section begins with an account of mar pa’s life focused on his studies through
important teachers, transmissions received, and main disciples taught.
8.1a mar pa lho brag pa
i. Childhood and translation with ‘grog mi
{R399} As a naughty and brilliant child, mar pa was sent away to study Sanskrit and
translation skills with ‘grog mi lo tsA ba.
ii. First meeting with nA ro pa at Puṣpahari
{R400} Then went to Nepal, stayed for three years, then went on to India, where he
met nA ro pa at Puṣpahari (a.k.a. Pullahari, near Nālandā, though thought by some
later Tibetans to be in Kashmir), and he was initiated into the Hevajra Cycle (among
others).
iii. Return to Tibet for sponsorship
{R401} He returned to Tibet, made money through performing protective rituals for
wealthy men, then returned to India again.
iv. Back to India, encounters with siddhas in the East
He searched for nA ro pa and came across many siddha figures in Eastern and
Southern India (including Kasori pa). Eventually he ran across nA ro pa in a forest,
and after a brief meeting fulfilling former prophecies by tilli pa, mar pa returned again
to Tibet.
v. Back to Tibet and consorts
{R402} At age 42 he returned to Tibet singing songs of praise for nA ro pa, took bdag
med ma as his wife along with eight other consorts (nine total, symbolizing the nine
goddesses of the Hevajra mandala).
vi. Meeting with mai tri pa
mar pa went back to India in search of mai tri pa, met him in Eastern India, and
received the precepts of Mahāmudrā.
vii. More travels, a vision of Saraha, and the beginning of teaching
mar pa returns to Tibet, then makes two more trips to Nepal. On the last return
journey he had a key vision of Saraha who blessed him and bestowed precepts.
After this pure realization was born and he began teaching in Tibet.
8.1b mar pa’s disciples and lineage formation
i. Disciples and the birth of a lineage
{R403} mar pa first taught the Hevajra-tantra to mes tshon po, then in gro bo klungs
taught widely to many disciples including the "four spiritual sons" (thugs sras bzhi),
the "ten large heads" (dbu che ba bcu), and the famous "four great pillars (ka chen
bzhi). These four are considered his greatest disciples: rngog chos rdor, ‘tshur
dbang ne, mes tshon po, and mid la ras pa.
ii. rngog chos kyi rdo rje
Born in 1036, rngog met mar pa at lho brag and received (at a high price) numerous
initiations. He received the complete treatises and precepts of both nA ro pa and mai
tri pa. Thus followers of rngog explain received texts such as the Dākiṇīvajrapañjara
according to both lineages. He died at age 67 in 1102.
iii. Master mar pa divine
{R404} mar pa was born in 1012 and died at age 86 in 1097. He was a manifestation
of Dombhi-Heruka. In the eyes of ordinary people only he quarrels, farmed, raised a
family and so forth.
iv. temporal connections
{R405} This section lists other Indian and Tibetan masters who were alive at the time
of mar pa and shows their chronological relations, even if they do not appear to have
actually met or interacted in any way.
v. teaching and practice lineages
Of the "four pillars," it is said that mes, rngog, and ‘tshur continue mar pa’s teaching
lineage, while mid la transmitted his practice lineage.
vi. rngog mdo sde (rngog’s son)
{R406} Born in 1090, he taught extensively until his death at age 77. He had
numerous visions of goddesses. He obtained all of marpa’s relics and enshrined
them in the gdung khang chen mo, after mar pa’s son lost them in a gambling
debacle.
vii. Two systems of exposition of the Hevajra-tantra
{R407} ram and rngog established separate traditions of exegesis of the Hevajratantra. chos sku’ od zer wrote a treatise attempting to connect the two methods.
viii. rngog mdo sde’s disciples, consort, and hereditary lineage
{R408}This section lists some of his numerous disciples. Also mentioned is his
engagement with a consort, and prophecies by the female siddha jo mo sgre mo
about the birth of his child, gtsan tsha jo tshul, beginning a detailed list of the
hereditary lineages stemming from him.

8.2 Guhyasamāja Marpa system (‘dus pa mar lugs kyi skabs.
Chandra 364; Chengdu 500; Roerich 414).
i. ‘tshur dbang nge meets mar pa
{R414} He sought out mar pa in order to obtain precepts for the Guhyasamāja-tantra.
mar pa had him display his magical powers by killing an enemy first, them bestowed
the precepts. Although able to teach several different commentaries on the
Guhyasamaja, mar pa preffered to teach the tantra alone without commentary as
taught by nA ro pa.
ii. ‘tshur’s disciples
{416} This section descibes some of his main disciples. Apparently ‘tshur taught the
tantra in combination with various commentaries. At some points, members of this
"teaching lineage" (such as gser sdings pa gzhon nu 'od) are also taught the "Six
Doctrines" of nA ro pa and Mahāmudrā from disciples of sgam po pa.
iii. bu rin po che
{R423} bu ston and the author ‘gos lo tsa ba are also in this lineage of Guhyasamaja
exgesis. There is an interesting passage here concerning bu rin po che’s resistence
to writing down a manual of practice for the system {see esp the footnote on R 424}.
In spite of vows against writing down the precepts and worries about people seeing
them who do not practice, they were eventually written down because of the
repeated requests of disciples.
The discussion is still focused on the Guhysasamaja, but his mastery of numerous
other systems (esp Yoga-tantra) and his composition of texts is also mentioned. It is
noted that tsong kha pa expressed some doubt about the hidden precepts of the
Pañcakrama composed by bu ston and the work of gser ldings pa upon which it was
based.

8.3 Saṃvara oral lineage and Rechung oral lineage (bde
mchog snyan brgyud dang ras chung snyan brgyud kyi skabs.
Chandra 373; Chengdu 511; Roerich 427).
i. rnal ‘byor gyi dbang phyug mid la ras pa
{R427} This section begins with an abridged account of mid la ras pa’s life. Special
emphasis is placed upon his unvirtuous actions as a misguided youth, seeking the
dharma, his purificatory ordeals and devotion to his lama mar pa, intensive retreat
practice, and his resulting profound realization. Aside from minor details, I did not
notice any significant divergence from the slightly later version written by Durto
Rolpai Naljorpa in 1484 (translated by Lhalungpa), or from the short account given in
Patrul Rinpoche’s kun bzang bla ma’i zhal lung (19th century). I would have to
consult these other versions again in detail, however, to be sure. It would also be
interesting to compare to an account written closer to the time of mid la’s life.
In terms of sectarian polemics is the account of mid la’s study of rdzogs pa chen po
with ‘bre ston lha dga’ is notable. What does it imply if this method was useless for
who was to become one of Tibet’s greatest saints?
Particularly interesting is the fact that due to the help/deception of mar pa’s wife, it
was rngog who first bestowed tantric precepts on mid la. (Roerich notes that this
passage was not present in mid la’s rnam thar.) Only then did mar pa begin teaching
him in earnest.
It is also notable that the first appearance of any verse is in this section, highlighting
mid la ras pa’s impact in that regard, as a pioneer in connecting tantric philosophical
reflection and doha-style songs of realization to vernacular speech and folk musical
song/ poetic forms (cf Davidson).
ii. mid la’s disciples
{R435} This section lists numerous disciples, the chief are known as the "eight
brothers clad in woolen cloth." There seems to be some disagreement about who
exactly the eight were. Several women are mentioned. The most important were the
ras chung pa and sgam po pa.
It is also mentioned that mid la was a incarnation of the master ‘jam dpal bshes
gnyen (Mañjuśrīmitra).
iii. ras chung pa
{R436} He met mid la at the young age of 11, and soon realization was induced in
him. He then traveled to India and Nepal to receive teachings. Once he returned to
mid la, he was sent by mid la to get the full "nine classes of doctrines of formless
ḍākiṇīs." Apparently mar pa only gave mid la five of the nine. ras chung pa obtained
the rest in India from ti pu ba, a direct disciple of nA ro pa and mai tri pa. Thus the
lineage which was considered incomplete reconnected to its yogic roots in India.
These nine classes of doctrines, once a guidebook was composed on them by mid
la’s disciple ngam rdzong ston pa, became known as the bdem chog snyan brgyud.
("the lineage of oral instructions of Saṃvara")
In general he maintained a peripatetic existence. A consort was also mentioned.
ras chung pa’s numerous disciples, including his "thirteen spiritual sons" are listed.
iv. ras chung pa’s disciples
{R441} accounts are given of the lives of some of his important disciples and their
studies:
khyung tshang pa, ma gcig ong jo, dge sdings pa, zhang lo tsa ba, and so forth.
v. zhang lo tsa ba
{R445} In particular zhang lo tsa ba’s studies in Tibet, Nepal, and India are listed in
detail. He studies diverse topics such as Nyāya logic, and cycles related to
Saṃvara, Tāra, and Avalokiteśvara, gcod, blo sbyong, rdzogs chen sems sde, lam
‘bras, and Māhāmudrā, among others. He seems to be a holder of all lineages, and
composed numerous treatises.
vi. more lineage
{R449} ngam rdzong ston pa Bodhirājā, gnyal pa gsung bcad pa, and so forth.

8.4 Gampopa together with his monastery (sgam po ba gdan
sa dang bcas pa’i skabs. Chandra 393; Chengdu 538; Roerich
451).
i. Praise and identification as a bodhisattva
{R451} Here sgam po pa is identified as the Bodhisattva Candraprabhakumāra who,
in a former life requested the Buddha to recite the Samādhirāja-sūtra on Vulture
Peak in Rajagṛha. In a different lifetime, he is also said to be the Bodhisattva
Supuṣpacandra. Both connect him to classic tales recounted in the sūtras.
Although this sort of identification/deification has been mentioned for other masters,
perhaps the overemphasis here is due to sgam po pa’s relative lack of training. For
‘gos lo tsa ba, these previous lives explain the importance of the Samādhirāja-sūtra
for sgam po pa and his followers.
ii. sgam po pa’s life
{R453} Following that superhuman intro, a more ordinary account of his (spectacular
life is recounted.
At first he was a married scholar of medical science, and took both notice and final
ordination vows after his wife died in his twenties.
He first heard some initiations related to the Saṃvara cycle near his home in lower
dags po. Then he went towards northern dbu ru and studies bka’ gdams pa doctrine
and meditation from bya yul pa, snyug rum pa and lcags ri gong kha pa. Upon
hearing about mid la, he decided to seek him out (in tsang?). The bka’ gdams pa
lamas grudgingly gave him permission. Auspicious and miraculous signs preceded
his meeting mid la.
Once they finally met, mid la almost immediately made sgam po pa (a monk) drink
wine from a skull cup. mid la, although he recognized sgam po pa’s previous
studies, established his own system as superior and had sgam po pa follow that. He
was trained in the teacher’s presence for only 13 months before going back to dbus!
There he practised for 3 years in a bka’ gdams pa monastery before heading out to solitary
places.
mid la ras pa died.
iii. sgam po pa’s teaching
{R459} Although mid la did not teach the upāya-mārga (thabs lam) and Mahāmudrā
separately, sgam po pa taught the thabs lam to those who were fit for tantric
teachings. Mahāmudrā was taught to those who were fit for the pāramitās.
-This is a key distinction that stirred much controversy and debate over how
Mahāmudrā should be classified and taught (as sūtra or tantra).
He composed treatises on bka’ gdams pa doctrine and secret precepts.
Though mthan nyid pa criticized him, he was confident in his method.
His disciples such as grol sgom and dpal chen rgwa lo exhibited many miracles.
sgam po pa passed into nirvana in 1153 at the age of 75.
iv. sgam po pa’s disciples
{R462} Many disciples are listed, and the lives of few are described, such as tshul
khrims dpal (a.k.a. tshul khrims snying po). He was sgam po pa’s main disciple who
founded the monastery of 'tshur lha lung and repaired the jo khang.
v. lineage of the chair of ‘tshur lha lung
{R466} After tshul khrims snying po’s death the chair passed to the ācārya sgom, dags po ‘dul
‘dzin, and so forth.

8.5 Direct students of Gampopa (sgam po ba’i dngos slob kyi
skabs. Chandra 408; Chengdu 557; Roerich 468).
{R468} This section relates numerous stories about sgam po pa’s direct disciples
such as rnal 'byor chos g.yung, grol sgom chos gyung, lho la yag pa byang chub
dngos grub. Their miraculous work is also described, including the foundation of
monasteries such as ‘bab rom.

8.6 The first incarnation series [Karmapa] (sprul pa’i sku’i rim
pa dang po’i skabs. Chandra 412; Chengdu 563; Roerich 473).
i. dus gsum mkhyen pa (kar ma pa)
{R473} He was considered to be sgam po pa’s greatest disciple, a bodhisattva.
Numerous past-life connections are drawn to important Buddhist figures, as he was a
disciple of Nagarjuna, Saroruha, and Padmasambhava in various rebirths.
Then some events of his ordinary (extraordinary) life are recounted.
He studied rites related to the Saṃvara cycle according to the method of Atīśa, the 6
treatises of Maitreya, etc. sgam po pa also taught him the lam rim of the bka’ gdams
pas. He also studies haṭha yoga (btsan thabs), later received all the precepts of nA
ro and mai tri, and many others.
After sgam po pa’s death he returned to khams, then to dbus where he asked lama
zhang to stop causing trouble. Apparently he listened (after grasping his finger and
dancing around).
He founded the monastery of ‘tshur phu.
ii. sangs rgyas ras chen
{R480} He studied with numerous disciples of both mid la and mar pa, and later met
and studied intensively with dus gsum mkhyen pa.
iii. spom brag pa
{R483} In a former incarnation is considered to have been the Bodhisattva Jñānamati (ye
shes blo gros). Reborn in Tibet as ras chen’s disciple.
iv. chos ‘dzin (kar ma pa II)
{R485} dus gsum mkhyen pa was reborn as a disciple of spom brag pa ten years
after his prior death. Roerich notes that this may be the first reincarnate lama in
Tibet to be installed after the death of his predecessor.
He was named chos kyi bla ma at ordination.
He became famous and was invited to the court of the Mongol emperor. He
bestowed on the Emperor and his retinue the cittopāda rite. He became politically
important and showed this through visits to China and Mongolia, and the construction
of monuments. He was treated improperly at some point by the emperor, but
managed to save face/ maintain political relevance.
Also called Karma Pakshi? (but not in the Blue Annals)
v. u rgyan pa
{R487} The Mahasiddha u rgyan pa was a disciple of chos ‘dzin, and eventually
served as the guide for the third kar ma pa rang byung rdo rje. (u rgyan pa is
described later in the ‘brug pa subsection)
vi. rang byung rdo rje (kar ma pa III)
{R488} Among numerous other teachings, it is notable that rang byung rdo rje
received the rdzogs chen snying thig doctrine from the rig ‘dzin Kumārāja.
Both of these masters studied under u rgyan pa, then later rang byung rdo rje
received rdzogs chen teachings from Kumārāja. From there he developed the
kar ma snying thig system. He also wrote the famous zab mo nang don and
its self-commentary. In addition to g.yung ston rdo rje dpal (also a disciple of
bu ston), Dolpopa, Khedrup Drakpa Senge, and Yakde Panchen were also
disciples (though not mentioned in the blue annals).
Late in his life he visited the Imperial courts of China and Mongolia,
established monasteries in China and Tibet, and died in China.
u rgyan pa
l
rang byung ba (kar ma pa III rang byung rdo rje)
l
g.yung ston rdo rje dpal
l
rol pa’i rdo rje (kar ma pa IV)
vii. rol pa’i rdo rje (kar ma pa IV)
{R493} He was the incarnation of kar ma pa III rang byung rdo rje. Many
miracles and memories of past lives and a visit to Tuṣita are recounted,
corresponding to various prophecies. There continue to be connections to
snying thig doctrines.
He was invited to the court of the (Mongol) Emperor tho gan the mur, and left
‘tshur pu to visit the Emperor. He then returned to kar ma. He taught to large
audiences composed of Mongol, Uighur, mi nyag (Central Asian/Tangut?),
Korean, and Chinese peoples.
He went to Tai-tu and granted initiations to the Emperor and his retinue there.
One notable passage here relates peace in the kingdom to the legitimacy
granted to the king by the kar ma pa {R 503}. Also the kar ma pa is credited
with the end of epidemics and a positive economy.
He passed away at the age of 44 in 1381.
viii. de bzhin gshegs pa (kar ma pa V)
{R506} Born in 1384. From early in his life he had close connections with the
Emperor. (The Emperor named him Tathāgatā.) Numerous teachers and
disciples are listed.
de bzhin gshegs pa was said to have been the only one who had a siddha
disciple, rma se rtogs ldan, born in a mi nyag family.
Kagyu, Part 2. {511-620}
Dave DiValerio
My section of the Blue Annals (511-620) is primarily about the abbots of great
Kagyu monasteries and the lives and disciples of their founders. In general,
the former lives of the founder of the monastery are given, then the life in
which he founds the monastery, then his disciples (and sometimes their
disciples), then the lineage of abbots of the monastery (and sometimes their
disciples). Some of these figures (either because they are of greater historical
importance, or at times it seems simply because more is known about them)
have a long section of text dedicated to them, while others are given only a
few lines. I have decided to break the text into sections in keeping with this
manner of organization that is already written into the text. Thus almost every
abbot or disciple is given his own separate section, regardless of how much or
little is written about him. I will give summaries for the more important figures
about whom more is written and skip over lesser ones who, although they are
given their own section, do not have much written about them. I will give
dates for birth, death, and when they served as abbot as well as I can. I have
also tried, for the sake of clarification, to gather all the names by which
individuals were known.
Most of these biographies follow a relatively standard format. There is a
challenge in making summaries of them: do I focus on what is unique about
each one (an thereby lose grasp of the facts about the person, which are
more formulaic and less interesting) or do I simply repeat the formula over
and over again (and in the process lose what’s unique about each figure and
end up with a very boring summary)?
These biographies are mostly drudgery with an occasional event that is more
out-of-the-ordinary and interesting. In “summarizing” the text I will try to give
both the drudgery and the interesting, in keeping with the actual content of the
text—all in a condensed form. If I were to give only the interesting things, it
would give an incorrect characterization of the text, which, in reality, is
primarily concerned with details of a purely factual nature. So I will try to give
both. And if it starts to seem tedious, that is because the section of the text
that this is a summary is itself tedious. You will probably want to skip most of
the factual stuff, so I will mark the interesting bits and anecdotes that are
worth reading—which are probably more telling than the facts—and my
commentaries—which probably aren’t worth reading—in different colors from
the rest of the text, organized by the type of issue they relate to. Issues of
doctrine will be in blue, like a cloudless sky. Issues of sect identity will be in
orange. Issues concerning politics will be in pink. Interesting and revealing
anecdotes that don’t fall into any of these categories will be in this lovely
shade of green. And my reflections will be in red, the color of passion. (I am
fully aware that in doing this I have gone from Germano-esque to Germanotranscendent, but this is a tricky section to organize because of its structure,
and I need a strategy in order to make it readable.)
These biographies of important Kagyu figures follow a pretty standard form,
which we see everywhere in the biography genre: miraculous birth, gifted
youth, study with great teachers, years of meditation, taking on disciples,
founding monasteries, miraculous death. We also see, from time to time,
some sort of political involvement, either with the Chinese or the Mongols, or
even just mediation in minor local disputes. In general they travel around a
great deal as well, which makes connecting them to specific geographical
locations difficult.
Within this standard form there is a slightly different emphasis in the
characterization of some of these figures. Some are seen as scholars, some
more as meditators, some as important founders of lineages and monasteries.
With those about whom only a few sentences are written, clearly, it is difficult
to understand their significance or say anything about them. With those about
whom much is written it seems that they undertook all the different types of
activities and therefore sound very similar to everyone else. With those about
whom a medium amount is written, however, there is some hope of getting a
characterization in which you can truly divine what is unique and important
about the person.
Because of the structure of this section as being made up of a long list of
short biographies, there are few good places within the text to add my own
commentary or reflections on the material en masse. So I will do so here, and
extrapolate what I can from these biographies to make a more general
statement about this area (in time and space) of Kagyu history:
The primary themes in this section are the foundation of monasteries, the
passing down of lineages of teachings, lineages of incarnations, and miracles
of various sorts. The overriding story seems to me to be the need to establish
legitimacy for a still-congealing sect that is in the process of becoming
institutionalized, while the institutionalization itself is an anomaly, out of
keeping with the history of the lesser lineages of teachers and students that
actually make up the sect. The founders of these centrally important
monasteries are traced back through previous incarnations to India to
lineages of siddhas. The monastery is legitimized by the history of this
individual, who, in previous incarnations, had nothing institutional about him.
This creates a tension. The lineage is becoming tamed in order for it to
become institutionalized, and yet the institution must recognize the un-tamed
nature of its lineages in order to legitimate itself.
There are certain practices that are mentioned again and again (like the “Six
Doctrines” of nA ro and the Mah?mudr?) which start to seem distinctly Kagyu,
but at the same time these figures study widely with lamas of all sects with
what seems to be little discrimination. There are a few occasions in which
sect-identity seems important: like when some Kadampas joke with stag lung
thang pa to change his hat {R 614}, the instance where the sa skya pas attack
‘bri khung in 1290 {R 583}, and the few occasions on which someone is
referred to as “head of the kagyupas” or something along those lines. These
do not seem to be matters of much gravity and on the whole sect identification
vis a vis other sects is not an important issue.
Lay politics are mentioned from time to time, but they are not a major issue
either. There are occasional emissaries to and from China and Mongolia,
meetings between eminent Kagyupas and Mongol generals (which either
result in the general beating a retreat or being converted). There are times in
which a monastery experiences a tension with its surrounding lay community,
but at times of good abbots the people have great faith and love for the
monasteries. From time to time abbots get involved in local disputes as a
mediator, and seem in most cases to be successful.
In terms of doctrine, as said before, there are some things that seem distinctly
Kagyu, but much more that is shared with and taken from other sects. There
are a few occasions on which a particular scholar is credited with his own
interpretation of doctrinal matter (like ‘bri khung pa {R 598}), but again, they
are few and far between.
The inherent tension between asceticism and monasticism seems to have
been overcome by the tendency of scholars and abbots to spend different
periods of their lives studying and teaching in an institutional setting and
periods in secluded meditation, either at a monastery or in a cave hermitage.
Some individuals are noted to have focused on one more than the other, but
in general there is an easy flow between the two.
So? All of these are minor themes. They come up in the text from time to
time but are not major points of concern. This section of the Blue Annals
resists any kind of overarching interpretation regarding any of these lesser
issues and must be looked at with a wide view of the process of
institutionalization that this section of text is explicitly about. In truth this
section seems nominally concerned with politics, nominally concerned with its
identity as its own sect, nominally concerned with doctrine, decidedly
UNconcerned with women, nominally concerned with wealth and power.
What it is concerned with is individuals. Not that each in itself is taken to be
greatly important, nor that one is to be able to see a great continuity across
the aggregation of them. ‘gos lo tsA ba is concerned with setting out the facts
of the lives of these people.
So what are the elements that are emphasized?
Miracles, which in most cases attest to the greatness of the individual. Most
of these men are noted to have started speaking and studying at a remarkably
young age. They communicate with deities while they are alive. There are
miraculous signs at their deaths. All of these things prove the greatness of
the person in question.
Who one’s mother and father were, which sometimes posits the individual as
the son of realized practitioners or into a certain clan.
Dates, which are integral to any history book. Dates are given for births,
deaths, ordinations and the foundations of monasteries, primarily.
Who learned what from whom, which is always important in Buddhist literature
because of the importance Buddhism places on the direct, unbroken
transmissions of teachings. This is also very important in the formative period
of a sect.
Rough approximations of the time spent in meditation, which I believe to
reflect a particularly Kagyu emphasis on meditation. Direct comparisons
should be made with biographies of people of other sects in the Blue Annals.
Places are always listed in these biographies, but I would argue that
geography is not a very important factor. The places a person studied or
meditated are usually given in a sort of laundry list, and at no point do I get a
strong sense of place, even for the major monasteries around which these
histories are centered. My supposition is that because ‘gos lo tsA ba probably
did not intend or think his text would be read by people outside of Tibet (or
even outside of central Tibet), readers would already be familiar with the
geography and thus there would be little need to talk about it. On a side note,
lha sa is mentioned only a few times in this section, indicating that either it
was not a developed center at the time, or it just wasn’t important to
Kagyupas.
nam mkha' rgyal mtshan (mkha' spyod pa)
Two of the stories about nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan stand out: once “he shot an
arrow at a stag which was standing on the other side of a mountain, having
rested his knee on a boulder and the stag was killed. It was said that imprints
appeared on the boulder” {R 512}. Then, after his body was left in a
meditation posture after his death, it is said that some monks peeked through
a crack in the door and saw that his body had disappeared, leaving behind
nothing but his robes. He is identified as an ascetic and seems to have been
a figure of great miraculous powers resulting from his meditation.
mthong ba don ldan (the Sixth kar ma hierarch) (1416-1453)
The section about mthong ba don ldan is mostly concerned with miraculous
occurrences, which of are three types:
- those that legitimate or prove that he is a reincarnation of the Fifth Karmapa
(de bzhin gshegs pa). As a child he makes the declaration: “I am unborn, free
from all names, I am placeless, I became the glory of all living beings to lead
defenceless living beings of this World towards the goal of salvation” {R 51213}; upon seeing an image of a previous Karmapa he claims, “This was I!”;
taking up a black hat and claiming that it is his, after which flowers fall from
the sky for three days; etc.
- those in which he foretells the future. He proclaims that he will see his
mother again in Tu?ita; certain things about his own death; etc.
- and those that involve him having a vision of a deity, which may not fall into
either of these first two categories. Most of his visions of deities seem to
involve Avalokite?vara and Mah?k?la.
He first speaks when he is one month old. He is also able to make rain fall on
two occasions: once by playing with water, and once by invoking a local deity.
These miracles are the primary focus in this section about mthong ba don
ldan. Not much information is given about his teachers, what he studied, or
his disciples, nor any important activities like founding monasteries. This
section focuses more heavily on the subject’s youth and the miracles that
occurred than is the norm in these biographies.
Near the time of this death he makes the declaration, "I also belong to the
Lineage of the bka' brgyud pas" {R 516} which can be interpreted as him
strengthening the formation of the sect through his own personal greatness,
or identifying himself with the pre-existing, defined sect.
rang byung kun mkhyen chos kyi rgyal po (b. 1454)
rang byung kun mkhyen chos kyi rgyal po is the Karmapa living at the time of
the composition of the Blue Annals. Very little is said about him except that,
“He laboured extensively for the emancipation of numberless living beings at
various localities” {R 517}. It is difficult to imagine a more generic statement
about the life of an important figure in the history of a sect, but in fact many of
these biographies are composed of characterizations just like this.
Important disciples from dpal dus gsum mkhyen pa onwards
The disciples of kar ma pa shi
It is said that when the Mongolian Emperor “accused” kar ma pa shi and
ordered him and his retinue to be punished, ye shes dbang phyug and rin
chen dpal were burned. Six of kar ma pa shi’s disciples were given names of
different types of hat or head (zhwa and mgo respectively): “Yellow hat”, “Red
hat”, “Piebald hat”, “Tiger Head”, “Leopard Head”, and “Bear Head” {R 517}.
The disciples of the Dharmasv?min rang byung rdo rje
The disciples of the Dharmasv?min rol pa'i rdo rje
The Dharmasv?min gangs pa (rin chen ‘od zer ) (1175-1249)
A disciple of dus gsum mkhyen pa. He served as attendant to a few of the
important figures (like 'bri khung chos rje and stag lung thang pa) whom we
will see later. His father was a follower of the “Old” Tantras; he himself
“obtained a yogic insight into the Mah?mudr? Cycle” {R 518}.
bsam gling rin po che (1189-1260)
A disciple of gangs pa. Founder of the monastery of bsam gling in Lower
myang. He studied with many teachers, but again the Mah?mudr? and “yogic
insight” (rtogs pa) {R 519} are stressed.
Little information is given about these individuals in these sections, and they
are often just names. The primary concern seems to be laying out who are
the disciples of certain teachers.
8.7 Abbatial lineage of Tsurphu [Monastery]
‘gos lo tsA ba writes that the Tsurphu (‘tshur phu) was founded by dus gsum
mkhyen pa, but no date is given. The lineage of abbots from dus gsum
mkhyen pa to the time the Blue Annals were written is:
dus gsum mkhyen pa (founder)
lho la yag pa (2 or 3 years)
rang 'byung sangs rgyas
gya pa gangs pa
rgya mtsho bla ma (2 or 3 years)
rin chen grags
kar ma pa shi
dbon rin po che
bla ma gnas nang pa
a dbang ye shes dbang phyug
bla ma bkra shis 'bum pa
bla ma dbang rin
tshad ma pa??ita (6 months)
bla ma dbang rin (several years)
bla ma rin chen dpal (bla ma nag po)
bla ma chos byang
bla ma chos rgyal (“a long time”)
chos blo (chos kyi blo gros)
rin po che kun dga' blo gros pa (15 years)
chos kyi ‘od zer (24 years)
'jam dbyangs don grub ‘od zer1
de bzhin gshegs pa (43 years)
gu shrI ba
Little information is given about these abbots. Most held the chair for only a
few years. It is interesting to note that the first few abbots were direct
disciples of the founder. After kar ma pa shi, two of his nephews held the
position. It seems that there was a shift in the leadership of the monastery
from the line of dus gsum mkhyen pa to a line more closely affiliated with the
Karmapas. In many cases it seems to have been passed on to a nephew,
and sometimes a brother or a cousin. It seems that the abbotship was kept in
the family, but is not here recorded as ever being passed to the former
abbot’s son.
Little information is given on how long each abbot served, but it seems that
the earlier ones held the post for shorter periods, while the last few mentioned
served for a substantially long time.
8.8 The second incarnation series [Shamarpa].
khol po dga' / Sarvavid (kun rig) / gzhon nu gsang chol / tshul khrims dpal
(1098-1132) / nam mkha' ‘od (1133-1199) / bkra shis grags pa (1200-1282)
These six are sequential incarnations of the being that will later found the
monastery at gnas nang. khol po dga' was a disciple of Tillipa; Sarvavid, of
N?ropa. gzhon nu gsang chol, living in Nep?l, receives a prophecy from a
young maiden that he should go to Tibet—which had been a prophecy given
by the Buddha earlier—and that there he would meet an incarnation of the
Buddha {R 521}. After traveling to Tibet he meets Milarepa who later tells him
in a prophecy that he will be reborn in Tibet again and again. tshul khrims
dpal, born in Tibet, is ordained by sgam po pa, and studies with many
teachers, including ras chung pa, dus gsum mkhyen pa and some bka’ gdams
pas. He considers sgam po pa (and his nephew) as his primary teachers.
nam mkha’ ‘od studied mainly with dus gsum mkhyen pa and bde gshegs stag
lung thang pa, and he was centered in dbus. bkra shis grags pa receives a
prophecy from the Karmapa, who identifies him as having been a disciple of
dus gsum mkhyen pa in a former life, and that he will be the Karmapa’s own
disciple in his next life {R 523}.
In the stories of these six the concern with establishing a lineage is
transparent, and, in standard Kagyu fashion, Tillipa and N?ropa are posited
as its source. There are repeated references to the importance of relying
whole-heartedly on one’s teacher. Bringing the lineage to Tibet is a
prophesized and blessed event. However, it is not said that teachings are
being brought to Tibet, just the lineage of personalities itself.
In general one gets the sense that this is the story of the domestication of a
lineage. As the story of these reincarnations is told there are certain landmark
points of reference, such as gzhon nu gsang chol’s meeting with Milarepa and
later contacts with the Karmapa. It is as if this lineage of reincarnations is
being associated with the sect of the Kagyupas, then through increasing
points of contact, taken into its fold.
grags pa seng ge (dbang gu ras pa ) (1283-1349)
The next incarnation of this series, grags pa seng ge is a gifted student and
practitioner and has many prophetic visions as a youth (and will continue to
do so throughout his life; with ber nag can and T?r? reappearing most often).
Late in his teenage years, at the suggestion of ber nag can (who appears to
him in a vision) he proceeds to dbus. He does so against his father’s
permission, fleeing at night on horseback. Staying in kong po and other
places he studies many tantras and philosophical texts. He believes he should
go to O???y?na, but drops the idea after T?r? tells him not to go. He meets
Milarepa in a dream and Milarepa sings to him.
While studying under byang sems rgyal yes he says that he had been
practicing snying thig, and the teacher tells him that he belongs to the “cig
char bas“, which, according to Roerich, means a person of spontaneous
spiritual development {R 527}.
Eventually he takes on disciples and starts giving initiations. Following his
feelings that it was an auspicious place, and some visions, he builds a
monastery at gnas nang in 1333 {R 530}. He prophesizes that after three
generations the monks of the monastery will become degenerate and take up
lay activities.
He communicates with the Precious Dharmasv?min from the Imperial Palace
(Peking) (although I’m not sure to whom this refers). His death at the age of
67 is surrounded by visions and miracles, most notably a shower of flowers
that falls at stag lung.
The text now turns to the four main disciples of grags pa seng ge who are
known as the “Great Sons” {R 532}.
g.yag sde paN chen (1299-1378)
Beginning at the age of five g.yag sde paN chen studies with an inordinate
number of teachers – 108 in all. This section on him is mostly a list of his
teachers and what texts and practices he heard from them. It is difficult to
characterize what sort of practices he studied because there are so many of
them that they run the entire gamut of the Tibetan canon and thus resist
characterization. He studies the some very Kagyu texts, like the “Six
Doctrines” of N?ropa, but also lam ‘bras, K?lacakra-Tantra, Guhyasam?jaTantra, and some Nyingma texts as well. He founds the monastery of E-va?
(<eva?) {R 535}. ‘gos lo tsA ba says, after g.yag sde paN chen‘s death,
“Since then his preaching was continued without interruption at the monastery
of E-va? to the present day” {R 536}.
mkhas grub dar rgyal ba (d. 1385)
Second of the four “Great Sons” of grags pa seng ge, mkhas grub dar rgyal
ba’s importance seems to lie in his being a great practitioner, and not so much
in being a institutional figurehead. His birth is preceeded by a number of
miraculous events, including his mother having a vision of an Indian yogin
carrying a skull cup and surrounded by an entourage of 500 women
(yoginis?).
As a child he proved to be a gifted student, but this characterization
emphasizes his great morality and compassion for others. One day while
playing with some other children he falls down and the pain he felt “caused
him to believe that the Buddha was the only protector, and he accordingly
took refuge in the Buddha. Remembering his former lives, he felt sad and
composed songs about them, which caused amazement among some people.
Others thought that he was inspired by some devils” {R 537}.
He then goes into his mature spiritual life, studying sutras, tantras and
treatises with many different teachers and siddhas. He was primarily drawn
towards meditation, and “especially held in high esteem the hidden precepts”
{R 537}. He practiced austerities, and though the power of his meditation
overcomes some physical ailments.
It is said that, “A perfect trance and a yogic insight were born in him. He was
able to conjure demons by representing himself as Acala, Yam?ntaka and
Vajravid?ra?a (rnam 'joms). Mah?k?la used to kneel before him and promised
to assist him in his labours” {R 538}. He had many powers, including the
ability to read the states of mind of different people and having visions of
O???y?na.
Among grags seng pa’s disciples, he is the holder of the Spiritual Lineage and
of the hidden precepts. In his role as a teacher and initiator his compassion is
emphasized.
After his death it was believed that he had been a reincarnation of an Indian
yogin, a disciple of Kambala.
mkha' spyod dbang po (karma zhwa dmar pa) (ye shes dpal) (mi pham dpal
Idan) (1350-1405)
His childhood is filled with miracles and prophecies and he gives a lung at age
3. He himself tells of his previous incarnation as grags pa seng ge. During
his early education is it said that, “He specially followed most of the profound
and vast precepts of the bka' brgyud pa sect” {R 541}. This is similar to how
mthong ba don ldan is identified {R 516}. It is worthy to note that both of
these took place relatively late in the time period covered in this chapter,
reflecting a time when the sect was more formed and thus identification with it
was more plausible.
It is said that later, “He stayed in seclusion and meditated. He was able to
perceive the activity of all the ascetics of gnas nang. He censured some of
them, to some he gave instructions, and all were filled with amazement” {R
541}. And, “After the passing of the Master (sv?min) ri khrod pa, he grew
disheartened with the wicked monks, entrusted the abbotship to the bla ma
bsod names 'bum, and himself settled in a hermitage situated on the mountain
back of gnas nan” {R 542}. What precisely ‘gos lo tsA ba means by these
statements is difficult to penetrate. It seems to give some indication of the
relationships between teachers, monastics, and ascetics, although precisely
what is being said is unclear.
He continues to study various esoteric practices and texts, and throughout his
life spends a lot of time traveling, studying and meditating in kong po. He
gathers many disciples (300 monks) {R 543}. He founds the monastery at
stag rtse rnam rgyal in 1378, then the monastery of dga’ ma mo in 1386. He
takes de bzhin gshegs pa as a disciple. He preaches the “Six Doctrines” of
N?ropa and bestows initiations to some Mongol officials. His death is, in
typical fashion, marked by miraculous signs, including the obligatory shower
of flowers.
Disciples of mkha' spyod pa
(in no particular order, it seems):
rdza dgon kun spangs pa
'ger nag rtogs Idan
sri dkar sang shi
bka' bzhi pa rin chen dpal
lha gzigs pa (b 1372)
shAkya grags pa (d 1454)
'khrul zhig bsod nams 'bum
chos bzang pa
rin bzangs dkar po
ri mi 'babs pa (1362 - 1453)
The same characterization follows for these men. Only a few lines are given
about each, and what is given is where he is from, who his teachers were,
how many disciples he had, whether or not he founded any monasteries, etc.
In most cases only two or three of these facts are touched upon.
chos dpal ye shes (1406-1452)
chos dpal ye shes was an incarnation of mhha’ spyod pa, which had been
prophesized by mkha’ spyod pa himself: “Later (I) shall wander about as a
Tantric yogin” {R 547}. As a child he bore physical signs of his being an
important reincarnation, including the letter “rgyal” on the sole of his foot.
He had many special powers, like the ability to pass through walls. He
discovered the “Last Will” of mkha’ spyod pa, which is the only mention I have
seen in this section on the Kagyupas about terma {R 547}. He studied all
different kinds of tantras; studies and is ordained under de bzhin gshegs pa
around the age of 8.
He visits many places, including ‘tshur phu, lha sa, kong po, stag rtse. His
supernatural powers aide him in building a temple (at dga’ ma mo; although
he is not identified as its founder) and to settle disputes between locals {R
550}. Again, his death is marked by miraculous signs, including a white
rainbow.
chos dpal ye shes is another figure who is important, surely, but his
importance is rendered unremarkable in the formulaic manner in which his life
is narrated. For this reason each of these figures seems to take on the limited
significance of merely being further links in the chain of history.
zhwa dmar cod pan 'dzin pa (chos grags ye shes) (b 1453)
He was an incarnation of chos dpal ye shes, who was an incarnation of mhha’
spyod pa. He is alive at the time of the composition of the Blue Annals. ‘gos
lo tsA ba shows how he traveled to both Ch'ing hai Province and Mongolia,
where he taught and was highly effective. As ‘gos lo tsA ba says, “The people
of Mongolia became his disciples, and he cut the stream of sinful deeds of the
a ram (name of a Mongol tribe). He established all men in devotion to the
monastic congregation and preached the Holy Doctrine” {R 551}. After this he
returned to khams and dbus and continued his works.
I AM HEREBY GIVING UP ON STYLES (FOR THE MOST PART) FOR THE
REST OF THIS DOCUMENT.
8.9 Phagmodrupa together with his students.
phag mo gru pa – introduction
In this short section that serves as an introduction to the long section on phag
mo gru pa that follows, ‘gos lo tsA ba relates how phag mo gru pa was
assigned to be the head of the monastic community and thus “appointed
indirectly as the Master of the bka' brgyud pas” by dags po {R 552}. Further,
phag mo gru pa was known to be a Buddha by “those possessed of excellent
understanding, a siddhi-puru?a to those possessed of medium understanding,
and a fortunate human being (p?thag-jana), who through gradual spiritual
practice had reached the stage of a Great Being (Mah?sattva), established on
the path of Bodhisattvas, to those possessed of inferior understanding” {R
552}.
phag mo gru pa’s prior incarnations
phag mo gru pa is identified as a reincarnation of Cittavajra, who is involved in
the story of Lak?m??kar? and Indrabh?ti, who converts ??kin?s by tricking
them into eating a blanket which then allows him to wield control over them.
Cittavajra is connected to an earlier lineage of siddhas traced back to their
origin in O???y?na.
phag mo gru pa (rpo rje rgyal po) (‘gro mgon ) (chos tsha ba) (mtha' rtsa ba)
(1110-1170)
Before his birth his mother has a vision: “His mother saw in a dream that a
golden vajra with nine points was born to her. She placed it on the lap of her
coat, and it emitted light which shone towards the ten quarters and illuminated
all directions” {R 553}. While still a toddler he developed a powerful state of
trance which allowed him to remember his former lives, but due to his parents
behaving in impure ways, he lost the ability.
His parents died while he was still a child and was ordained at the age of 9.
After studying with 16 teachers in khams and showing great abilities (like
knowing writing before having being taught it), he went to dbus at the age of
19, where he continued his studies.
He studied philosophy but still
maintained his practice of yoga. Because of his learning he became known as
chos tsha ba ("Burning religion").
He then went to tsang, where he continued to study and meditate. He studied
the Guhyasam?ja, the Abhidharma, some of the rdzogs chen system, and
more. In sa skya he obtained hidden precepts of the “Path and Fruit” (lam
‘bras) from sa skya pa, who recognized his intelligence. He is told by byang
sems zla ba rgyal mtshan that he “should remain in seclusion during the
period of a waning moon, and should preach the Doctrine, when the moon is
on the increase, and bestow initiations and blessings, thus there will be great
benefit to others”, which is an injunction he is noted to have followed (at least
at certain times in his later life) {R 557}. At stod lungs he studied with sangs
rgyas gnyal chung ba who, seeing that he was followed by four ??kin?s,
taught him secret precepts. Concerning his education, it is said that, “In
general, there were no famous scholars in precepts, whom he did not meet”
{R 557}.
phag mo gru pa and sgam po pa
He travels with zhang to sgam po to see sgam po pa, whom they hope will
help zhang out of what seems to be some political trouble, having been
“wrongly accused by some persons” {R 558}.
sgam po pa takes phag mo gru pa aside and inquires about his previous
study and meditation. sgam po pa says that it had all been worthless and
sends phag mo gru pa to take a walk in the mountains and, “After a while, all
the doctrines which he had heard previously appeared to him to be similar to
an outer coating or chaff, and he gained a deep insight, similar to a clear sky”
{R 559}. sgam po pa then teaches him the lhan cig skyes sbyor. Shortly
thereafter sgam po pa dies and phag mo gru pa helps with the funeral rites.
This time with sgam po pa seems to have had a major influence on phag mo
gru pa. It seems to be a moment of transformation in his life, and, as we will
see, phag mo gru pa models the doctrine he teaches on that of sgam po pa’s.
phag mo gru pa’s congregation
phag mo gru pa returns to sa skya, thinking that the great sa skya pa will be
interested in the new wisdom he has obtained, but sa skya pa does not talk to
him and seems displeased. (Is it that this new teaching he has received from
sgam po pa goes too far, is too extreme, and this is why the conservative sa
skya pa no longer approves of him?)
phag mo gru pa returns “home” and settles himself at mtshal sgang. He
attracts disciples and teaches for five years with success: the monks followed
the rules of the Vinaya and the meditators attained their goals.
phag mo gru pa’s teachings are characterized by ‘gos lo tsA ba: “This Master
sgam po pa has been a follower of the bka' gdams pas and of the Venerable
mid la, and his own system was known as the ‘confluence of those two
streams, that of the bka' gdams pas and that of the Mah?mudr?’” {R 560}.
Thinking it would be better to be farther away from the village, phag mo gru pa
leaves headed for ‘bri khung. His monks follow him, and although he does
not make it to ‘bri khung, he settles at bde gshegs (?).
An ascetic offers phag mo gru pa his hut, and phag mo gru pa accepts it (in
1158). This hut becomes the center of phag mo gru pa’s congregation. Many
monks come and phag mo gru pa provides for them. He stays there for 13
years. There were, reportedly, 800 monks at the “monastery.”
phag mo gru pa’s works towards helping others were great. It is said that he
used to “manifest his body in twelve different forms simultaneously in different
places” {R 563}, allowing him to teach and carry out virtuous works at the
same time.
His death was accompanied by many wonderful signs, including an
earthquake when his body was placed on the teacher’s seat, showers of
flowers, and monks who had visions of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and ??kin?s.
Many relics were recovered from his ashes, which were preserved.
some bka' brgyud history
Here begins a short section on the history of the institutions of the bka' brgyud
sect that does not quite fit into the more strictly defined sections following the
lineages of abbots. ‘gos lo tsA ba gives a quotation from ‘bri khung {70b}
sgom pa shAk rin: "This monastery (gdan sa mthil) of shrI phag gru is like the
head of a hundred springs" {R 564}.
Monasteries and hermitages that
originated from these foundational bka' brgyud monasteries (like gdan sa
mthil), and certain bka' brgyud pas (like ‘bri khung pa, gling ras pa, dpal stag
lung thang pa, dmar pa) are said to be numerous, becoming established far
and wide across Tibet.
Next there is a long list of important figures. They are noted primarily for
having founded monasteries. Many are listed as disciples of phag mo gru pa.
In most cases only a sentence or two is devoted to each.
Notable is the story of yel pa ye shes brtsegs and his teacher spar phu ba
who go to phag mo gru pa for teachings. The teachings have no effect on
spar phu ba, however, because of his excessive pride. phag mo gru pa then
makes an imprint of a lotus flower on a piece of brown sugar and gives it to
spar phu ba. He admires it but does not eat it. But then yel pa breaks the
sugar and tells yel pa to eat it. The imprint of the leaf represents spar phu
ba’s former studies; the taste of the brown sugar represents phag mo gru pa’s
teachings. spar phu ba still does not come under the sway of phag mo gru pa
and instead founds his own monastery and develops his own theory, which is
that understanding can not be improved upon and that the four stages of
Yoga are distinguished by their different meditations only, and not by different
levels of understanding {R 568}.
8.10 Abbatial lineage of Phagmodru [Monastery].
After phag mo gru pa’s death the “precious image” (his body?) was erected by
his disciples. It spoke on several occasions and was believed to be greatly
blessed.
The abbots of phag mo gru (gdan sa mthil) by the dates of their ascendancies
(no dates given): zhang, “but he merely recited blessings” {R 569}
1170-1176:
there is no
1177-1179:
Dharmasv
monks, including the up?dhy?ya and others, had little trust in him and showed
great greed” {R 570}
1179-1207:
there is no
tension with local people, as well as the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri khung
monastery, who takes gdan sa mthil’s books to his own monastery.
1198:
the great
1208:
spyan s
1235:
rgyal ba
1267:
bcu gny
1281:
rin po c
1289:
rin po c
1290:
sa skya
1310:
tshes b
1360:
bcu gny
1372(appx):
1386:
1405(appx):
1403:
1417(appx):
1434-1453 (or 1458): there is no abbot
1453 (or 1458): dpal ngag gi dbang po
spyan snga (rje thams cad mkhyen pa) (1175-1255)
Born six years after the death of phag mo gru pa into a family of district chiefs
and siddhas, spyan snga was ordained at 13. Upon arrival at ‘bri khung he is
recognized by the Dharmasv?min as having accumulated great merit and that
one day he would be an ascetic.
He served as attendant to the
Dharmasv?min for 16 years, and it seems that the Dharmasv?min gave him
special treatment. They had a very close relationship (so close that the very
name “spyan snga ba” means “Attendant” {R 573}). When he was ill the
Dharmasv?min said, “Among the children of Tibet, he (is) dear. If he does not
die now, he will later become the sanctuary (rten sa) of the dags po bka'
tshe bzhi
bsod gr
spyan sng
spyan s
bsod nam
brgyud sect!” {R 573}. The Dharmasv?min then performs a ceremony to
ensure the youth’s health.
He took final ordination at 18. While serving as attendant at ‘bri khung he
used to work during the day, in the evening repeat all that he had heard
taught that day, then meditate at night. While living in the monastery he
followed the Vinaya and spent most of his time in seclusion, except when
teaching. His greatness was recognized by locals, who were thankful for the
way he improved the monastery.
One time the son of a “priest of royal descent (lha btsun) of bsam yas” fell ill,
and the astrologer summoned said the only way to save the boy was to have
the mother sent as a substitute {R 575}. She was sent and died. Then at the
age of six the boy falls ill again and the astrologer says the only way to
escape the illness is to send the greatest kaly??a-mitra in the valley as a
substitute. Knowing that spyan snga is the best, they send for him. The
astrologer (named bru sha) prepares for spyan snga’s arrival by placing the
stomach of a sheep and the effigy of a wolf at the entrance to the bridge,
effigies on the roof of the house, carcasses of dogs under the seat on which
spyan snga is to sit. When spyan snga arrives he does everything to thwart
the astrologer’s magic: he has a trumpet blown, crosses the river by a ford
instead of using the bridge, sits facing the wrong direction on his seat. The
astrologer and king both die shortly thereafter, while spyan snga and his
retinue go unharmed.
When Mongol troops came to their area and everyone else was frightened, he
remained unperturbed and confronted them. Upon seeing spyan snga’s face
the Mongol commander was filled with faith and the Mongols left without doing
any harm. When the Mongols returned again 28 days later he again stopped
the Mongols though a magical display of rocks falling from the sky, and the
Mongols stopped their attacks on men and temples (“except for minor
offences”, of course {R 578}).
spyan snga is known mostly for reviving the monastery by leading the
monastic congregation back into observance of the precepts and the practice
of meditation. By the power of his compassionate concentrated trance he
brought peace to those in the region and eliminated hunger. It is said that
during his time ‘bri khung became a monastery of 180,000 residents.
It seems that some time later in spyan snga’s life there was some kind of
divide within the monastery, and some people sided with gcung rin po che, in
opposition to spyan snga. So he left the monastery and went to live in a tent,
but gcung begged spyan snga to return to the monastery, vowing not to take
the abbots chair himself while spyan snga is alive. spyan snga returned to the
monastery and vowed himself never to leave.
rgyal ba rin po che (grags pa brtson 'grus) (thog rdugs pa) (1203-1267, abbot
in 1235)
Notable among spyan snga’s disciples is rgyal ba rin po che, who became
abbot in 1235. It is said that once he was struck by lightening and “he
wrapped it into his religious mantle” and he was unharmed. Because of this
he became known as thog rdugs pa (“Lightning proof"). The fame of his
accomplishments spread widely and he received offerings from the kings of
stod (West Tibet), Si?gha-gli? (Ceylon), ti ra hu ti (Tirhut) and ya tshe (West
Tibet, Ladak). It was said by some that among the miracles that occurred
after his death, three suns were seen shining {R 580}.
bcu gnyis pa (rin chen rdo rje) (1218-1280, abbot in 1267)
bcu gnyis pa was the son of rgyal ba rin po che (the first case in this section of
an eminent father with an eminent son) and a reincarnation of phag mo gru
pa. During his education, “he heard the complete doctrine of the bka' brgyud
pa sect from the Lord (spyans snga)” {R 581} and received spyan snga’s
blessing at the time of spyan snga’s death. He becomes abbot at the age of
50 and serves for 14 years. “He was an expert in consecration and
auspicious rites, and possessed an unimpeded prescience” {R 581}.
rin po che grags ye (1240-1288, abbot in 1281)
Serves as abbot for 8 years.
It is said that in 1281 the Mongols invaded Tibet and “attacked bya rog rdzon.
The dpon chen kun dga' bzang po was killed by the Mongols” {R 582}. This is
a seemingly important historical event that ‘gos lo tsA ba hardly mentions.
There are a number of instances in this section in which some Mongol troops
appear in Tibet, but this particular incursion seems to have been a bigger
event.
rin po che gnyis mchod pa (grags pa rin chen) (1250-1310, abbot in 1289)
Abbot at the age of 40 and serves for 22 years. “ti shrI (Ti-shih) grags 'od and
rgyal bu offered him the official hat known as the "Tiger head" (stag mgo
gnang ba). Thus he became both Teacher and official.” {R 583}
In 1290 the sa skya pas attack ‘bri khung {R 583}. This is literally all that is
said about the event. Why would such a seemingly important event be
described so laconically? This is the only indication in my section of any intersect strife. There is no mention of what provoked it or what resulted from it.
Perhaps the history of this struggle was such common knowledge at the time
of ‘gos lo tsA ba that he felt no need to write about it further.
tshes bzhi rnying ma ba (grags pa rgyal mtshan) (1293-1360, abbot in 1310)
Studied under gnyis mchod pa. Became abbot at age 18 and served until the
age of 51.
bcu gnyis gsar ma ba (grags se ba) (grags pa shes rab) (1310-1370, abbot in
1360)
Brother of ta’i si tu. Came to gdan sa thel at the age of 8. Studied under
tshes bzhi pa. Becomes abbot at age of 52 and serves for 11 years.
tshe bzhi gsar ma ba (grags pa byang chub) (1356-1386, abbot around 1372)
Becomes abbot at the age of 16. tsong kha pa was one of his disciples, and
he bestowed on tsong kha pa “many secret doctrines,” like the Six Doctrines
of N?ropa. tsong kha pa composed his life story, called "rtogs brjod lhun po"
(“The Mountain of Stories") {R 586}.
bsod grags pa (1359-1408, abbot in 1386)
Becomes abbot of rtses thang at the age of ten and holds the position for five
years. Becomes abbot of gdan sa thel at the age of 28 and occupies it for 20
years. (This is the only instance—besides ‘bri khung pa—or someone serving
as abbot at two different monasteries.)
Once the men of the khyung po clan robbed his messenger. Through magic
he made snow fall and the countryside was ruined, and he thus defeated his
enemies.
spyan snga dpal Idan bzang po ba (grags pa blo gros) (1383-1407, abbot in
1405???)
At the age of 23 he is given the title spyan snga (in 1405) {R 588}. Does this
mean he became the abbot??? “For two years he maintained an assembly
(of priests)” {R 588}.
spyan snga bsod nams bzang po ba (1380-1416, abbot in 1403)
Studies under and receives final monastic ordination from tsong kha pa,
pa??ita kun dga' rgyal mtshan and others. Becomes abbot at the age of 29
and holds it for 9 years.
bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1386-1434, abbot in 1417???)
Younger brother of spyan snga dpal Idan bzang po ba (grags pa blo gros),
bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po seemed a particularly gifted child,
marked with both intelligence (beginning his studies in earnest at age 6) and
great compassion for the suffering of others. He studies widely and preaches
the Hevajra-Tantra at age 11. He used to invite scholars and “conducted with
them philosophical disputations” and was recognized for his knowledge {R
590}.
At one point, “due to some slander” his ?c?rya had to leave. He struck back
at the slanderer with a magic weapon {R 591}.
He is known to have “practised meditation without loosening his belt, and
having tied his hair with a string to a beam (on the ceiling) in order to keep his
body erect” {R 591}.
He was “censured” by gong ma chen po (‘gos lo tsA ba does not say why)
and remains in gong ma chen po’s ill-favor for three years {R 591}.
It is said that, “One day an understanding of the Mah?mudr? system similar to
heaven, was produced in him, and he grasped at a glance the meaning of all
the doctrines which he did not study previously” {R 592}.
The monastery of snar thang and its subsidiaries are “presented” to him
(although I am not sure what this means) {R 592}.
After the death of the 28th spyan snga (it seems that spyan snga has become
a title for abbot), the Dharmasv?min of stag lung says to him, “Now there
remains no one worthy, but yourself to become the head of the whole bka'
brgyud pa sect, and die master of this monastery" {R 593}. From 1417 to
1434 he resided and taught at gdan sa thel and rtses thang (and presumably
served as abbot). It is said that, “At both these places he gave an exposition
of the Mah?mudr? to all those who desired to ask for it, without differentiating
between worthy and unworthy ones, great or small” {R 593}.
It was recognized by everyone around that, while he was there, there was a
Buddha living at the monastery, and all followed his orders. He was
especially respected by “those who spent their time in meditations in mountain
gorges,” and “Wicked people felt him to be heavier than a golden yoke on
their necks.” {R 593} He used magic to “inflict death and disease” on those
who harmed his congregation or disobeyed his commands.
dpal ngag gi dbang po (abbot in 1454???)
From his death 1434 to 1453 (about 20 years) there is no abbot. Then a
council is held and dpal ngag gi dbang po, aged 16, is invited to become
abbot. It seems, however, that “due to a War between South and North” he
was not able to come until 1458 {R 595}. What exactly is going on in this short
section on the years directly leading up to the composition of the Blue Annals
is extremely unclear.
8.11 Drigung Chojay together with his direct students.
lho rin po che grags pa yon tan (b 1347)
shar rin po che (1354 -1427)
‘bri khung pa (1143-1217)
His father had among his ancestors an unbroken lineage of rnying ma pa
siddhas and his mother was a secret yogin?.
While young he went to learn from phag mo gru pa and, “After listening to
numerous precepts, a great wisdom realizing the essence of all the Elements
of Phenomenal Existence was born in him” {R 597}. Before phag mo gru pa
dies less than three years after ‘bri khung pa came to be with him, phag mo
gru pa prophesizes that he would become a great ascetic later in his life.
At one time he fell seriously ill with leprosy and thought he was surely going to
die. But after recollecting the suffering of other beings compassion was
generated in him and he spent a whole night crying. Through this his karma
was purified and the sickness left him.
His fame spread widely. He took up final monastic vows at the age of 35.
For about three years he succeeded his Teacher as abbot of gdan sa mthil,
then, at the age of 37, in the year1179 “he went to ‘bri khung. In the same
year, he gathered about one hundred new monks” {R 597}. He taught and
continued to build his congregation. It is said that at one point his disciples
numbered 55,525.
‘bri khung pa held the view that all the teachings of the Buddha—and all
Buddhas—were to be taken literally and that the teachings were not to be
divided into those that are to be interpreted and those that are to be taken
literally. According to Roerich, “this theory is known as ‘bri khung dgongs
gcig, ‘One thought theory of ‘bri khung’” {R 598}. ‘bri khung pa “used to
preach all the texts belonging to the Tantra and Prajñ?p?ramit? classes, and
thus his preaching was characterized by an absence of partiality. His mind did
not move away even for a single moment from the combined state of the two
forms of Enlightenment.”
‘bri khung pa recognized that a virtuous monastic congregation was the root
of the doctrine and therefore emphasized the rules of the Vinaya, which he
abided strictly by himself.
‘bri khung pa was recognized as an incarnation of N?g?rjuna, by dus gsum
mkhyen pa and by a famous arhat in Ceylon.
On one occasion a khams pa monk from ‘bri khung got into an altercation with
the kha che paN chen over a religious robe. The khams pa tried to take the
very robe the paN chen was wearing and the paN chen’s attendant pushed
the khams pa to the ground. After this the paN chen’s relationship with T?r?
was not right and she would not show herself to him in his meditation. When
she acknowledged him again she told him that he committed the sin of
transgressing against a disciple of N?g?rjuna himself. When the paN chen
came to dbus he paid respect to ‘bri khung and his sin was purified.
Before his death in 1217 ‘bri khung pa said he would stay in the minds of his
disciples.
‘bri khung pa’s disciples
He had lots of disciple—a few dozen of them are given in a list here.
gnyos rgyal ba lha nang pa (rgyal ba lha nang pa) (1164-1224)
As a youth gnyos rgyal ba lha nang pa makes plans to go to India to learn to
be a translator. Before going he visits ‘bri khung pa who instead instructs him
to take monastic ordination. (It is not clear whether he ended up going to
India or not. This is the only occurance in this section of the Blue Annals in
which someone even talks about doing so, let along actually do it.) Later he
founds the monastery of lha thel rin chen –gling.
‘gar dam pa chos sdings pa (b 1180)
He comes to ‘bri khung and works as a sweeper, then a servant in the
mansion. While residing in a cave at dags po he is attacked by “all the gods
and demons of Tibet.” He is injured by the weapons they throw at him, but “at
day break, they grew tired, and took refuge in him, offering him the mantras of
their lives” {R 603}. Later he founded the monastery of rlung shod dar chos
sdings at ‘bri khung. But the congregation grew too large and he gave it up in
fear that it would come to rival ‘bri khung. Then in spo bo he lays the
foundation of phur dgon rin chen gling. Although he died shortly thereafter his
teachings was carried on through his nephew, u rgyan pa. He was
recognized to have been an incarnation of ?ryadeva.
dpal chen chos yes (nag tshang pa)
At the suggestion of the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri khung (although I’m not sure
exactly which one—is it ‘bri khung pa?) he practiced the Mantray?na (which
he had not practiced previously) and had great results. He composed several
??stras.
bal bu gong pa (ngor rje ras pa)
He went to the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri khung with the intention of testing him,
but on seeing his face, he was filled with faith and became his student. He
composed a ??stra called "The Heart of the Doctrine" (bstan pa'i snying po).
dbon sher 'byung (1187-1241)
His father was an incarnation of mar pa; he was an older brother of spyan
snga sgam po pa. He was a gifted youth and aspired to be a yogin, but
because of his faith in dpal ngang phu ba he took up ordination. ngang phu
ba recognized that he would become “a great leader of beings” {R 604}.
He served under 'jig rten mgon po, the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri khung, as
domestic attendant and memorized all that he heard. 'jig rten mgon po wanted
him to become abbot, but he declined in order to concentrate on meditation
instead. After 'jig rten mgon po’s death he took special care to build his caitya
and enshrine his relics.
He taught and bestowed initiations on a few kings. He met many pa??itas
from India. During a time when he was surrounded by hindrances like
sickness and feuds he realized Dependent Origination and recognized himself
as a Bodhisattva of the Tenth State.
Once he was received respectfully by sa skya paN chen kun dga' rgyal
mtshan.
He worked with the doctrine of dgongs gcig, but also wrote different texts “for
individuals of different grades” {R 606}.
He was taught the Doctrine of the Precious Lineage along with its special
interpretation by spyan snga. sgom pa wanted to make him abbot, but he
declined. It is said that, “Most of the disciples of the second half of his life,
originated from dags” {R 607}.
Before dying he vowed that in the future his body, speech and mind would be
united with those of 'jig rten mgon po.
disciples and disciples of disciples
Here are listed a few lesser disciples of 'jig rten mgon po although this is not
entirely clear with all of them. Notable is a siddha named gtsang zhig who,
because of his addiction to wine, a wine offering ceremony is performed every
year at his death. za ra ba was an incarnation of gtsang zhig, and it was said
that when the annual wine offering was made, za ra would become
intoxicated.
8.12 Abbatial lineage of Drigung.
abbots of ‘bri khung by the date of their ascendancy
1218:
1222-1234:
rdo rje
dbon rin p
1234:
spyan s
1255:
gcung r
1279-1286:
thog kha p
1286?:
mtshams
1286???)
1288?:
1293:
1315?:
chos kyi rgyal po (1335 , becomes abbot in 1352 ?)
drung bshes gnyen pa, dbang ba and chos rje drung chen
* With some of these abbots it is impossible to be certain when they took the
position. In some cases only the date of the death of the former abbot is
given. In some cases it says he “came to the monastery” but does not state
explicitly that he became abbot at that time.
rdo rje tshul khrims (1154-1221, becomes abbot around 1218)
Became abbot at the age of 64 at the time of the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri
khung’s death.
dbon rin po che (b 1187; abbot from 1222-1234)
Nephew of the Dharmasv?min of ‘bri khung and took precepts from him.
spyan snga (1175-1225; abbot in 1234)
Becomes abbot at the age of 60 and serves for 22 years.
gcung rin po che rdo rje grags pa (1211-1279, abbot in 1255)
Considered a manifestation of Tillipa. He becomes abbot at the age of 45.
thog kha pa rin chen seng ge (b 1227, abbot from 1279-1286)
Becomes abbot at the age of 53.
mtshams bcad pa grags pa bsod names (1240-1288; becomes abbot in
1285???)
It does not say whether or not he actually served as abbot or when. It says he
was 46 when thog kha pa died. It is probable that he became abbot at this
time, although it is not stated explicitly.
chos sgo ba rdo rje ye shes (1223-1293; becomes abbot in 1288???)
Same uncertainty with the last regarding when he became abbot.
rdor rin pa (1278-1315; becomes abbot in 1293)
Same uncertainty.
rdo rje rgyal po (1284-1391; becomes abbot in 1315 ?)
chos kyi rgyal po (1335 , becomes abbot in 1352 ?)
Had tsong kha pa as a disciple.
chos sgo
rdor rin
rdo rje rgy
The text is ambiguous here. Are we to take it that drung bshes gnyen pa,
dbang ba and chos rje drung chen were the next three abbots after chos kyi
rgyal po, or his disciples? My guess is that the former is the correct
interpretation.
8.13 Staglungpa together with his disciples.
stag lung thang pa bkra shis dpal (b 1142)
After trying to “enter religion” a few times but being stopped by his father, stag
lung thang pa ran away and was ordained at the age of 18 {R 612}. His father
is said to have been outraged by the fact that his son was ranked the lowest
(because he was the most recent ordinee) so the up?dhy?ya moved the boy
to the head of the first row, the position of highest respect. He made several
attempts to go to travel to India with different people, but in each case he fails
to meet up with the person. He was also followed by pursuers (sent by whom,
we do not know) who again and again bring him back.
One night in a dream he was embraced by a tall black woman who, after he
subdued her, prophesized that he was “blessed by thirteen gods” {R 612}. A
few more miracles and prophecies agree with this sentiment that he will be a
great man. Later he has a dream that he is climbing a ladder and as he is
about to reach the top a big white man takes his hand and says, “Unless I pull
you, you can’t reach!” Later, phag mo gru pa said that he was the white man
in stag lung pa’s dream {R 612}.
On another occasion he is almost carried away by the current as he is
crossing a river on a horse, but the horse is able to get a foot on dry ground
and bring them out.
stag lung pa at phag mo gru
Upon stag lung pa’s arrival at phag mo gru, phag mo gru pa declares that he
had been stag lung thang pa’s teacher in previous rebirths. On one occasion
phag mo gru pa tells him, "Precepts mean the worship of one's Teacher.
Hidden precepts mean one's individual experience" {R 613}. phag mo gru pa
also stresses to stag lung pa that he will need the doctrines he teaches and
phag mo gru pa takes to writing down all of what stag lung thang pa says.
There are a lot of intimate exchanges between the two, and phag mo gru pa
repeatedly stresses stag lung thang pa’s importance as his successor.
stays at other monasteries
stag lung thang pa visits a number of other monasteries, including klungs
shod, where he befriends some bka’ gdams pas who tell him to change his
hat, but he responds that he will use his hat as protection from robbers {R
614}.
Afte visiting a number of different places he goes to stag lung and founds a
hermitage and takes up residence, with his disciples numbering 18.
phag mo gru pa makes the prophecy that stag lung thang pa should go to the
North, perhaps khams, to a place to which he has a prior connection which is
filled with demons, and take control of the land. Some years later some
khampas come to invite him to khams. He begins in that direction but it is
unclear if he makes it that far or if how long he stays before returning.
the manner of his daily life
His daily life is described as very disciplined and austere. He ate little, and
was silent most of the time except when teaching. He was strict in following
the rules of the Vinaya and lived by an excellent example for others.
He is seen by the monks around him in a number of different visions. He is
seen as Avalokite?vara, as Vajrav?rah?, as phag mo gru pa, etc.
‘gos lo tsA ba himself gives the best summary of stag lung thang pa’s life: “He
was born in the year Water Male Dog (chu pho khyi 1142 A.D.). At the age of
18, he received ordination. At the age of 24, he proceeded to dbus and
attended for six years on ‘gro mgon (phag mo gru pa). At the age of 29, he
came to phong mdo and spent seven years at phong mdo, sa gle and thang
mgo. Then three years at se ba lung. Having come to stag lung in the year
Iron Mouse (Icags byi 1180 A.D.), he spent thirty years there, and gathered
there numerous monks. At the time of his death, there were more than 3,000
monks. He received numerous offerings of books, gold and silver” {R 620}.
1 The chronology here is difficult to make out. Either 'jam dbyangs don grub
‘od zer held the chair for 43 years or de bzhin gshegs pa, after returning from
the Imperial Court, held the chair for 43 years. The ambiguity results from it
being unclear who is the subject of the sentence, as occurs so often in
Tibetan literature. The Tibetan leads me to think that it was de bzhin gshegs
pa who held the chair for 43 years (instead of 'jam dbyangs don grub ‘od zer),
but in Roerich’s text it is much less obvious.
Overview of the Last Third of Book VIII: Book VIII is the longest book in the
Blue Annals, and also the most detailed. The detailed descriptions of the ‘brug
lineages suggest a familiarity that may not have been merely the result of
textual research on the part of Go Lotsawa. It seems on observation of the
lineage specifics included here that Go Lotsawa must have had personal
exposure to contemporary patriarchs of the the Drug (‘brug) and Yamzang
(yam zang) lineages. He includes contemporary details for both.
Book VIII includes only a few sections of analysis on Go Lotsawa’s part. The
bulk of his writing is concerned with tracing lineages and providing a skeleton
of a hagiography for each lineage patriarch. In the case of the patriarchs in
the last third of Book VIII, he provides anecdotes from the more lively
hagiographies. Women in this section are mentioned mostly in connection
with these patriarchs as mothers or consorts.
8.13 Staglungpa together with his disciples (Continued)
stag lung pa slob ma dang bcas pa’i skabs.
{R 621} This section takes up in the middle of Chapter 13, with the very end of
Taglung Thanpa’s life31. Taglungpa, founder of the Taglung Monastery, is
viewed retroactively by Go Lotsawa as the founder of the Taglung sect.
It is notable that, as with a number of other saints mentioned in the Blue
Annals, the heart, tongue and eyes of Taglungpa are recovered from his
cremation ashes unburnt. There are also relics in the ashes. Go Lotsawa is
careful to include these sorts of authenticating details for most major figures
that he describes in his history. Some specific types of authenticating details
include (1) premonitions by saints/lamas of a coming saint, (2) pregnancy and
birth signs, (3) performance of miracles, (4) indications of prescience and (5)
death signs.
8.13a rin chen mgon (1191-1236, stag lung pa’s disciple): An
Ecclesiastical Founder
{621} Rinchen Gon was important because he succeeded Taglungpa as
abbot of Taglung Monastery and moved or expanded it into a larger
institution.It explains in this section that Rinchen Gon (also known as sku yal
ba) was a nephew of Taglung Thanpa and belonged to the same clan. The
pattern of nephews taking up ordination, becoming disciples or inhereting
abbotship is common in this section of the Blue Annals.
The theme of tension between the monastery and the lay community (or more
broadly the theme of tension between self-control and human urges to
wildness) gets played out in the description of Rinchen Gon’s early life. Go
Lotsawa includes an account here of Taglungpa actually asking for his
nephew to be handed over to him before the child’s birth. If this account is
true, it reveals that patriarchs may have been hand-picking their nephews as
successors. We even see him coercing his parents to have the child ordained,
against the mother’s wishes. The child is eventually appropriated as
Taglungpa’s attendent for eight years. Once Rinchen Gon is ordained as a
novice, it appears he is a little wild. One day when he gallops his horse, the
father begs Taglungpa to control the boy. These details, while sparse, are
telling of the sorts of pressures bearing on the lay community to yield to
ecclesiastical demands, and also of the pressures bearing on individual young
monks during the course of their education to serve the monastery and
behave in accord with its expectations.
It is mentioned that Rinchen Gon is an emanation of Taglungpa’s teacher
Pagmo Drupa. This Mention of emanations is unusual for this section, as it
does not appear that the institution of reincarnating lamas was a characteristic
of the lesser Kagyu lineages at this time in history. Whether he was viewed as
an emanation retroactively, or whether this idea was alive in the popular
consciousness of the time would have to be investigated by looking at primary

31
I will be using phonetics, after mentioning once in Wiley, because I
personally find the Wiley transliterations disharmonious with the flow of
english prose. Furthermore, I agree with David Germany that the use of Wiley
is inconsiderate to readers who do not know Tibetan.
sources. One question begs for investigation: when did the concept of Tibetan
individuals appearing as emanations of previous Tibetan teachers really
begin?
The section on Rinchen Gon’s adult life reveals a patriarch preoccupied with
the expansion of monasticism and of the material wealth of his monastery. In
addition to constucting several stupas, he built a large monastery that
eventually housed 5000 monks. The wealth of this monastary is eloquently
described by Go Lotsawa. This kind of expansion and focus on consolidation
of wealth and lay patrons seems to be characteristic of this time. But there is
also a brief period where many of Rinchen Gon’s disciples leave him and the
great monstery falls into ruin. Once these great establishments were built, a
complex system of exchange, supply and patronage had to be created and
constantly maintained for them to stay in business. Again, we see the
potential here for tensions between the lay community and the monastery,
between patrons and patriarchs, between clans and ecclesiastical elites.
8.13b sangs rgyas yar byon (1203-1272, rin chen mgon’s disciple)
{627} Sangye Yarjon, the disciple of Rinchen Gon, was not a nephew but is
depicted as being drawn to religion because of his disposition. Nevertheless,
as with many lamas throughout this section, we see him manifest a strong
interest in succession. When his teacher Rinchen Gon passes away, he
makes a stūpa for his remains (we see this also with the previous patriarch).
The practice of enshrining remains is in itself seems very significant for
several reasons: (1) it reinforced the cult of the body that was moving to the
fore in the rennaissance time period, (2) it fortified the cult of charismatic
lineage holders –literaliy mumifying the lineage for posterity, (3) it created a
pilgrimmage site automatically, and (4) it provided yet another image that
needed daily (or at least frequent) up-keep, necessitating attention to the
lineage institution on a regular basis.
As monasteries became more rich and powerful in the 13th century,
maintaining harmonious ties to political leaders must have been a virtual
necessity. There is a remarkable account in this section of Sangye Yarjon
meeting with the King of his region (exactly who this royalty is would need
further investigation). There seems to be some kind of bitterness between the
two that is healed in this section. Sangye Yarjon then requests the King to
protect his monastery.
8.13c Maṅgala guru (1231-1297, disciple of sangs rgyas yar byon):
{R629} Maṅgala Guru is depicted here as the first of Taglungpa’s disciples to
fully focus on integrating scholarship and meditation. Perhaps a general
pattern can be gleaned from this. The fist two generations seemed concerned
with building monasteries, expanding material wealth and strengthening
political contacts. Now, in first half of the 13th century, for this lineage, there
was time to focus on education.
Mangala Guru was a nephew of Sangye Yarjon, and was clearly welleducated from a young age. We begin to see in Mangala Guru’s section the
expression of tension between meditation and scholarship that characterizes
much of Kagyu literary and practical expression. Sangye Yarjon instructs
Mangala Guru to stop studying and take up meditation in solitary retreat,
which he does for 16 years. Sangye Yarjon voices a typical Kagyu lineage
sentiment (that is nevertheless in constant conflict with the realities of
consolidation), “This Spiritual Lineage of ours is the Lineage of Meditative
Practice, therefore meditation (for us) is more important, (than study). Hold
meditation in high esteem and show diligence!” In this remark, we see the
emergence of what is to become both the Kagyu ideal and its main
cornerstone of self-critique.
Also notable is the types of transmissions that Mangala Guru is receiving. A
typical Kagyu pattern of instruction and practice is emerging: Empowerment,
reading transmission and instruction (especially in the Yogini Tantras, the Six
Yogas of Naropa and Mahāmudrā) followed by extensitive solitary retreat.
This template is repeated over and over throughout this section. These
transmissions are characteristic of what is defining lineage transmissions all
over Tibet at this time: (1) Yogini tantras (2) suble body yogas (3) mindinstruction (4) specific precepts from lineage lamas. These four literarypractice rubrics became the standard for any competitive sect.
The documentation of harmonious contact between the heirarchs of the minor
Kagyu lineages as they branch out seems to become important in these
biographical accounts. For example, Mangala Guru is seen here offering a
kata to Ling Ras pa, who returns the offer with food supplies. There seems to
be signs of cordiality between the Drug and Taglung branches, while there is
apparent tension between the Taglung and Drikung branches (at least one
mention of disharmony in these sections).
The abbot’s chair of Taglung passes from Mangala Guru to Pal Zangpo (dpal
bzang po). This brings up a very important point. Go Lotsawa is vitually
completely focused on WHO HOLDS THE CHAIR. It is the throne-holder of
the monastery who defines the lineage transmission for the Taglung section.
This is less apparent in the beginning of the Drugpa section. The
centralization of place—the association of lineages with fixed locations—
seems absolutely key to the consolidation of power and wealth occuring in
these monasteries in the 13th century. Furthermore, the concept of throneholder usurps the concept of the charismatic translator or siddha. We see the
beginnings of charismatic institutions.
There is also mention of the Emperor of China sending Mangala Guru gold.
The theme of contact with Chinese and Mongol Emperors continues
throughout this section intermittantly. Contact with China (and other distant
countries) could hypothetically be seen as an important form of religious
cache for this time period, and especially it seems for the Kagyu lineage that
had a stronghold in Eastern Tibet.
8.13d ratna guru (1288-1339, disciple of sangs rgyas dpal bzang)
{R 633} The first thing to notice about Ratna Guru is his name. Like Mangala
Guru, he takes on this Sanskrit-sounding name. And also like Mangala Guru,
he never went to India. As institutions and lineages become increasingly
defined and consolidated in the 13th century, the names of individuals take on
increasing significance. In some cases, the name itself acts as a form of
validation or authentication, even if that form is somewhat questionable. The
fact is that Ratna Guru sounds Indian, and that alone may have contributed to
the prestige of this lineage holder. Furthermore, we have successions of
names such as “dorje” for the Karmapas and also for the Drugpa lineage.
Go Lotsawa provides just a bare outline of Ratna Guru’s life. Why he sketches
some lineage holders and does portraits of others would be an interesting
topic for investigation. He mentions that Ratna Guru receives instruction from
two main teachers: Sangye Palzang and Kunpangpa (kun spangs pa)—
unless perhaps these are the same person?? As in other sections, there
seems to be specialists in the Kagyu lineage in three general areas: the area
of mother tantras such as Chakrasamvara, specialists in the Kalachakra and
specialists in the Six Yogas of Naropa (and Mahāmudrā). Ratna Guru, like
others of his time, received these various transmissions from different
specialists. This kind of specialization would have (as it still does)
necessitated cross-fertilization between institutions, thereby strengthening
economic and scholastic ties.
8.13e Ratnākara (1300-1361, disciple of Ratnaguru)
{R 634} Rantnakara (again a pseudo-Indian name) gets around. In his early
life, he receives transmissions at Sakya and Jomonang before traveling to
Taglung. The legacy of scholasticism has begun, along with an emergence of
intersectarian contact. The consolidation seems to have been happening
everywhere within this span of 100 years, and students such as Ratnakara
were the beneficiaries of these burgeoning institutions of higher learning. This
is evident from the fact that Ratnakara, unlike his predessors, taught more
than the lineage precepts: he taught the Tantra and Sūtra Pitakas more
generally. This kind of wide knowledge may have been expected of abbots of
these new monasteries early on, and eventually was probably transferred to
Khenpos acting as scholastic specialists (perhaps as tulku lineages were
gradually instated to fill the abbatial offices).
It mentions here that Ratnakara was the first abbot from Tibet. All the previous
abbots of Taglung were from Kham.
8.13f nam mkha' dpal bzang po (1333-1379, disciple of Ratnākara)
{R 635} It seems at this point, the nephew pattern is history. There seems to
be fluidity in the later stages of the succession of Taglung abbots. Namka
Palzangpo is depicted as feeling naturally drawn to the Dharma at a young
age. He acquires a number of monikers during his life (“He was also called
yon tan rgya mtsho, kun dag' bo and nam mkha' rin chen. ‘By the influence of
my former deeds, (my) names are numerous,’ said he.”). This multiplicity of
names is also notable: in general, it seems that during this time period the
more famous the individual, the more epithets he or she is likely to have (from
seeing patterns in the Blue Annals and on TBRC).
He is depicted as being extremely precocious and intelligent. He admitted that
he was an incarnation of the son of Yumo (founder of the Jonang sect).
Beginning with Namka Palzangpo’s predecessor and continuing with him, the
lineage teachings begin branching out to include teachings from other sects.
The Kalachakra lineage continues to be strong here, and the Path and Fruit
system appears. We also see mention for the first time of passing on
Mahāyāna classics such as the Bodhisattvacaryāvatāra.
Namka Palzangpo is an example, perhaps, of the type of refined scholastic
lineage-holder emerging during the early 14th century. This type of individual,
a product of a vigorous scholastic environment, came from humble roots and
rose to power based on his own efforts and intelligence. The system
apparently yielded strong intellectual contenders for abbatial chairs in the 14th
century. But in the Kagyu lineage, this was not enough to make a person a
contender: one also must meditate in solitude extensively (as Palzangpo did)
and have visions (also mentioned here).
Go Lotsawa states that he finds an inconsistency of dates for the death of
Palzanpo. One unnamed source gives the date of his passing away as 1379.
Palzangpo’s rnam thar, however, gives the date of this passing away as 1382.
Go Lotsawa is unable to resolve the discrepency, but his inclusion of these
references shows the reader that he is troubled by it. Throughout, Go Lotsawa
shows the concern of an investigative historian with accuracy of dates, times
and places. If his history is representative of his time, the 14th century may
have seen a general emergence of historical self-consciousness. With
institutions came libraries and scribes. As more was written down, there
seems to have been a tightening of literary style—a style that included details
such as place names, dates, parents names and so forth. It is interesting,
though, that Palzangpo died very close to Go Lotsawa’s birth: they were only
one generation apart. This suggests that even in the 14th century, authors
continued to make up dates when they were unsure.
8.13g bkra shis dpal brtsegs (1359-1424, disciple of Palzangpo)
{R 638} Trashi Paltseg’s education is representative of a trend in the
education for heirarchs starting around the 14th century and continuing until
the present: he starts his education very young and takes novice vows when
young. By the time he is 18, he is installed as abbot of Taglung. The
advantages of starting education young for the heads of institutions almost
needs no mention: the more years in office, the greater the stability of the
institution and so forth.
As the lineage is passed on, it gathers literary steam so to speak. The
principal tantra transmissions continue to be Hevajra, Chakrasamvara and
Kalachakra. But Trashi Paltseg apparently had an intersest in Guhyasamāja,
as we see this transmission appearing in his generation. Trashi Paltseg also
receives teaching on lam ‘bras and the system of Niguma. It seems as if the
13th century may have been a time of intersectarian sharing of tantric
transmissions. For their lineages to compete with contemporary neighbors,
heirarchs such as Trashi Paltseg may have intentionally absorbed the
doctrines and tantras practiced by neighboring monasteries. The exchange of
empowerments and transmissions that such absorbtion would necessitate
would have strengthened diplomatic ties with other monasteries and lineages.
The late 14th century must have been a time of political unrest. This section
mentions that sometime around 1380, “ the revolt of the Phagmo Drupas took
place”. During this time (apparently due to the revolt?), he made offerings and
admonitions, and acted as a mediator. What was this revolt about and where
did it take place? It would have been somewhere in Central Tibet
Soon after:
During that time jong ji bsod nams rin chen of 'bri khung waged war in
rong po. He attempted to mediate in the case of the reimbursement of
the exhorbitant fine (which had been imposed), but jong ji did not listen
(to him) {R 641}.
It seems like Trashi Paltseg was trying to be something of a mediator, with
dubious success. Was jong ji associated with the monastery of Drikung, or
was he a clan leader? These seem like important questions. In any case, elite
religious figures of the 14th century were called on to mediate actively in
political disputes.
Trashi Paltseg travelled around a lot: He travels around Central Tibet, Tsang,
Lhasa, Gampo, Zang Lung, Upper Kham, the Northern Regions, and
Chimphu, to name only a few places mentioned. These travels seems to have
the function of pilgrimmage (he is described as making offerings to the Jowo
and other holy objects), missionary work (“to spread the doctrine”. He also
performs miracles in some of these locations, consecrating them and
attracting followers), education (he receives specific transmissions from
specialists) and general networking (he mediates disputes and makes friends
who he invites home—he is also invited by them to various locales). With the
advent of established institutions, it can be imagined that the 14th century was
a time of leisure for abbots. They had the time to go out on missions to attract
followers and promote their lineage.
There is an interesting passage telling of how Trashi Paltseg talked the
natives of Menzang out of cremating people alive. Because the story is so
close to Go Lotsawa’s lifetime, and because it is so gruesome, I find it
plausible that this really may have gone on in far Eastern Tibet. The more
remote Tibetan areas such as Menzang may indeed still have been
untouched by some of the normative Buddhist decrees as late as the 14th
century.
Trashi Paltseg himself installs the successor to Chenga Rinpoche (spyan
snga rin po che), the abbot of Pagmodru Monastery. It is not clear to me
where in the succession Chenga Rinpoche comes. This must have been an
important event, however, because Go Lotsawa spends a page on it. In fact,
Go Lotsawa includes remarkable detail on Trashi Paltseg’s life, and his
section is one of the longest in Book VIII.
8.13h byang chub rgya mtsho and the Remaining Taglung
Patriarchs
{R 647} During the time of the remaining successors Changchub Gyatso
(1403-1448), Tashi Palopa (bkra shis dpal 'od pa, 1408-1460), Nagwang
Dragpa (nag dbang grags pa dpal bzang po, born 1418), and Tashi Palwa
(bkra shis dpal ba, born 1461), the material wealth of Taglung increased. Go
Lotsawa only provides a bare outline of the lives of these remaining
patriarchs. Unlike most of the previous patriarchs, Nagwang Dragpa
abdicated in order to enter retreat. Go Lotsawa says he is still living at the
time of writing the Blue Annals.
8.13l General Remarks on Monastic History
{R 648} This section is a compelling but extremely general overview of the
monastic climate in Tibet in the years preceeding the Renaissance period. Go
Lotsawa paints a picture of chaos reigning in Central Tibet after Lang Darma’s
rule, followed by a period of revival:
...for more than seventy years, the natives of dbUs and gtsang fought
one another, and monastic communities were not to be found
anywhere. Then by the grace of bla chen po and the ‘Six or Ten Men of
dbUs and gtsang’, the number of monastic communities greatly
increased {R 649}.
But things were by no means harmonious, even after the budding revival:
But during the period of civil wars between the various monasteries,
and in later times when the Mongol troops reached rwa sgreng, about
500 monks were killed. At rgyal about a hundred men, and horses were
killed. Many similar upheavals took place. Later, by the grace of the
Teacher ‘phags pa, the sa skya pas, acted as overlords of dbUs,
gtsang and khams. But later, because of internal feuds among their
descendants, their Doctrine did not last for more than 75 years.
Then again the disciples of the Master dags po and their disciples have
each of them founded great monasteries. At gdan sa thel after the
death of 'gro ba'i mgon po (phag mo gru pa) for a long time there was
no abbot, and disorganization set in. In this country of Tibet, 'bri khung
thel is the greatest of the monastic congregations founded in one
place. Later, the sa skya pas burnt down the monastery. The vihāra
itself and all the holy objects perished in the fire, and there was much
hardship.
The most frustrating aspect of this description is Go Lotsawa’s lack of
specificity here—what are the dates? The chaos at Pagmodru Monastery
must have been in the late 12th and early 13th century. He mentions the
burning of Drikung. What were the events surrounding that? It is also
interesting that Go Lotsawa valorizes Drikung as the greatest monastic
institution in Tibet. Yet he does the same with Taglung Monastery in the
following section.
8.13m stag lung monastery
{R 649} According to Go Lotsawa, Taglung monastary escaped the looting of
Mongol troops, and in this section he declares the monastery unsurpassed by
others because:
...the strict rule that women should not dare to look in the direction of
the monastery, and the continuance of the practice of religion have not
deteriorated...One should know that this is due to the blessing of
siddhas, who had appeared among its teachers. I believe these
teachers were experts in the performance of auspicious ceremonies,
and therefore the monastery enjoyed a long existence {R 650}.
The tendency to represent women as threatening to the flourishing of
monasticism is one that reoccurs later in this section. It is also interesting that
Go Lotsawa links the longevity of the monastery to the ritual skill of Taglung
patriarchs. In fact, his point is convincing. Tantric ritual, with its highly
performative mood, must have been a primary factor in gathering patrons and
in linking the community to the monastery.
It appears that the Taglungpas and the Drikungpas may actually have met on
the battlefield, for reasons left unclear: “Later, when the 'bri khung pas
mustered a host composed of the subjects of both the king and the
monastery, and filled with it the great plain of rtses thang, they were utterly
routed by a hundred stag lung pas” {R 650}. Was this a territorial battle? This
explains some of the references to tension between these sects mentioned
earlier in the chapter.
8.13n sangs rgyas dbon (1251-1296, disciple of sangs rgyas yar
byon)
{R 650} Sangye Won is important because he founded Riwoche monastery in
Kham which until 1959 was a major center of Kagyu activity. This appears to
be the reason that Go Lotsawa includes his section independently. He was
considered to be an emanation of Gampopa.
From an early age, he displayed miracles. The inclusion in hagiography of
specific miracles performed in childhood and adulthood seems to have
become, by Go Lotsawa’s time, absolutely essential as an authenticating
rubric for lineage masters.
Sangye Won acted as abbot of Taglung for only one year. There seems to
have been some controversy over the abbotship, but the details are obscure.
As in other places, Go Lotsawa seems to gloss over disagreements and
disharmonies in these monastic communities. In any case, Sangye Won was
disgruntled enough to pack up the dried feces of Taglungpa to take with him,
as well as Milarepa’s staff and ladle, and other holy objects. He took these to
Kham, where he founded Riwoche. Go Lotsawa calls it “the greatest
monastery in Kham” {R 652}.
8.13n do pa dar ma shes rab (1228-1311, disciple of sangs rgyas
yar byon)
{R 652} This is a short section. The most significant details are as follows:
Dopa Darma Sherab founded Kong Gon (skong dgon). He had little faith in
Mangala Guru, the abbot of Taglung Monastery. Instead, he placed his faith in
Sangye Won, abbot of Riwoche. Hence, there seems to have been a schism
betwen these two patriarchs—Mangala Guru and Sangye Won. It is added
that, “Later he used to say that Maṅgala guru was also a siddha, and made
extensive offerings to him.” One has to wonder if details such as this were
added in retrospect to patch up a history of animosity between the Kagyu
lineages.
8.14 Yamzangpa [Kagyu].
g.yam bzang pa’i skabs.
Chandra 570; Chengdu 766; Roerich 652.
The section on the Yamzang Kagyu focuses on Zawara (zwa ra ba, died
1207) and his student Yamzangpa (gyam bzang chos rje, 1169-1233). The
former is the founder of zwa ra monastery, and the latter of gyam bzangs
monastery. One notable detail is that Yamzangpa is considered an emanation
of Songtsen Gampo. The hearkening back to the age of the royal yarlung
dynasty for validation is interesting, considering it is fairly rare in this climate
of the “modern” lineages. Go Lotsawa also includes a fairly skeletal but very
complete (in terms of names and dates) account of their successors.
8.15 Dharma lord Tsangpa [Gyare] together with his great sons
and abbatial lineage.
chos rje gtsang pa bu chen gdan rabs dang bcas pa’i skabs.
Chandra 575; Chengdu 773; Roerich 659.
8.15a gling ras pa (1128-1188, disciple of pag mo gru pa)
Ling Repa (1128-1188) is an important figure because of the position he
occupies in the lineage as the teacher of Tsangpa Gyare (gtsang pa rgyas
ras), because of his rank as a disciple of Pagmo Drupa, and because his
biography has given him somewhat of a legendary status.
Ling Repa holds the dubiously priveleged position of being one of the very few
lineage holders in the generations after Pagmo Drupa, of course known for his
insistence on monastic discipline for serious disciples, who was a quasi-monk.
Because of this lay-noteriety, he remains one of the more interesting figures in
the Drug lineage, and ironically one of the most beloved. I would speculate
that, along with figures such as Milarepa and Padmasambhava, he bridged a
gap in the religious community’s imagination between the rigid order of
monastic life and the human urges of Tibetan monks and laypeople alike.
He also lent to the Drug lineage something of a siddha-aura. Ling Repa, like
the siddhas of old, had consorts, sang songs (mgur) and balanced his
mediation with worldly matters. It is perhaps partly because of this siddhapersona that he became so revered by the lineage. His life acted as an
inspiration for those teachers of the Drug lineage (and there were a number)
who would choose not to keep a vow of celibacy.
Ling Repa, born Pema Dorje, was the son of a Tantrika doctor and astrologer.
He studied medicine as a child. At the age of 17, he took novice vows. (It
would be interesting to investigate the number of major religious figures in a
given lineage that started out as doctors, or for that matter to investigate the
tradition of lay doctors and religious practice in Tibetan communities.). He
later took up final ordination and studied the Kalachakra, Yamantaka,
Saṃvara and Vajravarahi cycles under Ra Lotsawa (rwa lo tsa ba). Ra
Lotsawa (1016-1198), according to TBRC, was the translator of a number of
important Yamantaka texts. He studied under Dīpaṃkara in India, and later
became known for propagating the “rwa transmission”. He did not compose
any texts of his own.
One day, while on a begging round, Ling Repa met a woman named Menmo
(sman mo). As Go Lotsawa puts it Menmo “seduced” him, and Ling Repa—
due to a karmic debt—was powerless to resist. The couple soon married and
sought out the precepts of Rechungpa. After receiving these precepts, they
dawned cotton robes.
The couple then travel to Loro, where they meet Sumpa Repa (Rechungpa’s
disciple) who gives them precepts. He stays with Sumpa for about 2 years.
During this time, he has a dream-premonition promising success in practice.
Dream-premonitions preceding enlightenment/accomplishment/realization are
a very common theme in Kagyu biographies.
In 1165, Ling Repa travels to Pagmodru Monastery and meets Pagmo Drupa.
He has immediate faith in his teacher. Another common theme in Kagyu
biography: the moment of the first meeting of disciple and teacher is often
described in experiential terms. The motif reflects the self-expressed definition
of the Kagyu as a “lineage of devotion”, in which the key relationship is that
between teacher and disciple. In Kagyu sources, this relationship takes on
such an exhalted status that maintaining pure view (dak snang) towards the
lama becomes the principle path to enlightenment. The moment of the first
meeting of student and teacher is therefore often highlighted in biographical
sources.
Despite Pagmo Drupa’s general dislike of married yogins, he takes a shine to
Ling Repa and teaches him. Eventually, he advises him to send Menmo
away, which he does. But he soon is involved with another consort, a woman
from Zangri. He eventually tries to leave her behind as well, but she tries to
follow him and dies on the way. She then becomes a spirit of a forest.
The depiction of Ling Repa’s relationship with women is more revealing about
the lineage stance on the female gender than it is of Ling Repa’s personal
struggles. Ling Repa seems to be pulled against his will into his relationship
with Menmo originally—it is just an unfortunate karmic turn of events. Then
once he is in a relationship, the consorts either cling to him or follow him (as
much as he tries to shake them). This presentation is, of course, rather
suspect. The message conveyed to the monastic reader is that women are
trouble, and ending up with one can only be a sign of one’s previous karmic
sins. They are temptresses who later become burdens to the yogi.
The transformation of the woman from Zangri into a forest spirit is also
interesting. Women are often, in many cultures, associated with nature, with
procreation, with the wilderness. In Tibetan culture, this female archtype is
embodied by the popular diety green Tara, who is surrounded by flowers and
trees in most depictions. A symbolic reading might see Zangri as representing
wildness—in both its literal and dispositional sense. Taking this reading
further, we might see the women in Ling Repa’s stories as representative of
the wild side of his own nature, the side that the institution tries but does not
totally succeed in taming.
After Pagmo Drupa’s death, Ling Repa travels extensively in Central Tibet. He
mediates in a dispute at the request of Lama Zhang, stopping the advance of
troops.
Inspired by the vision of a blue woman, Ling Repa composes some
expostions of Tantra. Go Lotsawa mentions that Ling Repa is accused of
making these up himself (without divine inspiration). Vision-inspired texts
seem to be common in Kagyu lineages (as opposed to the terma-style
discoveries of Nyingma lineages), and the proof of authenticity therefore
rested solely with belief in the report of the visionary.
Ling Repa composed about 10 texts, including a number of songs that later
would become very well known among all Kagyu lineages. Ling Repa actually
studied Doha under spar phu ba, and wrote a commentary on Doha.
Go Lotsawa mentions that Ling Repa “took over the monastery of sna phur
dgon”, however TBRC says that Ling Repa founded Naphu Monastery. It
seems more likely to me that Naphu was a retreat place of some sort, and
that Ling Repa made it into a religious community.
Ling Repa’s death is catalyzed by meeting two men with broken Tantric vows.
This encounter causes his teeth to contract, and he dies. The drawing of
connections between karmic deeds and severe illness and death is another
motif seen throughout the Blue Annals. It is motif that continues in popular
culture in Tibet to this day.
8.15b gtsang pa ye shes rdo rje (1161-1211, gling ras pa’s
disciple)
{R664} Tsangpa Gyare accomplished quite a remarkable amount of work in
his 51 years of life. By Go Lotsawa’s and present accounts, he is considered
the founder of the Drukpa Kagyu sect. He had many disciples, including the
Gotsangpa and Lorepa, who were seen retrospectively as founders of the
Upper and Lower Drug lineages. He was a prolific composer: he composed
23 books at least.
Tsangpa Gyare was handed over at a young age to a “bonpo” who raised
him. He began scholastic training at the age of 12. By the time he was 22, he
had been installed as the resident scholar at a local monastery. Soon after
that, he met Ling Repa when the latter was residing at Ralung. His faith
awakened, the young Tsangpa followed Ling Repa to his monastery Naphu to
receive precepts. He quickly developed the ability (through tummo) to wear
only a cotton garment. He fell ill for a long time with small pox, and recovered.
An incident is related where Tsangpa tries to get out of construction work, but
is eventually compelled to help with the building of a temple commissioned by
Ling Repa. This account is reminiscent of Milarepa’s biography a bit.
An incident is related of Tsangpa’s defeating one of his teachers in debate. As
a major figure in the Drugpa tradition, it is understandable how his biography
could be constructed to contain certain elements that would be valued in a
Kagyu context. He pleases the lama through his physical labor and his
scholarship. He is victorious in debate. And then, he goes off to meditate.
After acheiving signs of success, his teacher says to him "The Venerable Mid
la had also experienced it! It is very wonderful!" As a lineage founder,
Tsangpa’s life is constructed to embody the meditation of Milarepa, and the
scholarly accuity of Naropa (of whom he was considered an emanation).
Ling Repa instructs Tsangpa to take over his monastery of Naphu, and also
gives him permission to engage in the practice of skillful means. He sends
Tsangpa to a woman for this practice, who advises him to become a monk.
This exchange is cryptic and strikes me as very odd, and I would like to look it
up in Tsangpa’s biography. However, a constructivist’s reading of the passage
might yield an interpretation that the woman is acting as the Drugpa lineage’s
conscience. She suggests implicitly to Tsangpa that monasticism is more
important than practice with a consort: celibacy is more noble than the path of
skillful means. She is the harbinger of the ecclesiastical message. Her
positive role in this biography mirrors the blue woman’s muse-like role in Ling
Repa’s biography. In general, there is ambivalence towards women
expressed in the genre of Tibetan biography: on the one hand the female
gender is a threat to monasticism, on the other the female gender is painted
as a source of literary inspiration and sometimes as a catalyst for renunciation
as we see in the case of Tsangpa’s encounter with his potential consort.
Tsangpa then enters a period of retreat. He encounters many obstacles while
in retreat but eventually overcomes them. He then discovers terma there left
by Rechungpa. This discovery of terma must have tremendously increased
his prestige, expecially considering that terma discovery in this lineage is rare.
At the age of 33,
equivocation. His
finally talks him
compassion, and
he finally takes monastic ordination after a long period of
teacher, after all, was not a monk. It is Lama Zhang that
into it. He also mentions having trouble developing
searches for the right instruction. The impression that I
develop reading his biography is that Tsangpa was searching for the most
appropriate way to transmit his teacher’s legacy.
He finally founds the monasty of Drug (that eventually becomes a main
monastic center for the Drugpa Kagyu lineage), but disperses his followers.
According to Go Lotsawa, his disciples and their followers spread quickly
throughout Tibet. Was this because Tsangpa emphasized the peripatetic life,
because he encouraged his students to become missionaries or were there
irreconcilable disputes among his students? This question begs investigation.
It is also mentinoed by Go Lotsawa that followers of the Drugpa lineage were
encouraged to be hermits, not to participate in debates and did not discuss
the tenets of various sects. In other words, the Drugpa is a lineage claiming to
value meditative experience over sholarship. The constant tension between
the ideals of scholarship and meditation, however, is a theme in these
biographies from the beginning.
Again, as in so many other instances in the Blue Annals, we see disciples
catagorized by numbers. Tsangpa’s chief disciples are the "first two great
ones"--spa and rkyang, the "middle two great ones"--rgya and 'bras, and the
"last two great ones"--lo and rgod (tshang pa). The systematizing of disciples
by number is a powerful mnemonic rubric, that also gives an aura of “meant to
be-ness” to the early founders of Tsangpa’s branch lineages.
8.14c spa ri ba and 8.14d rkyang mo kha pa (the “first two great
ones”)
{R 670} Go Lotsawa admits having little material to draw from with respect the
Tsangpa’s first four disciples. Prariba founded the monastery of Upper spa ri
byang chub gling. Kyangmo Khapa founded a monstery called rkyang mo kha
at bur.
8.14e rgya yags pa and 8.14f 'bras mo pa (the “middle two great
ones”)
Gyayagpa founded the monastery of rgya yags at zar po of gra, and laboured
for the welfare of others. (His school) was called rgya yags bka' brgyud. Go
Lotsawa can provide no details of Dremopa, except that he was named after a
monstery in Upper myang.
8.14g Other disciples of gtsang pa rgya ras
{R 671} In this section, Go Lotsawa describes a lineage of nephews beginning
with Tsangpa’s nephew dbon ras dar ma seng ge. It is, I think, significant to
note that nephews throughout Book VIII are rarely the most interesting and
charismatic figures of lineages. It is usually independent disciples coming
from obscure backgrounds that become major personalities, whose
biographies become the classics of the lineage. The reason for this is easy to
discern: nephews inherited their position by virtue of relationship, whereas
independent disciples earned their position through accuity, natural charisma,
determination and/or intelligence.
It appears that the nephew pattern continues for three generation. The later
successors are not mentioned as being nephews, so perhaps this pattern
does not continue for longer than the first few generations after Tsangpa
Gyare.
There seems to be a close relationship between the monasteries of Drug and
Gampo (Gampopa’s seat). It is mentioned that Tsangpa Gyare resided at
Gampo. Some of the later abbots of Drug also acted as abbots of Gampo.
8.16 Lower Drukpa [Kagyu].
smad ‘brug gi skabs.
Chandra 587; Chengdu 788; Roerich 672.
8.16a lo ras pa (1187-1250, gtsang pa rgya ras’ disciple)
Lorepa was considered retrospectively to be the founder of the Lower Drug
lineage. Perhpas even more significant, he was the first individual from the
Drug lineage to travel to Bhutan, and teach there.
Lorepa spent the early part of his life near and around Drug monastery. He
had a strong penchant for the practice of tummo and austerities in general. He
was known for wearing only a single cotton robe. He took monastic ordination
as a young adult, and spent a good part of his adult life wandering from cave
to cave meditating in the spirit of Milarepa. He also founded a number of small
hermitages, and the monastery of dkar po chos lung. In Bhutan, he founded
the monastery of Tharpaling. He died in Lhodrag at the age of 64.
Go Lotsawa clearly admires Lorepa, saying of him: “Thus, this holy personage
had no one to match him in the distribution of alms, in detachment from
worldly matters, in diligence, in meditation, in scholarly knowledge, and in his
labours full of compassion for the benefit of others.” He seems to a have been
a person dedicated to supporting religious practitioners largely outside
monastic centers. Yet he also founded two monasteries. It would be
interesting to investigate further the discrepency between his commitment to
seclusion (and supporting hermits) and his commitment to creating religious
communities.
He passes the responsibility of caring for his monastery (of Karpo Cholung?)
to his nephew tsa ri ba.
8.16b ‘jam dbyangs mgon po (born 1208)
{R 677} Jamyang Gonpo is the only disciple of Lorepa that Go Lotsawa
profiles. He seems to be important because he composed prolifically
(although I am unable to find any listings of his texts on TBRC) and introduced
a number of transmissions into the lower Drug, such as the oral tradition of
Rechungpa. He also founded the monastery of Kuru Lung.
Go Lotsawa mentions at the end of this section that Lorepa’s lineage was
known as Lower Drug and Gotsangpa’s lineage was known as Upper Drug.
He continues, “all the other branches of the 'brug pa sect seem to {R 678}
have merged in these two.” A question to investigate is whether Lorepa’s
legacy flourished mostly in Bhutan, whereas Gotsangpa’s lineage became
associated with Tibet—or whether these lineages became equally active in
both countries.
8.17 Gotsangpa together with his great sons.
rgod tshang pa bu chen dang bcas pa’i skabs.
Chandra 593; Chengdu 796; Roerich 680.
Go Lotsawa spends a lot of time on Gotsangpa. This may well be because
Gotsangpa and his disciples were preoccupied with identity construction and
preservation through biography and autobiogrpahy. Gotsangpa himself wrote
two autobiographies and his disciple Rinchen Pal wrote a biography of
Gotsangpa. In Addition, Gotsangpa himself was incredibly prolific—in fact he
composed more texts than any Drugpa lineage holder covered so far in the
Blue Annals. A collection of 5 large volumes a holds his compositions. These
compositions reveal an individual who was preoccupied with creating a corpus
of literature and commentaries directly related to lineage teachings, in
particular the teachings on Mahāmudrā. His writings reveal a concern for
preservation of detail, right down to the details of his own personal meditative
experiences and historical details about his predecessors. Gotsangpa is the
first Drugpa patriarch who seems to have considered himself just that.
The reason for his legendary status is partially revealed in some of the details
present in the Blue Annals. Gotsangpa was a poet musician at heart. Early in
his life, he had a pleasant singing voice and became renowned for his
performances. He also composed songs (mgur) that are responsible for much
of his popular appeal even today. His autobiographies are told in a lively voice
with eloquence that is vivid, but not polished.
In fact, when Gotsangpa first hears the name of his teacher, it is through a
song sung by travelling bards. In true Kagyu fashion, he develops faith
through the mere mention of the name and he goes to Ralung to meet
Tsangpa Gyare and receive ordination. He is given the name Gonpo Dorje. It
is noteworthy that very many of the lineage masters of the “minor” Kagyu
lineages have two names (well, at least). One is the ordination name (such
as Gonpo Dorje) and the other is a nickname related to place (like
Gotsangpa).
Gotsangpa travelled widely, mostly to meditate (or so Go Lotsawa tells us).
He went to Kashmir, Kailash, and the Lower Kangra valley. It is briefly
mentioned in this section that Gotsanpa had a consort.
The details of Gotsangpa’s biography included by Go Lotsawa are mostly
anecdotes of his travels and frequent retreats. Like many biographical
anecdotes in the lives of saints, these details demonstrate the increasing
mental concentration and powers of the protagonist that are catalyzed by
events, culminating in a final noetic realization. At one point, he encounters a
woman who tells him that staying in seclusion is more profitable than working
in the world to benefit others (here the woman taking the dakini-role it seems).
He follows her advice and meditates at rgod tshang, the place that gave him
his nickname. He only spent seven years at rgod tshang—why was this place
importantant enough in his life to give him that name?
Gotsangpa was famous for waking every morning and saying, “It was good
that I did not die yesterday. Today I shall attain spiritual realization!” Go
Lotsawa includes this detail.
Another Dakini figure appears: “He used to relate that, while he was residing
at Śrī ri (near shel dkar in gtsang), he saw a red woman placing a book into
his mouth, and that after that there did not exist a single doctrine translated
into Tibetan, which he did not understand” {R 686}. This story is virtually
identical to Ling Repa’s account of meeting the blue woman. The importance
of the appearance of these muse-like females in biographical accounts should
not, I think, be underestimated. It is evidence of the continued associastion of
wisdom with the female gender (prajñāpāramitā) morphing into unique
Tibetan interpretations.
In his later life he founded numerous monasteries, such as steng gro, spung
dra, byang gling, bde chen steng, bar 'brog rdo rje gling, and others. These
“monasteries” where perhaps nothing more than hermitages, since I could find
no evidence for their continued existence. It needs to be looked into.
Overall, Gotsangpa was an example of a scholar-recluse who also managed
to gather numerous disciples, and write a lot of books. He admonished his
followers to spend their lives as hermits, and recommended that they each
spend at least one year meditating in solitude. He also specified that no
images of him should be erected after his death (an admonishment ignored by
Urgyenpa who declared he was absent when the statement was made by the
lama so it did not apply to him). For a founder then, like Lorepa, he seems to
have felt ambilvelent about institutions. He founded commutities, but was
peripatetic himself. He left a literary and institutional legacy, but encouraged
his students to withdraw from scholarship and communal life.
8.17a rgod tshang pa’s Disciples
{R 686} Gotsangpa had many students including “yang dgon pa, the
mahāsiddha u rgyan pa, byang gling pa, the Dharmasvāmin Ne rings pa, phu
ri ba, the incomparable ba ri spyil dkar ba, the Lord ma bdun pa, zhi byed
mgon po, sangs rgyas khrom ras, dpal skyer shing ras pa, Śākya ras pa, 'dar
ras, and others.” The most important were Yang Gonpa and Urgyenpa.
8.18 Upper Drukpa [Kagyu].
stod ‘brug gi skabs.
Chandra 600; Chengdu 806; Roerich 688.
8.18a rgyal ba yang dgon pa (1213-1258)
Yang Gonpa is the first of the Drug patriarchs to come out the womb talking,
and generally displaying the improbable behavior of an incarnation from the
get-go. Perhaps this is an indication that by the 13th century, lineage
construction was tending towards the institution of tulkus. Perhaps the reason
is connected to the lack of recorded material avaliable for this individual
(hence his life may have seemed a clean slate for elaboration by later
biographers). Perhaps the fact that he was something of a child prodigy
inspired eleboration. The reasons some biographical accounts wax far into the
territory of hagiography and others do not would be a fascinating topic of
study.
In any case, he was recognized early on as special by several prominent
lamas and was installed as abbot of Lhagon at the age of 9, and bestowed
teachings from that age. He took monastic ordination at the age of 22. From
this point on in the Drug lineage, the principal heirarchs are mostly monastic
and the mention of consorts seems to disapear from the literature (although in
reality, it must be questioned how much that practiced ever really
disappeared. In many monasteries today, the ostensibly celibate heads of
monasteries continue to have secret consorts in Kagyu lineages).
8.18b spyan snga rin chen ldan (born 1202, rgyal ba yang dgon
pa’s Disciple)
{R 691} Chenga Rinchen Den was the first disciple in this lineage to be older
than his teacher. He was the attendent of Yang Gonpa for 35 years. The
theme of attendent-disciples is very prevalent throughout the Chapter VIII.
This sort of pattern must have become normative as lineages consolidated
into institutions and as abbatial offices became the standard. Every abbot
needs an attendent, and every monastery needs a cook. Hence, it is not
surprising to see these servants becoming the inheretors of lineage precepts.
There is also the value in Kagyu lineage sources of “close” devotion to a
teacher—serving their worldly needs in exchange for teachings, as Milarepa
served Marpa.
The rest of this section on the Upper Drug is devoted to accounts of the lives
of several generations of heirarchs. The most notable themes are continued
emphasis in this lineage on (1) composition, (2) solitary retreat, (3) acquisition
of texts from an increasingly wide literary circle (including some Nyingma
doctrines for instance) and (4) monasticism. However, there is little emphasis
in this lineage on abbatial successions or the maintenence of big monasteries.
The upper Drug lineage until the 14th century survived in small monastic
hermitages and communities. Many of its heirarchs were peripatetic, and lived
in a number of Kagyu centers.
8.19 The great siddha [Orgyanpa Rinchenpal] together with his
students.
grub chen pa slob brgyud dang bcas pa’i skabs.
Chandra 608; Chengdu 816; Roerich 696.
Urgyenpa’s fame seems to derive from a number of factors: (1) his
composition and propogation of u rgyan bsnyen sgrub, (2) his synthesis of the
Karma Kagyu and Drugpa lineages (his main teachers were Karma Pakshi
and Gotsangpa and (3) the biographical account of his life which is full of
colorful tales of travel and miracles. He was an eccumenical scholar who
propogated the teachings of Kalachakra, the Drug cycle, Mahāmudrā lineages
and the Karma Kagyu cycle. He travelled to Kashmir, Afganistan, India, China
and Mongolia.
This brings up the point of the tremendous esteem that travel lent to lineage
holders. Every country travelled to lent an aura of cultural cache to a lineage
holder, a kind of exotica-factor that seems to have stuck to that persona over
generations.
After a generation, Phagchog Sonam Pal founded a center for Urgyenpa’s
disciples called the hemitage of chos sdings. There is a short abbatial lineage
associated with this seat mentioned by Go Lotsawa here.
It is notable that Go Lotsawa does not classify Urgyenpa’s lineage under
“Upper Drug” even though Urgyenpa is one of Gotsangpa’s students. Instead,
classifies its as “Drug”, and mentions that Urgyenpa brought together “the two
branches of the principle precepts of the Drug cycle” {R 702}. This statement
is compelling, although it remains unclear to me what is meant by it in context.
The outline provided by Curtis Sheaffer is confused here. He places the
heading “General Chapter on the Drugpa” here, but it should come at the
beginning of this whole section, many pages ago.
8.20 Trophupa [Kagyu]
khro phu pa’i skabs.
Chandra 616; Chengdu 825; Roerich 705.
8.20a rgyal tsha (1118-1195, phag mo gru pa’s disciple)- 8.20c
khro phu lo tsa ba (1173-1225)
The Trophupa line comes through rgyal tsha, a chief disciple of Pagmo Drupa.
Gyaltsa, like so many others in this lineage, is pressured by his father to take
a bride but shows a preference for monastic life. This reoccuring motif is so
common that I am tempted to read it as a template formula. Tibetan biography
is one of the few literary genres with the status of “recreational reading”.
Biographies were probably amoung the first materials read by young children
and teenagers when they first learned to read. These books would certainly
have found their way into many a lay home. So the anecdotes presented in
these books may have acted as inspiration for some young people. The
message is “look—you should resist marriage just like Gyaltsa did”.
Trophu Lotsawa is one generation removed from Gyaltsa. He is important as
one of the only translators in this lineage of his generation, and because he
invited three foreign teachers (mahapanditas) to Tibet from India: Mitra,
Buddhasri and Shakyasri. He is also known for his travels to Kashmir, Nepal
and India and for building several large monasteries and statues.
It is mentioned that he had a female disciple named Machig Rema, who
attained enlightenment under his tutelege.
His disciples’ names are briefly mentioned at the end of this section with no
details.
8.21 Zhang Rinpoche (1123-1193) together with his students.
zhang rin po che slob ma dang bcas pa’i skabs.
Chandra 621; Chengdu 832; Roerich 711.
Zhang Rinpoche was an interesting and conraversial figure. He was a scholar,
warrior, and politician. He was known to dispatch troops against those who
did not agree with him. Go Lotsawa includes an interesting confessional at the
end of this section where Zhang Rinpoche defends his worldly involvements
and delcares them the result of solely religious motivations. I think it is very
exciting that Carl is doing dissertation work on Lama Zhang. He embodies the
mood of the budding Kagyu lineages. As they attracted followers, by the 12th
century, they found themselves caught up in political mechanations. Lama
Zhang is like the self-conscious voice of the lineage, defending itself against
orthodox critics.
Zhang Rinpoche was a student of Gampopa. In young adulthood, Zhang
spent years in solitary retreat. It appears that after that, he was a militaryreligious expansionist. He was determined to aquire land and build
monasteries, and used force at times to secure resources.
Go Lotsawa places Zhang among the “Three Jewels of Tibet”: Tsongkhapa,
Zhang Rinpoche and Pagmo Drupa. I find this reference interesting and am
still not clear how he earned his jewel-status. He did compose a number of
texts. Perhaps it is related to the content of his compositions? Has the “Three
Jewel” rubric survived to this day or was this Go Lotsawa’s creation?
8.22 Abbatial lineage of Tshal Gungthang.
mtshal gung thang pa’i bla rabs kyi skabs.
Chandra 625; Chengdu 838; Roerich 716.
This section merely presents a long list of names and dates of the abbatial
successors to Lama Zhang at the monastic seat of mtshal gung thang. It
seems clear that Zhang’s main legacy was this strong monastic insitution—
perhaps this is the reason for his jewelness.
8.23 Mind instruction lineage.
sems khrid kyi brgyud pa’i skabs.
Chandra 627; Chengdu 839; Roerich 717.
8.23a dung tsho ras pa (sgam po pa’s disciple)
Dungtso Repa seems to have been the only one of Gampopa’s disciple to
discover terma. Go Lotsawa’s detailed mention of the discovery of the few
Kagyu termas and his ommission of mention of most Nyingma termas makes
me wonder where his biases lie.
The description of the discovery of treasure itself is intersting. The treasure is
originally said to have been hidden by Gampopa. When Dungtso (who is here
said to be Gampopa’s disciple) discovers the terma in 1316, Gampopa would
still have been living. Dungtso finds a prophesy predicting that he will find the
terma in a lake. He goes there and does find the treasure in the form of a text
written on scrolls under the ice, in a box shaped like a mongoose or a
mongoose-statue.
When a disciple finally asks him for the hidden doctrine, he bestows it to him.
It is described as “the doctrine of one taste”. This sounds like a text of
precepts on the practice of mahāmudrā, since the yoga of one taste is
traditionally one of the four mahāmudrā yogas. The treasure, which is later
called by Go Lotsawa “the hidden doctrine of sems khrid” seems to form the
very basis of this lineage.
The remaining successors of this lineage are described only briefly, and the
birth-death dates are not provided in several cases. There is an obvious
emphasis in this lineage, from reading these brief biographical accounts, on
mahāmudra meditation, monasticism, solitary retreat and the aquisition of
mind-instruction transmissions (even from other lineages). Choyingpa (b.
1324) for example, received into the lineage the transmission of phyag rgya
chenpo ga’u ma, a Shangpa mahāmudrā text.
There are a couple of vignettes in this section worth discussing. Rinchen
Zhonnu (b. 1333), a generation down from Dungtso Repa, was known as a
recluse and ascetic. When he once encountered the Karmapa Konzhon (a
famous scholar-disciple of the 5th Karmapa Rolpay Dorje), he is said to have
defeated him in debate: “He placed on the latter's head his flat bla ma hat
(thang zhu) and said: ‘You are not a scholar. I am the scholar!’ He was not
afraid to meet scholars whom he happened to come across” {R 721}. We see
ample evidence of the contention between scholars and meditators
throughout the Kagyu chapter. In the described encounters between scholars
and meditators in this lineage, the meditator always emerges victorious. He is
the symbol of the triumph of realization derived from meditative experience
over book-learning and logic. He is also a symbol of the coup de grace of
wildness over the institutional order of monastic life.
But the fact that the meditator always wins in these encounters, I think speaks
to the anxiety the Kagyu lineages must have felt during the renaissance
period. Here was a lineage claiming to give precidence to the hermetic,
perapatetic, ascetic lifestyle. Yet all around, huge institutions were forming
and attracting large numbers of followers, not to mention ample resources.
The institutions were organized. They were effective. They were powerful.
How could bands of wandering yogins compete with that? Of course the
Kagyu lineages also were settling into institutions, but their conscience about
the issue never died. Their insecurities are expressed in the paradigmatic
stories of the yogi encountering the scholar.
This brings us to another vignette in this section that speaks to the
relationship of the Mind Instruction lineage to scholarship and practice.
Choyingpa, who attended on six disciples of Dungtso Repa, has a prophetic
dream:
“One night in his dream he saw five very beautiful women who told him
to come along, and led him towards a large vihara. On opening the
gate, he found inside a large room containing numerous piles of books.
There were also several other new doors without paint. On opening
them one by one, he saw rooms filled with books. They (the women)
then handed him a big bundle of keys, and said: ‘Take charge of these!
It will be of great service to the Doctrine’” {R 723}.
Based on this dream, Choyingpa meets a lama who bestows on him the Mind
Instruction lineage. I think this dream nicely illustrates how the Mind
Instruction lineage may have revered books as the conveyers of meditation
instruction, even while they were suspicious of book-learning. It is the musedakini who must act as the purveyor of permission to take the library keys.
Book-learning is not engaged in for its own sake, but rather must be justified
by visionary inspiration. The lineage recognized that “to be of great service to
the Doctrine”, the command of books was necessary.
8.23a. Untitled note on the Great Seal teachings of the Dakpo
Kagyu.
Chandra 632; Chengdu 846; Roerich 724.
In this final section of Chapter VIII, Go Lotsawa makes some general remarks
on the Kagyu lineage. He begins by asserting that the Dagpo Kagyu is not a
“lineage of word” but a “lineage of meaning”. The “lineage of meaning”, he
goes on to explain, means the “lineage of understanding Mahāmudrā”.
Understanding mahāmudrā corresponds to rdzogs rim. Go Lotsawa clarifies
that in this lineage tummo (representing one of the six yogas) is produced
before the realization of mahāmudrā, and therefore the latter is the true
completion phase practice for this lineage. This explanation is very similar to
the one that is given orally in this lineage today. However, the six yogas are
sometimes loosely referred to as completion phase practices, when placed in
the context of the whole path (compared to deity yoga which is relagated to
“generation phase”). In other words, in the kagyu lineage, the terms
“generation phase” and “completion phase” are mobile rubrics used in
different ways in different contexts. An explanation of these contexts and
usages would be too lengthy for this analysis, but I have a grasp of it.
Go Lotsawa declares that Gampopa had the ability to produce an
understanding of mahāmudrā in beginners who had not even obtained
initiation, and that this approach was concordant with the tradition of
Prajñāpāramitā. To take this idea further, Gampopa took the radical stance
that the intention of the sutras was not different from that of the tantric
yogins—the words were different, but the ultimate meditation referred to was
the same. Gampopa therefore freely threw around and mixed up the sūtra,
tantra and mind-instruction terminology in his great lamrim treatise The Jewel
Ornament of Liberation, causing a great furor among his contemporaries. And
if that was not enough, he told his disciple Pagmo Drupa that the main text for
mahāmudrā was the Mahāyana Anuttara Tantra composed by the Maitreya.
Pagmo Drupa, therefore bequeathed this text to his disciples, ensuring that
the distinctions between the mahayana sutras and the yogic mind instructions
were forever blurred in the eyes of its lineage-holders (a myopia that infuriated
its critics and delighted its followers). One of the critics to be infuriated was
Sakya Pandita, whose criticisms Go Lotsawa mentions specifically. According
to Sakya Pandita, mahāmudrā can only be produced through tantric initiation.
Go Lotsawa then blithely defends the Kagyus, pointing out that the term
“mahāmudrā” is mentioned by Sahajavarjra in the commentary on the Tenth
Tathatā. Go Lotsawa then affirms that in the Kagyu lineage, there continues a
tradition of both sutra-mahamudra and tantra-mahamudra, both legitimate.
PART 9 (BA): Kodrakpa and Niguma [2 CHAPTERS]
{13 folios. Chandra 635 659; Chengdu 851 884; Roerich 726 752.}
In fact this chapter is primarily concerned with Khyungpo Neljor (khyung po rnal
‘byor), who claimed to be transmitting traditions obtained from Niguma, a shadowy
figure described as the sister or consort of the famous Indian siddha, Na’ropa. These
lineages came to form the basis for the so-called Shangpa (shangs pa) subset of the
Kagyü traditions. Although referred to in the title, Kodrakpa is the subject only of the
first few pages. {DG}
9.1 Kodrakpa and students (ko brag pa slob ma dang bcas pa’i
skabs) {Chandra 636; Chengdu 851; Roerich 726}.
9.1.1 Biography of Kodrakpa
Born in the same year as sa skya paṇḍita, Water Male Tiger (chu pho stag 1182
A.D.), ko brag pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan is considered by Gos lo as the most learned
and famous scholar with no apparent sectarian affiliation {R 727}. His teachers were
Śakyaśri, rdo rje dpal of gyam, rgya phug jo sras, Ratnarakshita.
His final monastic ordination was performed by skos, phya ru 'dul 'dzin, and lo, the
latter acting as a Secret preceptor. {Queston: does this imply that the monastic
ordination is also considered secret as the tantric initiation? EP}
There is an interesting sequence of events presented by Gos lo: ko brag pa bsod nams
rgyal mtshan received teachings on rdzogs chen, stayed at two retreat places gyang
rim, kong mo'i ri {? these need to be checked for affiliation EP} and realized
Mahamudra. {R 726} {Could this mean that rdogs chen and Mahamudra were viewed
as producing the same result?}
Among his other achievements is the realization of the nature of reality and of the
vajrabody (rdorje lus). He studied with everybody and invited the Nepalese
Vibhūticandra to Dingri and received teachings on sbyor ba yan lag drug {which
exactly? EP} from him. He also is said to have miraculously discovered a spring in a
barren land {just like Moses?} and founded the monastery of ko brag.
Another territorial/water blessing that he seems to have obtained was the naga of the
lake ma pham giving him the powers over (siddhi of) water (chu'i dngos grub), which
seems to have enabled him to discover this spring, and not as Roerich says that the
naga gave him the divine water. {R 726} In general, he seems to have been strongly
associated with Mahamudra and rdzogs chen, with sbyor ba yan lag drug.
9.1.2 Disciples of Kodrakpa
This is basically the list of his students, most of whom were either geshes or
translators, which is of note. Also there is an explicit mentioning of female yoginis,
scholars and teachers and others, presumably lay students {R 728}, which is a
remarkable attempt on the part of Gos lo to show the realities of the religious
environment at the time of Kodrakpa’s (ko brag pa’s) live, or a reflection of the
contemporary with Gö lo (gos lo) realities.
9.2 Niguma (ni gu’i skabs). {Chandra 638; Chengdu 854; Roerich
728}.
This section deals with the history of the Lineage of the Six Doctrines from Naropa’s
sister Niguma and the primary disciple of this lineage khyung po rnal ‘byor.
9.2.1 {Siddha khyung po rnal 'byor’s biography (Roerich 728)}
This section presents a fantastic biography of this siddha. The main themes seem to
be various prophecies regarding him and his lineage {R728; 729}, and his visionary
encounters with the dakini Niguma. He is variously affiliated in terms of his teachers
and teachings that he receives quite early on in his miraculous career. Among his
teachers are Amogha[vajra], bonpo gyun drub rgyal ba, 'byung gnas seng ge, who
taught him the rdzogs chen sems sde. He studied the doctrines of skor ni ru pa {?
EP} at stod lungs sho ma ra, {am not sure place or monastery EP} and also mastered
the Kalacakra.
He went to Nepal twice and studied a lot of tantra with Vasumati, Atulyavajra, rdo rje
gdan pa (Amoghavajra), Srī Bhadrasañāna, Vairocana, kha ched dgon pa ba, zhing
gi rdo rje, mi mnyam rdo rje, rin chen rdo rje, the three disciples of Maitripa, Debikotti
ḍīkima Kanaśri, and the brāhmaṇa Ratnapāla, pham thing pa, Maitrīpa himself, mda
chen po of Nālanda, rin chen lha mo, siḍha Sūryagarbha.
Another important theme seems to be his search for wealth, as he obtains some gold
first after being able to use his miraculous powers on a talisman, which ensured his
aunt’s male progeny. {This part is strange and unclear Chengdu 855; R 729}.
Another occasion being him asking for Maitrīpa’s empowerment which would enable
this “poor Tibetan” to gather wealth, and discovering of a gold mine of gu lang. It
would make sense if the discovery of the mine happened before Maitripa’s
transmission of yid bzin gyi mgon po phyag drug pa, and after the prophecy of the
white goddess, but it seems to be not so in the text.
After he obtained the necessary funds he began looking for someone even better,
and asked around if there was anyone who saw the face of Vajradhara (rdorje
‘chang). He is told of Niguma and finds her on the island of Sosa {? Not clear where
this is EP}. There again, through visionary encounters and prophecies he ends up
on the mountain of gold {!!!???} and in a dream state {!}, in which Niguma bestows on
him numerous tantric initiations and teachings {R731}. {Kapstein in his article “Illusion
of Spiritual Progress” (1992): 195-96 translates from the biography of Khyungpo Neljor
where this event happens on a charnel ground of Sosadvipa. EP}
He studied with rolpa'i rdorje, Āryadeva, ḍakisumati, ḍakini Sukhasiḍhi, dakinīs
Gangadhara and Samantabhadri, whom he offered gold.
Then he returned to India and showered gold there at Vajrāsana, and gave to many
teachers.
He also met Atiśa at mnga 'ris, restored some of his manuscripts that were damaged
and they were translated by rin chen bzang po and dharma blo gros.
Finally, he received his monastic ordination {!?} and founded the monastery at jog po
of 'phang yul, the 'chad dkar dgon pa. There he was visited by Rahulaguptavajra
from Kālakuta.
He continued to teach in central Tibet extensively and founded 108 monasteries. He
also is said to have introduced monks to meditation again, as they were studying and
not practicing. To conquer the envy of others he caused them to retreat with the help
of phantom troops, so they became his disciples. His powers were such that he
controlled gods and demons. He also performed numerous miracles, such as magic
performances and the manifestation of himself in the form of a deity.
At the time of his death he was at zhong zhong monastery in Kham and advised to
keep his body in gold and silver receptacle so that this monastery would equal
Vajrāsana, but Khams pa monks cremated his remains, and images of the tantric
gods of the five classes were recovered (from the ashes). This is a strong
comparison to make. One wonders, if the monks intentionally didn’t follow his
advise. It almost seems that his attraction to pure metals was taking over and was to
be carried into his afterlife, if taken seriously.
9.2.2 {Siddha khyung po rnal 'byor’s disciples (Roerich 733; Chengdu 859)}
He had 6 direct disciples:
rme'u ston pa,
gyor po rgya mo che,
rnul ston rin dbang,
la stod dkon mchog mkhar,
rmo gcog pa
zhang sgom chos seng.
9.2.2.1 {rmog cog pa rin chen brtson ‘grus (R 733; Chengdu 859)}
Mog chog (rmog cog pa) pa was the 4th of khyung po’s disciples.
His first teacher was bla ma shangs pa who sent him off to study with rgya mo che,
so he left Kham (zhong zhong), but was sent by rgya mo che to lhasa. He heard of a
seng and became his student at gnam rzing kha.
There is a curious statement ascribed to a seng about the ultimate reality being real
by nature, which seems to be uncalled for. This produces in mog chog pa belief that
the teacher was a real Buddha.
It seems that the proverb of riding a donkey after riding a horse really reflects his
search for the teacher. One episode describes his producing a hail-storm which kills
the thieves but seems to please bur sgom. He then studied and practiced with bur
sgom, attained realizations of dreams and saw the face of Vajravārahī.
Among his other teachers were dkon mkhar of nag mo pa, rdza ra ba, myang sgom,
rgya grags bsod. An interesting exchange of initiations and teachings between a
student and teacher seems to be a common phenomenon already.
The set of initiations and texts seem to be the “regular Kagy_ (?) things” directed
mostly to practice. And although Shangpa (shangs pa) scolds him for lying about his
realization and not studying phar chyin, he gives him all the secret teachings and
initiations that he had in store and appoints him his attendant and spiritual
descendant, tell him to meditate.
His “real” Kagy_ transmissions of Mahamudra and the Six doctrines seems to be
from Gampopa (sgam po pa). An interesting detail: he lived for 12 years on turnip
leaves {another Tibetan – vegetarian? EP}
Mogchogpa is credited with the establishment of two monasteries: Mog chog (rmog
cog) and Kunglung (lkung lung).
There is also an emphasis on prophecy with regards to his death and who is going to
continue the lineage and spread the doctrine. {Question: is there a particular
meaning in that he left for the Abhirati Paradise of Aksobhya? He refused to go to
Sukhavati (bde ba chen) but then went to Abhirati (mngon dga’).EP}
9.2.2.2 {siḍha skyer sgang pa dharma senṅe (Reorich 737; Chengdu 863)}
Being the 5th successor, of mogchogpa, kyer gangpa (skyer sgang pa) appears to have
had a particular connection with Avolokiteśvara and Yamantaka. His birth or other
name appears to be dbon ston.
His teachers in central Tibet were ‘phags pa lce sgom, tsa ri sgom po, at ‘U yug spen phug, possibly a kadampa who had complete precepts of the tantras of Atiśa.
Then he met Mogchogpa at lkung lung. Again, there is a prophetic theme of a dream
and the protector being assigned to act as his attendant {R739-740; Chengdu 865}.
Being from a ‘bal clan of Kham {? EP} he had to take over the seat at the monastery
of his uncle ‘bal tshad ma ba {another name ‘bal thams cad mkhen pa? EP}, went to
skyer sgang and built a caitya.
He was also given offerings by the king of ‘ga’, {which Reorich identifies as Tangut
(mi nyag ‘ga’) R740}, and the emperor of China (rgya), but couldn’t send large offerings
to the monastery of his teacher in Kunglung (lkung lung) in Central Tibet, because his
monks refused to do so. {This invites a question on the historical environment at this
time, was this refusal because his teacher’s monastery was in Central Tibet or because
the sectarian affiliation of his uncle’s monastery was different and that is why he had
difficulties with his own monks? EP}
{Another question with relation to deities: he stayed in retreat for three and a half
years and was able to see the face of Avolokiteśvara. He also saw, without any effort
on his part, a vision of Yamantaka, whose mantra he used to recite formerly. After
that when he met with his uncle, his uncle told him: "You have seen the faces of both
Avalokiteśvara and Hayagriva. There is no need of listening to me, {R 738-739}”
Does this mean that Hayagriva and Yamantaka are conflated at this point? EP}
9.2.2.3 {sangs rgyas gnyan ston chos kyi shes rab (Reorich 741; Chengdu 867)}
This disciple, being the 6th in line was also a spiritual son of sker sgang pa. Unlike
khyung po he is said to have aversion towards material wealth and ordains early, at
11 and finally at 20.
He was going through the standard monastic curriculum with various teachers until
he heard of sker sgang pa; and then again the visionary and prophetic elements
become the narrative tool used by gos lo in describing sangs rgyas gnyan ston’s
meeting with teacher, receiving the precepts of the single line, and the transmission
to his own disciples, which is all prophesied by the teacher.
He founded his monastery, ri gong, and without his orders protectors would destroy
his enemies. {Does this mean that there were a lot of them and the order to destroy
them was kind of permanent? EP}
One interesting detail about him being struck by lightening and no harm resulting from
it seem to give an unusual quality to his attainments - {“indestructibility”? EP}
9.2.2.4 {sangs rgyas ston pa (Reorich 733; Chengdu 870)}
The seventh in line, and the successor of sangs rgyas gnyan ston, known as sangs
rgyas ston pa, had an ordination name brtson grus seng ge and was born to a bon po
family.
From the very beginning he had a strong connection with gcod tradition and was
prophesied to spread it. He also was given the initiation of Amitayus, which
prolonged his life, but he was restricted to not giving it to anyone until he was 30.
{Question: are there examples of similar restrictions? EP}
He was specifically looking for a teacher who was a siddha and went to meet one
called rngog ston, who was “more learned and more virtuous than sa lo and gros
lo.”{R745} After meeting this siddha a series of visionary events follow which
eventually lead him to meet sangs rgyas gnyan ston, who was apparently expecting
him and bestowed on him the lineage of Shangpa (shangs pa).
After his cremation the relics were put into a golden caitya and a reliquary, these
became the objects of worships by all. {Question: where are these now? EP}
With him the succession ends. Apparently, Niguma had predicted this earlier, when she
transmitted her teachings to khyung po rnal ‘byor’: “Till the seventh teacher of the
Spiritual Lineage, this teaching should be transmitted down a single line (of
teachers). These will be blessed by me, and I shall give them a prophecy.” {R 731}
The entire authentication of the lineage transmission seems to be somewhat similar
to the strategy of the Nyingmas (rnying ma) and the predictions of treasure discoverers.
9.2.2.4.1 {miscellaneous connections (R746; Chengdu 873)}
Gos lo states in this short section that it is difficult to trace the names and dates of
the disciples and gives a few names of known to him contemporaries. Mogchogpa
was contemporary with Pagmo drupa, Kyergangpa with Drikhungpa, Sange nyenton
with chen ngawa (sphan snga), Sangton with Yang gompa (yang dgon pa).
Aseng, who was a nyingma tantric adept, received the precepts from Sangton, and
mastered the apparitional body (sgyu lus).
9.2.2.4.2 {mkhas grub sangs ston (Reorich 747; Chengdu 874)}
He studied with everyone from almost every tradition, including the scholastic training
on logic, etc. But when he heard about Sangton’s fame he asked for precepts and
received them. His final removal of obstacles to realization was done through his
receiving lam ‘bras from khampa rgang mo lhas pa. Finally, he took up residence at
‘jag.
9.2.2.4.2.1 {'jag pa rgyal mtshan 'bum (Reorich 748; Chengdu 875)}
Also obtained precepts from Sangton and passed it down to his nephew.
i.
The nephew byams pa pal was contemporary (same birth and death date)
with ‘ba’ra ba.
ii.
Siddha chos ‘byung rin chen: resided at gnas rnying and yol. There were
relics from his ashes as well. His birth coincides with the foundation of
rtse thang.
9.2.2.4.3 {mkhas btsun gzhoṇu grub (Reorich 749; Chengdu 877)}
Studied with phags pa of Sakya (sa skya). During his training the Sakya feud broke out
causing his hindrances in practice. {What is this feud exactly? EP} Then he heard of
Sangton, received teachings including the secret ones, practices gcod in central
Tibet, founded bsams ding in Lower Myang. He taught lam ‘bras, Mahamudra, the
system of Niguma. His supporter was zha lu sku zhang pa. The year of his death is
the year of Buton’s commentary of Prajnyāpāramitā
9.2.2.4.4 {gser glingpa bkra shis dpal (R 750; Chengdu 878)}
A disciple of mkhas grub chos rje, also received many Shangpa teachings from rmog
chogpa rinchen blo gro and mkhas btsun gzhon nu grub.
i.
His disciple was bragpo thepa rdo rje dpal
a. His disciple chos sgo ba chos dpal ses rab
9.2.2.5 {Conclusion to chapter on 9 on Niguma (R752; Chengdu 880)}
Gos los concludes the chapter saying that the doctrine spread to numerous
descendants.
There seems to be a lot of prophecies and dreams that are prophetic in this lineage’s
transmissions. There are stories of phantom beings and protectors acting on behalf
of these teachers. With the subsequent transmissions it seems that the lineage was
not passed down as a single line, and the questions is why. In general, it seems that
although the linage started as a unique transmission, people who were passing it
down were not holders of only Niguma system, and from fairly early on all possible
and famous teachings and lineages were desired almost indiscriminately and were
combined.
PART 10 (THA): The Wheel of Time Tantra (Kālacakra Tantra)
[NO SEPARATE CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on The Wheel of Time Tantra (Kālacakra
Tantra).”
deb ther sngon po las / dus kyi ‘khor lo’i skabs. 41 folios. Chandra 661-741;
Chengdu 885-982; Roerich 754-838.
Synopsis
The Kālacakra section of the Blue Annals is mainly devoted to outlining all of the
important Kālacakra lineages as they came into and continued in Tibet up to 1481,
the year of ‘go lo tsā ba’s death. The main two transmission lineages in Tibet are said
to be the ‘bro and rwa lingeages, but, as we will see, numerous others are
mentioned, as the Kālackra-tantra had up to twenty or more translators by ‘gos lo tsā
ba’s time. The chapter begins by looking at the early history of the Kālacakra in India.
It does not bother to discuss any of the mythology of Śambhala, but rather focuses
on the lineage accounts starting, usually, with a figure named Kālacakrapadā. These
lineage accounts in India are sketchy and conflicting and ‘gos lo tsā ba does little
more than to list them, it seems, as he finds them. As a result, the Indian figures or
anecdotes from the ‘bro lineage resemble, but don’t exactly match the Indian
teachers in the rwa tradtion.
After leaving the discussion of the Kālacakra lineasges in India, ‘gos lo tsā ba
discusses the transmissions as they took root in Tibet. He starts with the ‘bro
transmission and discusses the Indian figure Somanātha. He then discusses the
founding of jo nang monastery and the story of famed proponent of doctrinal position
of "other-emptiness" (Tib. gzhan stong) shes rab rgyal mtshan and his students. {R
766 - 789}. Of particular interest to cultural studies in Tibet are the shong brothers {R
784 - 787}, who Roerich tells us are considered to have brought the study of the
sciences (Tib. rig gnas) to Tibet.
Other highlights in this chapter include a short biography of bu ston, the story
of the "last paṇḍita" in Tibet, Vanaratna, and a long (30 page) biography of a
translator named bsod nams rgya mtsho (this is not the third Dalai Lama)
which is itself split into eight chapters. This last, very detailed, biography was
not written by ‘gos lo tsā ba, but was inserted into the text after his death and
reportedly with his according to his intentions. bsod nams rgya mtsho was a
student of ‘gos lo tsā ba and Vanaratna.
The Kālacakra chapter of the Blue Annals only provides suggestions of where the
sections should be separated. I have tried to provide my own section breaks and
titles as seemed reasonable, but they are not perfect. For example, the section on
the ‘bro is not entirely about individuals who practiced only the ‘bro transmission; ‘gos
lo tsā ba introduces lesser Kālacakra transmissions by other translators and
mentions how various individuals received multiple translation lineages. So, I see my
headings as only a beginning attempt give some basic structure to the chapter and
should be refined upon additional readings. Headings for less important sections or
for individuals who are within a section but should be marked off by a heading are put
in parentheses ( ).
Secret Mantra in Jambudvīpa {R 753}
The chapter begins with a short description of the origins and Secret mantra in India.
Certain tantras are said to come from the four directions. First, in the East, king
Pradoyotacandra
received
the
Yoga-tantras,
including
the
Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha. In the south, Nāgārjuna is said to have also received
Yoga-tantras, specifically the Guhyasamāja-tantra. In the West (Oḍḍīyāna) is where
the Yoginī-tantras appear. Lastly, in the north, (Śambhala) is the place from where
the Kālacakra teachings spread.
Date of the Kālacakra-tantra’s arrival in India {R 753-755)
Based on a quote from the Vimalaprabhā companion-commentary to the Kālacakratantra, ‘gos lo tsāba notes how many scholars take 1027 A.D. to be the time of
Kālacakra’s arrival in India, however ‘gos thinks it may have arrived earlier. He notes
how the Indian mahāsiddhas Ghaṇṭapāda and Virūpa each make references either to
the Kālacakra or its commentary in their own writings. He also mentions that tsi lu pa,
an important figure in the transmission of the tantra, read the text at a monastery in
Ratnagiri, a monastery that had not been damaged by the Turuṣkas. He also notes
that a number of other masters such as Tillipa, Naropa, Kālacakrapadā and others
had received transmissions of the text. Based on these points, he concludes the
Kālacakra-tantra arrived in India at an earlier than 1027, although he does not
suggest an alternative date. To further support his argument, ‘gos tells us that lo
tsāba gyi jo (date?) was the first to translate the tantra in Tibet and mentions that gra
ba mngon shes (b. 1012) seems to have received teachings on the Kālacakra as a
youth. This would support his argument that the tantra came from Śambhala earlier
than 1027.
Introduction to the Kālakrackra transmissions in Tibet {R 755 - 756)
This section introduces the two main Kālacakra lineages of Tibet: that of rwa and that
of ‘bro lo tsāba. ‘gos presents a list of the important Indian and Tibetan figures who
transmitted the tantra all the way up to dol po pa and bu ston, who he regards as the
greatest recipients of the tantra in Tibet. Both bu ston and dol po pa initially received
teachings in the rwa lo tradition, but then received the ‘bro and other traditions later.
The ‘bro tradition is connected to the Indian paṇḍita Somanātha (11th century) of
Kasmir and the rwa lo tradition is associated with the Nepalese teacher Samantaśrī.
Here, ‘gos gives the lists the names transmission of both the rwa lo and ‘bro
traditions. Later in the chapter, especially in the transmission leading to dol po pa,
‘gos lo tsāba gives a biography of some of these individuals.
Accounts of the Kālacakra lineages in India {R 756 - 763}
The next several sections discuss several different Kālacakra lineages as they came
to Tibet from India. There are disagreements among the various lineage accounts
and ‘gos presents several of them before discussing the inconsistencies.
In the first lineage account, an Indian named Kālacakrapāda is said to have received
the tantra directly from the king of Śambhala, pad ma dkar po, also known as
Puṇḍarika- a manifestation of Avalokiteśvara and the author of the companion
commentary to the Kālacakra tantra, the Vimalaprabhā. This section describes the
events leading to Kālacakrapāda’s receiving of the Kālacakra-tantra in Śambhala.
The legends differ. In some he actually goes to Śambhala and other he does not.
‘gos lo tsāba suggests we accept the version where Kālacakrapāda receives the
tantra from pad ma dkar po in a vision as he prepares to travel to Śambhala.
It should be noted that the discussion of the lineage is complicated by the fact that
multiple individuals are known by the name "Kālacakrapāda." The text jumps from
discussing this Kālacakrapāda to another individual named tsi lu pa and it’s not clear
whether or not this is the same person. Tsi lu pa (Cilu) is said to have transmitted the
Kālacakra tantra to five students, the most important being Piṇḍo. Piṇḍo’s life is
discussed briefly. Following him is Kālacakrapāda, the Junior, who is said to have
received the Kālacakra from Nāro pa and Kālacakrapāda, the Senior. Kālacakrapāda
(senior or junior?) is reported to have caused disturbances in Buddhist circles for his
outspokenness regarding the superiority of the Kālacakra-tantra (R 758). As a result,
a debate ensued at Vikramaśīla with Kālacakrapāda emerging as the victor.
(Somanātha) {R 758- 760}
Somanātha is important to the early transmission of the Kālacakra tantra to Tibet.
This section starts with his childhood in Kāśmīr and follows his travels to Tibet. His
exposure to Buddhist teachings in Kāśmīr impelled him to travel to Madhyadeśa,
where he received Kālacakra teachings from dus ‘khor ba. Eventually he sought to
teach in Tibet and was directed to the g.yor po, the home of lce, father and son, for
patronage. There he gave teachings on the Kālacakra tantra.
The transmission to lce, father and son, and others at this time is the first Kālacakra
lineage listed by ‘gos lo tsāba. Following this, Somanātha goes to India and returns a
second time. During this trip, he travels ‘phan yul and transmits the tantra to dkon
mchog bsrung. dkon mchog bsrung transmits it to yu mo, who then transmits it to tre
bo mgnon po, who in turn transmits it to others. This becomes a second Kālacakra
lineage stemming from Somanātha.
A third Kālacakra lineage was received by gnyan and rgwa lo tsā ba from Mañjukīrti
and Abhayākara {R 760}.
Next, ‘gos lo tsāba cites a long passage from the writings of a bsod nams od zer ba
describing another lineage coming from the Indian teachers Abhaya, tsa mi sangs rgyas grags pa, Abhiyukta, and Bhāskara to the translator se lo tsāba. se lo tsāba
transmits to gnyos ‘od ma. gnyos ‘od ma is noted for marking the unclear passages
in the tantra in white in order to ask his teachers about it. He transmits the teachings
most notably to bkra shis rin chen, who is said to have studied the tantra for 12 years
and to have received multiple Kālacakra lineages.
In another lineage there is an alternate story of how Kālacakrapāda first received the
tantra: His mother, a yoginī, took him to Śambhala as a youth where he met a monk
of beautiful appearance who transmitted the Kālacakra-tantra and several other texts.
Following this Kālacakrapāda becomes a monk in Madhyadeśa under the name tsi lu
pa. In Orissa, at the request of his three students, tsi lu pa wrote down commentaries
related to the Kālacakra-tantra and other tantras, some of which were lost and said to
have to have been hidden by dākinīs. tsi lu pa travels east and transmits the teaching
to Upāsakabodhi. Upāsakabodhi, like in the earlier discussion of Kālacakrapāda,
Junior and Senior, caused a disturbance in Buddhist circles by proclaiming that all
tantras needed to be understood based on the Kālacakra-tantra. Again, a debate
ensues at Vikramaśīla with the result that everyone submitted and received
Kālacakra teachings from Upāsakabodhi {R 763}. It is not clear who this lineage
connects to in Tibet, but ‘gos next tells us is that gnyan lo tsāba received the tantra
from Mañjukīrti and Abhayākara (the lineage of gnyan lo).
Disagreements in lineage accounts {R 763 - 766}
’gos lo tsā ba next discusses the disagreements among the lineage acocunts. First,
he speculates on the identity of Piṇḍo, who is sometimes said to be the teacher of
Kālacakrapāda, the Senior and sometimes said to have been his student. He
wonders if Kālacakrapāda may have had multiple teachers and who might have been
the early transmitters of the Sadaṅga-yoga (yan lag drug). ‘gos notes that the Indian
sources are themselves often unreliable and that they give conflicting reports about,
for example, who was a teacher of whom. {R 764}
’gos thinks that the story that some tantric commentaries had been hidden by the
dākinīs must be mistaken because the specific commentaries were extant in their full
version in Tibetan translation in his time. {R 764-65}
What is not disagreed upon is that the lineages of gnyan and se lo tsā ba came from
Abhaya, the rwa lo came from Mañjukīrti, and the ‘bro lineage came from
Somanātha. All of these came from Kālacakrapāda, Senior and Junior.
Next, ‘gos again disagrees with the given chronology of the Kālacakra’s date of
arrival in Madhyadeśa, saying that at the time of gra ba mgnon shes and Marpa, the
Kālacakra was in Tibet.
It seems the tantra must have been translated soon after its composition in India.
According to ‘gos lo tsā ba, gyi jo, the first person to translate the tantra, worked with
the father of Kālacakrapāda, the Junior, however ‘gos offers no specific dates for any
of the figures in most of these lineages.
The Kālackra-tantra in Tibet {R 766 - 838, the remainder of the chapter}
(The ‘bro lineage) {R 766 - 771}
The text now begins to focus on the more specifically on the ‘bro lineage in
Tibet. lce, father and son, are said to have received two lineages, one from
Somanātha and one from glan lo tsā ba. ‘bro translated the text with
Somanātha and this was passed on to sgom pa dkon mchog bsrungs.
Following sgom pa dkon mchog bsrungs is sgro ston gnam rla brtsegs and yu
mo.
Both these latter two Tibetans had the opportunity to receive the teaching
from Somanātha himself in exchange for assistance in bringing his belongings
to Nepal, but both opted out. From yu mo several individuals receive the
tantra, most notably Dharmabodhi, who himself transmits the Kālacakra
teachings widely, and to his son Dharmaśvara. Dharmaśvara was able to pick
up the Kālacakra teachings at the early age and quickly began to teach and
practice it.
Dharmaśvara had a son and daughter who practiced the Kālacakra-tantra.
The daughter is a short but interesting example of a female becoming a fully
accomplished practitioner. Her name was jo ‘bum. She practiced the
Sadaṅga-yoga (yan lag drug gi rnal 'byor) and became "equal to a natural
yoginī." {R 768}. The brother of jo ‘bum was se mo che ba. Early on he was
deaf and dumb, but came to master the Sadaṅga-yoga and Nā-ro’s six
doctrines.
se mo che ba’s disciple was ‘jam sar shes rab ‘od ser. ‘jam ser became an
adept and is said to have maintained the precepts well. He established
hermitages and taught the doctrine. His student was chos sku 'od zer. ‘gos lo
tsāba notes that chos sku 'od zer’s biography is given elsewhere in the Blue
Annals and so he describes only how he met ‘jam sar. Notable here is a
description of ‘jam sar’s transmission of the fourth initiation to chos sku ‘od zer
{R 771}.
kun spang and the founding of jo nang monastery {R 771 - 775}
The student of chos sku ‘od ser was kun spang thugs rje brtson 'grus (b. 1243
d. 1313). He became known as a good debater and teacher, but later decided
to become an ascetic and meditator. After several years he founded jo nang
monastery.
He had four important disciples, the "Four sons of kun spang pa"; each
receive a short biography. One of the four sons, mun me brag kha ba grags
pa seng ge, is noted for reciting the Kālacakra mantra 10,000,000 times and
making 1,000,000 ablutions, as well as being an adept. Another of the four
sons is sron pa kun dga' rgyal. He was a "zu gur che" of the Mongolian
emperor and a holder of his own Kālacakra precept lineage (sron lugs).
Following kun spang pa’s death in 1313, byang sems rgyal ba ye shes
became the abbot at jo nang for eight years before his own death. Following
him as abbot was mkhas btsun yon tan rgya mtsho, who is perhaps most
notable as a teacher of shes rab rgyal mtshan.
shes rab rgyal mtshan {R 775 -777}
shes rab rgyal mtshan was born in dol po. At an early age he began to teach
the Four Great (exoteric) Treatises (bka' chen bzhi). He traveled in central
Tibet and became known as a good scholar and debater. At jo mo nang he
obtained teachings in the Kālacakra and at age 35 became the abbot of jo
nang. There his activities included the construction of a large stupa and the
production of a revised translation of the Kālacakra-tantra. He was a prolific
thinker and writer, writing a commentary on the Kālacakra-tantra (rgyud 'grel
chen mo), as well as several texts on the view of gzhan stong such as the
Ocean of Definitive Meaning (don rgya mtsho) and the Fourth Council (bka'
bsdu bzhi pa), amongst others. For a time, he left jo nang for Lhasa and was
very popular there. He returned to jo mo nang before his death in 1361 at the
age of 70.
phyog las rnam rgyal {R 777 - 779}
phyog las rnam rgyal (b. 1306 d. 1386) followed shes rab rgyal mtshan as
abbot of jo nang. He was originally from mnga’ris and became a good scholar
before heading to central Tibet to study and debate. It was while debating that
he met shes rab rgyal mtshan and become his student. He went to jo mo
nang, but was soon after given abbotship of a nearby satellite monastery for
several years. Following this, at the age of 49, he returned to jo mo nang to
preside as abbot for five years before heading into teaching to many disciples
in dbus and yar klungs.
’gos gzhon nu dpal’s’ teacher, sangs rgyas rin chen pa and other students of
phyog las rnam rgyal {R 779 - 781}
At this point, ‘gos lo tsā ba gives a biography of one of his teachers, sangs
rgyas rin chen pa (b. 1336 d. 1424), who was a student of phyog las rnam
rgyal. sangs rgyas rin chen pa received numerous teachings from both
Nyingma and Sarma sources as a child. He traveled to rtse thang to study
and debate and attend on chos seng pa. When shes rab rgyal mtshan was in
Lhasa, sangs rgyas rin chen pa received ordination from him. ‘gos lo tsā ba
tells us that during sangs rgyas rin chen’s practice of Sadaṅga-yoga, he
suffered burning in his chest for nine years, but did not give up meditation and
his condition improved. From sangs rgyas rin chen pa ‘gos lo tsāba received
the Kālacakra initiation according to the jo nang tradition.
Other teachers in the lineage following shes rab rgyal mtshan and phyog las
rnam rgyal include rin po che bsod bzang ba and 'jam dbyangs chos kyi mgon
po ba. The latter is said to have been a student of shes rab rgyal mtshan who
became abbot of g.yag sde pan chen. He was the teacher of rgyal mtshan
bzang po.
(rgyal mtshan bzang po) {R 782}
rgyal mtshan bzang po (b. 1350 d. 1425) studied sūtra materials at gsang phu and
rtses thang. Under the tutelage of ‘jam dbyangs chos kyi mngon po, he learned the
Kālacakra without difficulty. He mainly practice the Kālacakra-tantra and composed a
book on its generation stage (Tib. bskyed rim, Skt. utpannakrama) practices.
Other students following shes rab rgyal mtshan {R 782 - 783}
Sakyaśrī(d. 1448), another of ‘gos lo tsāba’s teachers, also heard the Kālacakra from
‘jam dbyangs chos kyi mngon po. He studied most of bu ston’s writings on the
Kālacakra. The teacher of tsong kha pa, las kyi rdo rje, told him that in a previous life
he had been a studied the Kālacakra in snar thang. He had a dream that he climbed
up to a stupa, saw the Kālacakra mandala and was blessed by dol po pa.
rin chen tshul khrims and 'jam dbyangs blo gros rgyal mtshan were two others
disciples of shes rab rgyal mtshan. rin chen tshul khrims’ student, zho lung mtsho
chen po, is noted for his transmission of the Sadaṇga yoga precepts. 'jam dbyangs
blo gros rgyal mtshan’s student smi ri ba founded the monastery of smi ri.
A student of byang sems rgyal ye and another individual, seng ge dpal, who was a
student of yon tan rgya mtsho are noted for spreading the Sadaṅga yoga (Tib. yan
lag drug) in the "Northern Quarters."
bo dong rin po che rin chen rtse mo {R 783-784}
bo dong rin po che rin chen rtse mo received the Kālacakra precepts from se mo che
ba. He built an image called "the great Wheel of Time goddess" (Tib. dus ‘khor lha
mo che) at bo dong rin rtse. He is noted for reciting the Kālacakra tantra mantra
10,000,000 times without leaving his mat and being able to make auspicious signs
appear in the flames as he performed homa (fire) ritual. His student, stag sde ba
seng ge rgyal mtshan (b. 1212 d. 1294), took over the several monasteries after his
death and had several important students, such as the shong brothers, dkon gzhon,
Senior and Junior, thur she, Senior and Junior, and others.
The shong brothers: ston rdo rje rgyal mtshan and dpang blo gros brtan pa)
{R 784 - 787}
Roerich tells us that the brothers shong ston rdo rje rgyal mtshan and dpang blo gros
brtan pa are considered the founders of "philological" studies {R 784} or study of the
sciences (Tib. rig gnas) in Tibet.
shong ston rdo rje rgyal mtshan received Kālacakra teachings from stag sde ba seng
ge rgyal mtshan. Later, when a lama ‘phags pa returned from abroad, shong ston
asked for advice and assistance to travel to India to become a translator. shong ston
ended up studying the "five lesser sciences," especially grammar, in Nepāl for five
years with Mahendrabhadra. He returned to Tibet and translated both the Kālacakratantra and the Vimalaprabhācommentary at sa skya. This translation was highly
praised by ‘phags pa. shong ston is credited with providing the first translation of the
text dpag bsam 'khri shing and introducing the study of grammar, prosody, and
lexicology in Tibet {R 785}. shong’s lineage of Kālacakra was passed on to his
brother and several other teachers including, eventually, shes rab rgyal mtshan.
shong ston taught Sanskrit to his younger brother, dpang blo gros brtan pa (born
1276 in la stod d. 1482), the "Lord of Scholars" (mkhas pa'i dbang po). shong ston
and dpang blo gros brtan pa’s mother died when dpang blo gros brtan pa was young,
so the teachers byang gling pa and u rgyan pa took care of him for some time. He
was ordained at 7 and wrote an exposition of the Vinaya at 13. While still in his
teenage years, stag sde ba taught him various teachings from esoteric and exoteric
materials, including the Kālacakra. He happened upon an an unidentified "acarya"
who taught him Prākṛta. He was widely respected as a teacher and scholar and
taught at several big monasteries such as ne'u thog, gung thang, stag lung. He also
wrote several commentaries on Logic and Abhidharma, among other things.
(lo tsā ba dpal ldan byang chub rtse mo and his students) {R 787 789)
byang chub rtse mo (b. 1243 d. 1320) benefited at an early age from being able to
study with a scholar named dbang. He mastered Sanskrit, as well as the lesser
sciences and the exoteric and esoteric teachings. byang chub rtse mo was also a
student of an well known teacher, dpal ldan bla ma dam pa. dpal ldan bla ma dam pa
appointed byang chub rtse mo as abbot of bo dong and later, when byang chub rtse
mo accompanied bla ma dam pa to China, bla ma dam pa connected byang chub
rtse mo with the rinpoche at stag lung. This rinpoche insisted that byang chub rtse
mo become the teacher of yu mo’s son, nam mkha’ bzang po. nam mkha' bzang po
eventually excelled as a scholar, teacher, and writer.
byang chub rtse mo presided over stag lung monastery for a time before going into
retreat. One of his notable students from this period was spyan snga grags pa byang
chub, who is said to have been greatly inspired from observing byang chub rtse mo’s
diligence in mediation.
The lo tsā ba nam mkha' bzang po, the son of yu mo and student of byang chub rtse
mo had a student named dpal 'jigs med grags pa. dpal 'jigs med grags pa was the
teacher of two other important scholars rnam rgyal grags pa and bsod nams rnam
par rgyal ba. bsod nams rnam par rgyal ba is noted for composing a seven volume
commentary on the Vimalaprabhā.
The rwa tradition {R 789}
This section begins by stating the descent line of the lineage from India all the way
up to rwa chos rab, the lineage’s namesake. The lineage found in the rwa tradition is
different than that stated in the ‘bro tradition. The rwa tradition starts with tsi lu pa,
then to Piṇḍo, Kālacakrapāda, the Senior, Kālacakrapāda, the Junior, Mañjukīrti, and
then to Samantaśrī, the paṇḍita invited to Tibet by rwa chos rab. rwa lo tsāba was the
nephew of the well known translator rwa lo tsāba rdo rje brags pa (b.1016,
d.1198).32 After escorting Samantaśrī back to Nepāl and receiving a special hat as a
gift, rwa chos rab traveled in Central Tibet and kham to teach the doctrine. His
Kālacakra lineage was passed down especially to rwa ye shes seng, then to rwa
‘bum seng, and then to rgwa lo tsāba.
(rgwa lo) {R 789 - 790}
For reasons that are not entirely clear, ‘gos lo tsāba begins the discussion of rgwa lo
with a story of how two envoys were sent to China to invite a Buddhist monk from mi
nyag to Tibet during the time of khri song lde btsan. This monk came to Tibet and
served as a chaplain. At this point, ‘gos lo tsāba seems to jump and discusses the
lineage of mantra-holders at yar ‘brog starting with one sgan mi nyag gzhon nu
snying po. Presumably this mi nyag is not the offspring of the former chaplain, who
was a monk. In any case, sgan mi nyag gzhon nu snying po’s grandson, rig 'dzin
snying po, moved from yar ‘brog to rong. He had a son, who in turn had four sons,
one of which became the abbot of dben dmar following dbang phyug rgyal pa.33
rgwa lo is the son of dbang phyug rgyal pa.
rgwa lo (b. 1203 d. 1281), also known as rnam rgyal rdo rje, is said to be the
incarnation of another rgwa lo and that is why he received his name. As a youth he
was able to meet kha che pan chen (Śākyaśrī), who held the young rgwa lo in high
regard. rgwa lo amazed others by teaching to others the Hevajra and Vajra-vārahī
teachings right after hearing them once. He practiced the Kālacakra and obtained the
ability to write his own mantras.
(man lungs pa) {R 690 - 691}

These dates are from the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center
32
database.

33
dbang phyug rgyal pa’s relation to the this entire family line is not
stated and it seems he could have just been the residing abbot, but this is not
clear at all. It possible that he is also simply giving the history of the
monastery of dben dmar.
rgwa lo’s main student was man lungs pa (b. 1239), about whom we only hear of his
time in India. In front of the Mahābodhi temple, man lungs pa vows "not to partake of
more than a single grain of rice and a drop of water per day." A few days later he
receives a prophecy from the image at Māhabodhi that he should go to Potala. Prior
to this he hurts his foot in southern India. After the wound is healed, he attains
"supremely unchanging bliss" (Tib. mchog tu mi 'gyur ba'i bde). He then goes to
Potala by walking on the surface of the ocean dressed as an Indian yogin.
(The lineage following rgwa lo) {R 691 - 792}
rgwa lo’s had many other students and four sons who are notable in their own right.
The first son became the abbot of dben mar. The second son, shes rab seng ge (b.
1251 d. 1515) was broadly educated, especially in logic. He eventually took over
dben dmar for a time, but taught at a long list of other monasteries including, stag
lung, bsam yas, chu mig, ston mo lung, and others. He also founded the
monastery(?) Śambhar in gtsang. shes rab seng ge is said to have had many great
disciples especially learned in the Kālacakra-tantra. rgwa lo’s third son is said to have
"looked after the country" and the fourth son, Ākarasiddhi, was a master of the
Kālacakra and the recipient of several different Kālacakra lineages.
(rdo rje rgyal mtshan) {R 792 - 793}
Ākarasiddhi ‘s son rdo rje rgyal mtshan (b. 1283 d. 1325) had a short but eventful life.
At 16, he took over dben dmar monastery. He is said to have supported a school
(Tib. bshad grwa) focused on the study of the Kālacakra. He eventually took over
Śambhar. At the invitation of the Chinese emperor, he traveled to the Imperial Court
in 1310.
bu ston {R 793 - 795}
bu ston received Kālacakra teachings from rdo rje rgyal mtshan. Together, they
engaged in thorough study of the tantra including its "lesser branches" {R 793}. rdo
rje rgyal mtshan suggested bu ston translate the Commentary on the Sekoddeśa, a
text related to the Kālacakra teachings, in 360 ślokas, which he did. bu ston regularly
taught the tantra at zha lu (in gtsang). He also revised the translation of the tantra
made by shong ston rdo rje rgyal mtshan (the shong translation). bu ston taught the
tantra to up to 500 scholars at a time and wrote commentaries on its various
sections, including the Mahā-ṭīkā. His main student dpal Idan bla ma dam pa brought
the text of the Kālacakra everywhere he traveled. lo tsā ba rin chen rnam rgyal ba
followed bu ston (at zha lu?) and also taught the tantra regularly.
At this point, tsong kha pa is mentioned briefly. In 1418, he taught the Commentary
to the Tantra (Vimalaprabhā). ‘gos lo tsāba says that even though tsong kha pa, only
taught it at this one occasion, it " became like a banner which was never lowered."
(ngag gi dbang phyug grags pa) {R 795}
ngag gi dbang phyug grags pa received the Kālacakra tantra from bsod nams lhun
grub. ngag gi dbang phyug grags pa himself was a ritualist and learned in astrology.
He inspired his students to practice the Kālacakra tantra.
Additional precept lineages {R 795 - 797}
The translator se lo tsā ba gzon nu tshul khrims studied the Kālacakra or
related texts from four different masters in India, namely, tsa mi, Abhaya,
Bhāskara, and Abhiyukta. In Tibet, se lo’s translation was passed on to gnyos
dar ma 'od, who passed it on to others. u rgyan pa taught the Kālacakra tantra
using se lo’s translation at la stod and yar klungs.
rgwa lo tsā ba also received Kālacakra precepts from tsa mi and studied with
Abhaya. rgwa lo became well known and was able to teach in Central Tibet
and Lower Kham.
The paṇḍita Vibhūticandra in Nepāl said that he received the Sadaṅga-yoga
from (the mahasiddha?) sha ba ri dbang phyug. Vibhūticandra came to Tibet
and transmitted the teachings to ko brag pa, who is known in an earlier
section of the Blue Annals as the recipient of the teachings of Indian female
master Niguma. Lastly, kha che pan chen (Śākyaśrī) transmitted several
Kālacakra related teachings to the translator dpyal chos kyi bzang po.
Vanaratna {R 797 - 804}
Vanaratna (d. 1468) was one of the last Indian teachers to teach extensively
in Tibet. ‘gos lo tsāba himself received teachings directly from the Vanaratna,
including the complete system of Kālacakra teachings. Vanaratna is
particularly noted for the refinements he made to tantric practices. For
example, 'gos credits Vanaratna with restoring certain generation and
completion stage precepts that had become obscured (R 802). In another
case, Vanaratna changes one Cakrasamvara practice to "without signs"
(mtshan ma med pa) instead of "with signs" (mtshan ma dang bcas pa).
Vanaratna was born in Eastern India as a prince. He began his Buddhist
education early under two teachers, Buddhaghoṣa and Sujataratna, who
apparently looked over large monasteries, (even at such a late period of
Buddhism in India). Vanaratna was ordained at 20 and spent six years in
ŚrīLanka before traveling to various places in India and doing a three year
retreat in the forest. At a monastery called Uruvāsa, an image of
Avalokiteśvara told him to go to Tibet. On his first trip there, he was ignored
and returned to Nepāl. Eventually si tu rab bstan pa invited Vanaratna to rgyal
rtse. On this return trip, he became rather active in Tibet for many more years.
He spent time in Lhasa and taught at numerous monasteries including rtses thang, gsang phu, and gung thang. From 1426 to 1468 (Vanaratna is said to
have lived to age 85) Vanaratna traveled back and forth between Nepāl and
Tibet. In Nepāl, he was known for his generosity to the poor. His transmission
in Tibet included teachings on the Vajravārahī Cycle, the Kālacakra and its
commentary, and the Saṃvara Cycle. He also wrote a commentary on the
Śrī-Cakra-Saṃvarapañcakramavṛtti.
bsod nams rgya mtsho {R 805 - 837}
The remainder of the chapter is discusses the life of the translator bsod nams rgya
mtsho (b. 1424 d. 1482). This section was not written by ‘gos lo tsāba, but was
inserted later by students of the author. The author(s) of this final section wrote the
life story of bsod nam rgya mtsho in eight chapters.
Chapter One: Birth {R 805 - 806}
The family line of bsod nams rgya mtsho’s father is said to extend to the time
of khri srong lde btsan. bsod nams rgya mtsho’s father, bsod nams 'od zer
was a siddha and his mother a "natural ḍakinī". bsod nams rgya mtsho was
born in yar klungs bstan thang amidst wondrous signs.
Chapter Two: Deeds as a Child {R 806- 807}
When he was 4 or 5, he visited Samye and became filled with an attitude of
renunciation. He constantly engaged in a variety of Buddhist activities
including recitation of mantras and texts. He dwelt in mystical trances, learned
the alphabet quickly, and composed a poem for his mother.
Chapter Three: Ordination and Early Education {R 807 - 811}
From the age of 7 until about the age of 21, bsod nams rgya mtsho’s main
activity was study. He received novice ordination at Samye and began
studying Logic and Perfection of Wisdom Scriptures, which he later taught at
rtses thang when he was 13. There, a religious king (it is not entirely clear
what this designation means), grags pa 'byung gnas, was impressed by his
knowledge and volunteered to support him. bsod nams rgya mtsho studied
day and night, mostly memorizing texts. The author(s) point out that bsod
nams’ wisdom came from both birth and through his through sustained efforts
over a long period of time.
At age 21, he taught the whole range of exoteric doctrines at rtses thang. He
resolved not to be biased toward any one monastery or doctrinal view and
proceeded to na len dra and then snar thang to study with various teachers.
kun rgyal ba, a teacher at snar thang taught him Naropa’s Six yogas, the Path
and Fruit, and Māhamudra teachings. 'gos lo tsā ba gzhon nu dpal, (the
author of the Blue Annals), gave bsod nams instruction in Sanskrit, as well as
teachings on the Nyingma and Sarma tantras, including the Kālacakra tantra.
bsod nam attended to the Indian master Vanaratna when he was in Tibet.
Later, he received initiations from the Karmapa.
Chapter Four: Full Ordination {R 811- 812}
At age 22, bsod nams rgya mtsho received full ordination. 'gos lo tsā ba
gzhon nu dpal acted as the " karma-ācārya"
Chapter Five: Wisdom From Reflection {R 812}
At this point, bsod nams rgya mtsho became to contemplate the meaning of
all that he had studied. He questioned his teachers and participated in debate.
He then went into seclusion and to read the bka’’gyur once, and then the
bstan ‘rgyur twice, as well as all of bu ston’s collected works. In other words,
as the author(s) tell us, he read everything in the Tibetan language he could
find.
Chapter Six: Spiritual Attainments {R 812- 822}
A major portion of this chapter {R 816 - 821} is a roughly 100 verse
description devoted to outlining the progression of bsod nams rgya mtsho’s
spiritual attainments written in the first-person. It organized according to six
(or seven?) "encouragements." The first encouragement is a prophecy made
to bsod nams by Vanaratna when the former is staying at gro bo’i klungs in
1464. In general, all of the verses in this section are steeped in symbolic
language. The prophecy here is: ’at the time of the ripening of wild rice, your
wish will bear fruit'.
In 1465 at ku la sam bu, bsod nams had two important experience. First a
crow dropping landed on his head. This was an indication that he would
receive obstacles in meeting his father (presumably Vanaratna). Then a Red
Garuḍa appeared and the sky filled with clouds and rain. Mahākāla then came
and told him this was a sign that "his worldly work will be handicapped by illfame" and that he should instead devote himself towards enlightenment. This
was the second encouragement.
Later that year in rin po che’i gling (this is possibly a place in Nepāl), he
received the third encouragement which is put forth in very symbolic
language. It reads: "The grandfather, the black faced ri dags dgra (sa ba ri),
and, my father, a monk in appearance together bestowed, their blessing. In a
wooden house, surrounded by wooden boards, Mother mig mangs looked
after me."
The fourth encouragement also took place in 1465. He had a vision twenty
four damsels in the sky that represented innate wisdom. The fifth
encouragement was a vision of his teacher as Vanaratna as Vairocana
together with Tara. The sixth encouragement seems to be a description of the
third initiation. This is followed later by a somewhat mysterious encounter with
Vanaratna where bsod nams rgya mtsho receives a symbol of vast secret and
great meaning. {R 820}
The verses end at this point. bsod nams had been in Tibet during the last of
those encouragements. He proceeded to Nepāl and received the Fourth
initiation from Vanaratna. Vanaratna then encourages him to transmit path of
union (Skt. yuganaddha, Tib. zung ‘jug) in Tibet.
Chapter Seven: Labors for the Doctrine {R 822 - 835}
The description of bsod nam rgya mtsho’s efforts to benefiting the dharma
begins with the wide variety of material projects he supported. He built a
Maitreya statue for his parents, a stūpa called bkra shis sgo mang caitya of
the Revolving of the Wheel of the Law, he helped repair monasteries of spyi
bo, gra thang, and other monasteries; he did these things wherever he went.
As a translator, he retranslated one text called the Pratipattisāraśataka
(snying po brgya pa), revised teachings related to the Hevajra Cycle and
Saṃvara Cycle. He also acted as an interpreter for Vanaratna.
As a commentarial author, he wrote some on sections of the Kālacakra-tantra,
the rdo rje snying 'grel, and the phyag rdor stod 'grel. Otherwise, most of his
other works were notes on various sūtras and tantras and manuals on
maṇḍala rites. In all his collected works make up 12 volumes.
Often after receiving teachings among a class of others, he would offer tea or
food to his fellow classmates. To monasteries large and small, he made
offerings of money and food, supported festivals, and helped pay for land at
various places.
It is said that bsod nams rgya mtsho, following the advice of Vanaratna, did
not teach extensively, and whenever he is said to have taught the "very
essence" of the sūtras and tantras. The Hayagrīva, Hevajra, zhi khro, Six
Doctrines of Naropa, Sadaṅga-yoga, the Kālacakra and commentary, the
dgongs cig, the zab mo nang don are mentioned numerous times as
examples of texts he taught, however, even that is a partial list. For Nyingma
and Bon Tantrics (sngags pas), he would teach what they requested. bsod
nams rgya mtsho praised the Kālacakra for clearly teaching the path to union
(Skt. yuganaddha).
Chapter Eight: bsod nams rgya mtsho’s paranirvāṇa {R 835 - 837}
’gos lo tsāba, the author of the Blue Annals. died in 1481, a year before bsod
nams rgya mtsho died in 1482. For this reason, we are told that the section on
bsod nams rgya mtsho’s life was inserted based on the ‘gos lo tsāba’s
intention to include the biographies of anyone who contributed to the doctrine
and at the request of dpal bkra shis dar rgyas legs pa'i rgyal po (a patron?). {R
837}. The (fourth) Karmapa was on hand to take part in funeral services and
rites of bsod nams rgya mtsho.
Conclusion to Part 10 {R 838}
The author lists approximately 20 individuals who translated the Kālacakra
and notes that no other tantra had so many translators in Tibet. The chapter
closes with some general notes on who translated some of the other texts
related to the Kālacakra, such as the Commentary by Vajragarbha on the
Hevajra-tantra, and the commentary on the Saṃvara tantra attributed to
Vajrapāni, and the Sekoddeśaṭīkā.
SUMMARY PART 11 (DA) (first half): Great Seal (Skt.
Mahāmudrā)[NO SEPARATE CHAPTERS] SUMMARY (first half)
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the Great Seal(Skt. Mahāmudrā).”
deb ther sngon po las / phyag rgya chen po’i skabs. 13 folios. Chandra 743767; Chengdu 983-1014; Roerich 839-866.
Structure
The section is fairly straight forward in structure.
Explaination of various wrong views
Philosophical explaination of "Theory of Relativity" as antidote to wrong views
History of Mahāmudrā
o
Lineal History of Mahāmudrā
o
The Life Story of Vairocanarakṣita
o
The Life Story of ka ro pa
o
The Life Story of dam pa skor chung ba
o
The Story of ni rū pa's consciousness transference into dam pa skor
chung ba's body
The first half of the chapter ends near the beginning of part 3.e.
Content
Wrong Views
heretical nihilists (rgyang pan pa) who do not strive for emancipation.
Digambaras (gcher bu pa) thought penance alone could purify negative
karma.
āṃsakas (spyod pa pa, dpyod-pa-pa) didn't think realization was possible.
Sāmkhyas (grangs chan pa) and the Vaiśeṣikas (bye brag pa) couldn't abandon
self.
The Śrāvakas and Pratyeka-Buddhas strove only for individual liberation
Theory of Relativity
The theory of relativity deconstructs ones constructed ideas and can itself be
deconstructed by the knowledge of Mahāmudrā
History of Mahāmudrā
Lineal History
The lineal history of Mahāmudrā as offered in the Blue Annals is exceedingly
convoluted. 'gos approaches the problem from an array of perspectives instead of
picking one and flushing out all the known details of the lineage through it. It seems
the central figure of the lineage is Maitriī-pa. As best as I can reconstruct it, the
lineage in this section is as follows:
[This image would not cut-and-paste into this document – JMR]
occupies body of
Maitrī-pa is the central figure here, and there is additional mention of other
disciples of his. These include:
The Four Great Ones:
na te ka ra
Devākaracandra
Rāmapāla
Vajrapāṇi
-also called-also called-also called-also called-
Sahajavajra
Śūnyatāsamādhi
dga' ba skyong ba
phyag na
no other mention in my section
no other mention
no other mention
fair amount of treatment in first half
The Four Spiritual Sons:
ka ro pa
phyag na
long biography in this section
-also called-
Vajrapāṇi
fair amount of treatment in this section
mar pa
cursory treatment in this section
Śīlabharo
no other mention in this section
Atīśa is also mentioned as an important student of Maitrī-pa's.
Furthermore, we're told that according to the "Upper" school of Mahāmudrā, the
school perpetuated by Vajrapāṇi and others to major teachers, the history of its
dissemination is divided into three epochs. Early, intermediate, and late. The middle
is further divided into the "Upper" school and the "Lower" school. The early period is
said to have been started by ni rū pa, the middle, perpetuated by Vajrapāṇi, and the
late started by nag po sher dad.
The dates are a little shady. For example, ni rū pa, who is meant to have initiated the
early period, learns from a contemporary of Vajrapāṇi, the person who seems to
have carried the middle period. This isn't impossible, but worth questioning. It's
probably explained by ni rū pa's taking over of dam pa skor's body which ostensibly
allows him to live longer.
The Life Story of Vairocanarakṣita
Son of a king in southern India. He traveled east through India and eventually
met Surapāla who initiated him into the Mahāmudrā. He obtained man other
initiations and texts from many other masters.
Of his journeys to Tibet, we’re told very little. Of the six visits, we know nothing of the
final 5. On the first he was appointed chaplain to the king and for this reason couldn’t
visit ri bo rtse lnga (wu t’ai shan) when he wanted to. Also, mu thang by “harbored illfeeling towards him” and so he performed many secret miracles (R 846).
The Life Story of ka ro pa
ka ro pa was a disciple of Maitrī-pa. Interesting is the fact that his religious training
isn’t mentioned until he’s 34. Until then, we’re merely told of his Sanskrit grammar
and science studies, despite the fact that at seven years old a dakini is said to have
prophesied about him.
He studied Vinaya, the “Father” and “Mother” classes of tantras, Mahā-yoga, Prajñāpāramitā, Abhidharma. Even at 77 years old, he still looked 16.
At Vajrisāna, he was told that Maitrī-pa possessed the precepts of Mahāmudrā which
transcended meditation. He practiced Mahāmudrā for seven years.
The circumstances of his death aren’t recounted in the Blue Annals.
The Life Story of dam pa skor chung ba
dam pa skor chung ba was a disciple of ka ro pa. Born in 1062 as the fifth son of a
Tibetan family he was sent away with a monk as five was considered an unlucky
number at this time and place. He was ordained at lha sa before reaching the age of
10 and upon falling ill, got better after touching some of Vairocana’s hair. Vairocana
bestowed sems ‘dzin, a “profound meditation,” on him (R 849).
At 11 he returned home to find his father dead. He performed the funeral rite for him
100 times and stole a turquoise that his sister had hidden. At 12 “he mastered the
exposition of the Vinaya” (R 850) and sold his turquoise.
At 13 he met a yogin in Nepāl named rwa ru chang who claimed to be the richest
man in Nepāl took him back to his hut. There dam pa met a yogini who had turned
rwa ru chang to the dharma. It seems that rwa ru chang became dam pa’s primary
teacher. rwa ru chang then told dam pa that none of the Nepālese paṇḍitas,
Vajrapāṇi included could help him and he sent dam pa to study with a yogin which he
did for a time.
He attended on Kumudarā and “The flame of Prajñā (wisdom) was lit in him and he
obtained the understanding of all the doctrines” (R 851).
Later his teacher and his teacher’s wife bestowed on him the four degrees of
initiation of the yuganaddha (zung ‘jug).
The episode of his death is left out of this section of the Blue Annals.
The Story of ni rū pa's Consciousness Transference into dam pa skor chung ba's Dead Body
The only bit of this section that falls in the first half of the Mahāmudrā chapter is one
that tells that ka ro pa sent his disciple, a 74 year old ni rū pa who had attained siddhi
to Tibet.
PART 12 (NA): Peace-Making Lineages [8 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the early, middle, and later Peace-Making lineages.”
deb ther sngon po las / zhi byad <byed> brgyud bas <snga> phyi bar gsum gyi skabs.
50 folios. Chandra 769-867; Chengdu 1015-1138; Roerich 867-981.
12.1 The first lineage (brgyud pa dang po’i skabs. Chandra 770;
Chengdu 1015; Roerich 867).
This section begins with a brief description of the Holy Doctrine at the heart of the "peacemaking" lineages: "sdug bsngal zhi byed" ("Alleviator of Sufferings"). The Doctrine apparently
was put to diverse uses. According to Gö Zhönnupel, it "helped to protect disciples from
sinful actions and purified the defilements of their Minds. This Doctrine brings a speedy
alleviation of the sufferings of those who, by the influence of their former lives, are afflicted in
body, tormented by diseases, poverty stricken, tormented by devils, and enables them to
practise Yoga" (R 867). Besides encouraging ethical behavior, purification of the mind, and
yoga practice, there seems a marked affinity between zhi byed and healing, in a broad sense
which includes somatic diseases, demonic afflictions, poverty, and other broadly construed
worldly ailments.
Gö also reports that the zhi byed ("Peace-Making") tradition "was also so named after the
"Mantra which alleviates all sufferings" uttered by the Buddha (sdug bsngal thams cad rab tu
zhi bar byed pa'i sngags).1" (R 867). This is, of course, the Heart Sutra, reputed to be the
quintessence of the vast Prajñ?p?ramit? literature.
Next we hear of the master of this doctrine: dam pa sangs rgyas. He was born in "the
province of Carasi?ha in the country of Be-ba-la in southern India. He was born with all his
teeth out" (R 868). A prophet foretells that he will either be a great pa??ita or yogin.
In his childhood, dam pa ordains and becomes expert in the Vinaya as well as s?tras and
grammar. His main guru is one called gser gling pa (Dharmak?rti). His stint as an exoteric
monastic lasts about ONE line only in the Blue Annals. We immediately hear that he is then
initiated by various teachers into several tantric ma??alas, that he possessed the perfect
vows and precepts of a Vidy?dhara, and that he obtained the profound precepts from 54
siddhas, males and females. (R 868).
Next we hear of his teachers in various subject areas: S?tras and Grammar, Tantras
belonging to the "Father" class, Tantras belonging to the "Mother" class, and Mah?mudr?;
lastly we hear of the teachers who introduced him to his own Mind.
Next we hear that dam pa spent years and years meditating in various locales of South Asia:
southern India, the jungles of East India, Svayambh?-caitya in Nepal, Vajr?sana, cemetaries,
and so forth. There is a litany of the tantric deities of whom he has many visions. He obtains
ordinary siddhis including:
eye medicine (añjana, mig sman), applying which one could see treasures underground, the
medicine which enabled one to cover the distance of 100 yojanas daily (rkang mgyogs),
magic pills (ril bu, gulik?), the faculty of passing through earth (sa 'og), the power of
employing a yak?? as one's servant (gnod ‘byin mo), a tongue of a vet?la (ro langs)
transformed into a dagger (ral gri) which enables one to fly through space, moving through
sky (mkha’ spyod, Khecara).
Here it’s noteworthy that such powers are often construed as deriving from specific
"medicines." The powers seem to center on supranormal sight, facility of movement, and
power over other beings.
Finally, dam pa attains the "Path of Illumination (mthong lam) and the knowledge of the
Mah?mudr? (Mah?mudr?-jñana)" (R 871).
Next is a summary of dam pa’s five visits to Tibet:
1. to Tsari and all around Khams; Yet there is no fit vessel for his teaching.
2. from Kashmir to mnga’ ris where he bestows several precepts on zhang zhung gling kha pa
and on the bon po khra tshar 'brug bla.
3. from Nepal to Central Tibet, where in Tsang he bestows gcod (cutting) precepts.
4. he stayed at gnyal. He purified the moral defilements of his mother. Later having gone to
dbus, he laboured for the benefit of rma, so and others.
5. he returned after spending 12 years in China to Tingri, where he settled until his death.
(~20 yeas?)
The following quote from the end of the introductory portion of the zhi byed section tells much
about the tradition overall:
Once kun dga asked him about the number of disciples initiated by dam pa in Tibet and who
had scattered throughout the country, saying: "How many disciples have you had in Tibet to
whom you have given precepts?" dam pa replied: "Are you able to count the stars in Heaven
above the plain of ding ri?" (He said so,) because the sky over ding ri is wide and it is difficult
to count the stars on it. These disciples had scattered, and therefore were unable to continue
the Lineage. It is difficult for people to know about them. Thus, because he possessed
innumerable disciples, he must have had also numerous hidden precepts. (His) famous
Lineages are the "Early", the "Intermediate" and the "Later" (R 871).
In terms of legacy, rather than having solid institutions (perhaps buildings housing people,
books, and so forth) to point to, dam pa gestures more poetically, but vaguely to the stars in
the sky -- which are numerous, but distant and scattered and therefore unable to continue the
lineage. Also interesting here is the stark equation of numerous disciples entailing numerous
hidden precepts.
The Blue Annals surveys the zhi byed tradition according to dam pa’s "Early", "Intermediate"
and "Later" lineages.
The Early Lineage
The Blue Annals offers only one paragraph about this lineage. dam pa taught the doctrines
that comprise it, (represented by the s?dhana of Yam?ntaka and the three Cycles of zhi byed
sgrol ma) to the Kashmirian Jñanaguhya. Gö gives a few lineage names which culminate
with rog shes rab 'od.
12.2 The Ma System (rma lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 774; Chengdu
1020; Roerich 872).
The "Intermediate" Lineage:
This lineage is broken down into the chief precepts of rma, so and skam, as well as "lesser"
precepts.
rma
- born 1055 at skyer sna of yar stod.
- rma was ordained in his youth. In terms of teachings/empowerments before meeting dam pa
sangs rgyas, he obtained from his father the Pad-ma dbang chen (a rnying ma pa form of
Hayagr?va). Then he studied the "Domain of Practice" (spyod phyogs), the M?dhyamaka
system, the Doh? according to the "Upper" school, and the grub snying (the Cycle of Doh?).
- Meeting dampa: rma was sick. A black a tsa ra (<?c?rya) carrying a single garment (dam
pa) approaches and the guard dogs miraculously wag their tails and greet him happily rather
than bark. rma asks for dam pa’s blessing and is instantly healed.
- rma tells dam pa that he knows "the Tantras of the 'Father' class (pha rgyud) and the
Mah?mudr?" to which dam pa replies: "Yours is the Mah?mudr? of Words, but now I shall
expound (to you) the Mah?mudr? of Meaning". He teaches this doctrine "basing himself on
such words as ‘the stage in which the eyes remain open and the mental (flow) ceases, in
which breath is stopped’" (R 873).
- Next, dam pa leaves though beseeched to stay by rma. This is a recurring theme of dam pa
and his disciples: he shows up and disappears abruptly. Disciples follow rumors as to his
whereabouts in hopes of interstecting with the itinerant master.
- Then, rma spends nine years at mtsho rdzong of kong po brag gsum where a local feud
breaks out. He feels moved to intervene, but lacks confidence. Then he receives a pledge of
help in the matter from a local deity and he successfully intervenes by placing his robes down
between the warring factions and threatening both parties that they will befall "the nine kinds
of misfortunes" if they break the enforced truce. He then walks off followed by a black
whirlwind, and excitedly says to himself: "Now I shall be able to help living beings!"
- He attracts many disciples, and the Blue Annals mentions his "five great spiritual sons" in
particular, and relates each of their stories. Some miscellaneous points of general interest
from these sections:
- one is renowned as an expert in "both medicine and religion". (zhi byed lineage members
seem to be especially renowned as healers).
- rma offers one of his disciples the following anti-scholastic cautionary advice: "Having met a
siddha from India, I was benefitted by it, otherwise 'on the bed of a great scholar, the corpse
of an ordinary human being will be found"' (R 875). (surely American academics are
exempted from this?!)
- In this lineage of rma we find smyon pa don ldan, the naked, dancing "crazy" highlighted by
Davidson in Tibetan Renaissance (448). The Blue Annals offer none of the colorful anecdotes
the Davidson cites which vouch for the "smyon pa" (craziness) of this character.
- Gö’s litany of lineage names here also culminates in rog shes rab 'od.
- The Blue Annals speak of two Lineages in the school of rma: that of the Word, and that of
the Meaning. The exposition of the Meaning (don khrid) included 16 lag khrid or practical
guides. The Lineage of the Word contained the cittotp?da, a summary (stong thun), a
miscellany (kha 'thor), that "which hits the mouth and the nose" (khar phog snar phog),
meaning criticism of the point of view of others, and the "extensive" (exposition, mthar rgyas).
12.3 The So System (so lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 778; Chengdu
1025; Roerich 876).
This lineage is named for so chung ba, the elder and shorter of two brothers "so". so chung
pa (b. 1062) was invited to be a disciple of rma, and ordained at the age of 11. Accompanying
rma, he meets dam pa for the first time. dam pa spots him from afar and rushes toward so
chung pa, excitedly proclaiming that he has been dam pa’s disciple during three rebirths, and
must come follow him again.
Both rma and so chung pa stay with dam pa for a time. But then, when rma leaves, so chung
pa defies his order to come along, and instead stays with dam pa. He receives from dam pa
the complete precepts of the Lineage of Meaning (don brgyud) including hidden precepts of
the 54 male and female siddhas. He receives permission from dam pa to commit these
precepts to writing, and jots them in the margins of a 100,000 verse Prajñ?paramit?. Then,
abruptly dam pa leaves for China (for 12 years), tersely instructing so that he cannot follow
and must go home. Once again, the master hits the road abruptly without any sense of effort
toward cultivating a lasting group or institution of any kind.
Healing by subduing demons: "so chung ba obtained a clear vision of the demons and
various ailments which were afflicting sick men, and performed many rites of subduing
demons ('dre 'dul). He collected large fees (for these rites) and thus acquired much property
with which he bought some landed property at yar mda' (Lower yar klungs), and settled his
parents and brother on it" (R878). Here we see that subduing demons is clearly a significant
form of healing, and a lucrative one at that.
so entrusts the written precepts of dam pa (mentioned just above) to his mother, who
damages them, whereupon the precepts are lost.
so chung pa catches up with dam pa again at ding ri (when the latter returns from China),
jumps in his lap and plucks out one of his hairs, nearly inciting a riot. The master assures the
crowd that this crazy hair-plucker is his disciple and he bestows more precepts upon so.
Next are stories of so chung pa and his disciple sha mi (smon lam 'bar):
so chung pa as master puts sha mi through various trials like those of Milarepa under Marpa:
carrying heavy weight for no reason, wasting entire days on aimless errands, etc. Finally,
after being falsely accused of thievery, the student attempts to attack the teacher, who replies
from behind a locked door:
"O smon lam 'bar! Your Mind is now filled with anger. Look at it!" smon lam 'bar had a look at
his own Mind, and a pure understanding of the unveiled nature of the Mind was produced in
him. Great was his joy, and grasping with both hands the flaps of his coat, he began to dance
and sing" (R 881).
After receiving complete precepts, sha mi retires to a pastoralist lifestyle:
He then built himself a hut at bzang grong tshugs kha, and made his bed on the roof (of the
hut). Inside the hut he placed goats. He spent his time merely gathering cowdung and playing
with children throwing stones, but because of his great inner perfection, his fame became
great.
In general, the zhi byed tradition appears to be predominantly a lay-based phenomenon,
though many of its lineage members (including dam pa sangs rgyas himself) originally were
ordained monks. sha mi appears to be a married layman too; yet he has a monk-disciple who
accompanies him to a patron’s house where the monk-disciple defeats a rival ?c?rya in
philosophical debate on the "Six Treatises of the M?dhyamaka system", whereupon the
master (sha mi) dances, sings, and insults the defeated rival, and rewards his monastic
disciple with a complete set of secret precepts in return for so deftly wielding his philosophical
knowledge. This seems an interesting intersection of lay and monastic figures, where a
monastic is seeking precepts from a layman, and the esoteric adept-layman derives high
value from the scholastic knowledge of his disciple.
In general, this section continues with brief description of lineage members’ lives and
teachings and precepts bestowed to them.
Anecdote: mal ka ba can pa (b. 1126 A.D.). "(In his childhood) he was very naughty and
mischievous. He married a very wealthy widow, who (once) said to him: "If you were to enter
religion, I would give you provision! If you do not, we had (better) separate." So he entered
the gates of religion" (R 889).
Anecdote: mal is hoping to meet the master dam pa smon lam. "At the head of the row sat a
yogin wearing an eye shade made of bear skin" who offers him tea and flour -- the master
himself. This bear-skin-clad yogin seems not-so-scholastic or monastic, yet we find him often
preaching to monks - sometimes, for example, on the border of agricultural fields.
In general there are many anecdotes related surrounding lineage members, including how
one finds the teacher, strange teaching methods, miracles, the types of doctrines and
precepts being exchanged or obtained, lots of breakthrough experiences where one suddenly
receives a vision of one’s own mind, and so forth.
In general, this seems to be a lay-dominated movement. Most of the masters appear to be
itinerant yogins of the non-celibate sort, or married householders whose wives seem to play a
role in either helping or hindering young aspiring disciples to have access to the master. In
general, there seems to be a fair amount of these lay siddha-type figures teaching monastics,
or monastics seeking out the lay siddhas and taking up that lifestyle in place of monastic life.
The story of the ?c?rya kun bzangs:
He belonged to the khan gsar pa family, and was a descendant of the royal family of khra
'khrug pa. He was the eldest of the two brothers, the youngest being the military commander
chos rdor, He ordains as a monk, works his way to studying the "Six Doctrines" (of nA ro pa).
"Having returned to his native place to fetch provisions, he found his father carried away by
enemies, and he was forced to fight" (R891). This fighting monk then sleeps outside the
master’s (mal’s) house for days, but the master hates monks and won’t teach him....until the
monk is seen drinking tea from a dog’s bowl w/o cleaning it; and the master is won-over
instantly (R892).
sangs rgyas dbon, initiated by dgyer.
His father was the military commander chos rdor. sangs rgyas dbon took up residence at a
monastery.
The story of his disciple brag 'bur ba (rin chen 'bum):
the second of the five sons of the military commander chos rdor; a wonderful understanding
and experience of bliss, and of the "Inner Heat" (bde drod) was produced in him. He became
abbot of shug gseb.
His (chief) disciple was shug gseb ri pa
He belonged to the clan of klubs. At shug gseb monastery, on ordination, he received the
name of gzhon nu rin chen. He took up the final monastic ordination before the up?dhy?ya zul
phu ba, the karma-?c?rya dbus khang pa, and the Secret Preceptor ka ba phu.
He practised meditation at various hermitages, such as tsa ri, glang ma of ding ri and others.
Later he became abbot of shug gseb.
He obtained the Cycle of zhi byed, such as the "Lineage of Meaning" (don brgyud) of smra
ba'i seng ge and the four zab don ("Four Profound Meanings"), the Cycle of rten 'brel, such as
the rten 'brel yid bzhing nor bu (a text on magic rites), and other texts, the Oral Tradition
(snyan brgyud) of Sa?vara, the three Cycles of the Doh?, according to the par system (of par
phu ba) together with their respective commentaries, the bla ma 'brel ‘jug (name of a book),
and the ye shes 'khor lo.
"...at the head of the row of all (the monks present), ...(ri pa) bestowed on him the complete
precepts of shug gseb pa, such as the "Lineage of Meaning" (don brgyud) of the zhi byed, the
three Cycles of the Doh?, the rten 'brel, and others" (R896). Here we find a famed zhi byed
precept holder as abbot of a monastery, whose zhi byed precepts have some renown. I
wonder if "shug gseb pa" precepts refer directly to precepts of the monastery, or of the one of
that monastery (probably this); but either way, zhi byed here appears appreciably institutional.
Here is a run-down of the various teachings in this lineage. The basic distinction, repeated
from dam pa himself, is that between lineage of word and meaning:
The number of teachings that belong to the system of so (chung ba) is as follows: two
Lineages, that of the Word, and that of the Meaning; in the "Lineage of the Word" there were
two Lineages: the "Senior"' Lineage (brgyud pa chen po) and the "Junior" Lineage (brgyud
phran).
The "Senior Lineage" included a number of sections which were named after 54 great holy
men (dam pa skyes mchog che ba); 32 intermediate sections named after 32 holy men ('bring
so gnyis); 17 short sections named after 17 holy men (dam pa skyes mchog). Each (section)
contained the life-story of one siddha (after whom the section had been named), his main
precept, and method of guiding disciples, in all, 54 Lineages. Otherwise, it can be divided into
103 Lineages, and for this reason it was called the "Senior" Lineage (brgyud pa chen mo).
The "Junior" Lineage (rgyud phran) included: the don skor lnga ma (the five sections of don
skor/Cycle of Meaning/), the rim pa bzhima (Four Stages /of meditation/, bsam gtan gyi thun
che chung, (meditation requiring long hours and short hours), the grags pa brgyad (name of a
book), the yab sras gsum ma (Teacher and disciples, the three), the skyon can (name of a
book) and the skyon med (name of a book), and others, in all 32 sections of the Doctrine.
In the "Lineage of the Meaning" (don rgyud): there were two phyogs su lhung ba (partial) and
ma lhung ba (impartial) branches. The first (consisted) of 54 "Lineages of the Meaning" of the
54 male and female yogins, the 32 "Lineages of the Meaning" of the 32 teachers, the 17
"Lineages of the Meaning" of the 17 holy men.
Now, in the "Impartial" branch (phyogs su ma lhung ba) there were {R 887} two sections, that
of mig 'byed skor (Opening the Eyes) and that of mkha’ 'gro ma (mkha’ 'gro ma'i skor).
In the first branch (mig 'byed) there were four "sons" and one "mother", in all five. These were
known as gzhung sbas pa mig 'byed'2, its branches dus dangs dus phran la gdams pa, 116
ngo sprod, the ma 'gags rnam dag (Eternal purity), and the rdo rje sems dpa'i gsang lam (the
"Secret path of Vajrasattva." These are the four "bu" or sons).
In the group of the ??kin?s (mkha’ 'gro ma) were included the four great skor mgo (sections)
of so (chung ba), the mchog sgrub pa la brda' skor (the series of Symbols revealing the
Sublime), the Formula of the Four Letters expressing the method of securing ordinary
realization (thun mong sgrub pa la yi ge bzhi pa'i skor),3 the Cycle of dza’ ga ta (rite of
blessing wine), and the thun Cycle (thun skor) which served to obtain both the realizations.
The Cycle of Symbols (brda’ skor) contained: The series of Symbols of Heruka (He ru ka'i
brda' skor), the series of Symbols of the Sugata (bde bar gshegs pa'i brda' skor), the series of
Symbols of Vajragha??a, and the miscellaneous symbols of dam pa.
The ordinary realization (thun mongs grub pa) included: the dmar mo gsung gi sgrub pa
(Propitiation of Speech of the Red V?rah?), and the s?dhana of nag mo (the Propitiation of
the Mind of the Black V?rah?). The last named included: V?rah?-dharma-k?ya-s?dhana, the
(V?rah?) sa?bhoga-k?ya-s?dhana, and the (V?rah?) nirm??a-k?ya-s?dhana.
The Cycle of dza’ ga ta included the gtum mo 'khor lo gcig pa (Eka-ca??al?cakra). The Cycle
of thun consisted of a sort of karma yoga (spyod lam gyi nyams skyong). The root of the
above (system was) the Lineage of Meaning of smra ba'i seng ge (dam pa rgya gar) which
contained terms agreeing with those of the Tantras, and the Lineage of the Meaning, known
as the Fourth Lineage, in which (the {R 888} philosophic) terms did not correspond to Tantric
terms, and which were not generally known. Then the ma tshan mdor bsdus (Summary of the
Essence of the Missing Chapters), and the rig pa srangs ‘jug (The Weighing of one's own
Mind) of so.
These were the four Oral Traditions (snyan brgyud).
This gives a good sense of the "flavor" of the intermediate lineage teachings anyway. The last
section seems to imply TWO roots to the system above: that "Lineage of Meaning" from dam
pa which uses terms that agree with tantras, AND another "Lineage of the Meaning" which
uses non-tantric terms which are not widely known. (I wonder if this latter is also attributed to
dam pa, but in a different mode of expression; or if it represents other Tibetans’ innovations
on dam pa’s teachings).
12.4 The Kam System (skam lugs kyi skabs. Chandra 795;
Chengdu 1047; Roerich 896).
skam was a monk learned in the Prajñ?paramit? doctrine. While performing a healing
ceremony, a mishap occurs of some sort, and the demon in question afflicts skam with a
malady. dam pa arrives and already knows that skam is afflicted. skam requests a hidden
precept, and so "dam pa bestowed on him the precepts of the Prajñ?paramit?,4 and all of a
sudden khams sgom's ailment was cured, and he was filled with amazement" (R896).
Prajñ?paramit? here may refer to gcod (cutting) rites and zhi byed system (as Roerich notes),
but the Prajñ?paramit? had already at this point a long history of ritual use for healing. It
seems possible to me that before dam pa’s disparate teachings congealed under the wide
"umbrella" of "zhi byed," the teachings (or at least portions of them) may have been simply
known as dam pa’s particular precepts of the Prajñ?paramit?.
This section tells of various miracles done by dam pa, as well as his reputation spreading, in
such lines as: "Here there is an Indian teacher, an extraordinary siddha. He cured my illness.
You should invite him" (R 897).
dam pa teaching skam: "On the first occasion he introduced him to his own Mind with the help
of two methods: by introducing him to the nature of the ailment, and to the nature of
meditation. On the second occasion he preached the Four Noble Truths, the Refuge, and
various other teachings." (underlines mine). Here the introduction to one’s own mind occurs
with a medical "flavor" to it. Also, such introduction occurs in juxtaposition with basic exoteric
teachings, but PRECEDES them. Step one is introduction to the mind.
Then, again, dam pa leaves abruptly:
"After 14 days, he said to him: "I am going!" They begged him to stay on, but he did not grant
(their request). They then begged to be allowed to meet him again, and dam pa replied "I
shall stay with a jñ?na-??kin? on the Wu-t’ai-shan of China (ri bo rtse lnga).5 You should
address your prayers over there".
Then skam asked him "Whom should I ask, when feeling uncertain, after you had gone?" dam
pa replied: "The best kaly??a-mitra is your own Mind! A Teacher, able to remove doubts, will
emerge from within your own Mind. The second kaly??a-mitra is an ?rya (the scriptures of the
Buddha), therefore you would read the {R 899} Prajñ?paramit? (rdo rgyes 'bring bsdus).6
Verily the lowest kind of kaly??a-mitras is the individual. But you will not meet me again. You
can discuss with the brothers who had experienced meditation. Meditate for eight years! Then
you will obtain the faculty of prescience. After that you can begin preaching the
Prajñ?paramit?s." skam replied: "I had no opportunity to practise meditation. Inside my body
there were nine tumours in the abdomen, and gra pa had prophesied that I was to die in three
months". dam pa replied: "Those who practise meditation on the Prajñ?paramit? will not suffer
even from headache".7 Saying so, dam pa departed (R 898).
Again, the teacher departs without leaving any substantial blueprint, guidance,
encouragement towards cultivating an institution surrounding these teachings. skam here
pleads for some interpersonal network he might join in dam pa’s absence; but all dam pa
advocates is one’s own mind, meditation, and the Prajñ?paramit?s.
Though both intermediate lineages, this system of skam appears to be heavier on the
Prajñ?paramit? than that of so chung pa. The remainder of the section details lineage holders
of skam’s system, as well as more stories of skam and dam pa, wherein dam pa heals him by
the power of the Prajñ?paramit?, or dam pa’ orders that the Prajñ?paramit? be copied, and so
forth.
12.5 Minor lineages (brgyud phran gyi skabs. Chandra 804;
Chengdu 1057; Roerich 905).
The schools of gra pa, lce and ljang were branches of the "'Intermediate Lineage" (bar du
byin ba'i rgyud). The hidden precepts of the nine "Zhi byed sgron ma" were bestowed (by
dam pa) on the kaly??a-mitra gra pa: the man ngag sku'i sgron ma,8 the theg pa gsung gi
sgron ma,9 the gsang ba thugs kyi sgron ma,10 the yang dag {R 906} lta ba'i sgron ma,11 the
rin po che sgom pa'i sgron ma,12 the byang chub spyod pa'i sgron ma,13 the mnyam nyid
gzhi'i' sgron ma,14 the rnal 'byor lam gyi sgron ma,15 and the dngos grub 'bras bu'i sgron
ma16 (R907).
These "Nine Cycles of sgron ma," or "Nine Lamps" precepts are among the few teachings of
dam pa that are preserved today. According to Dan Martin, these precepts (found in the
Tangyur) and a 5 volume collection of teachings from the "Later" lineage (below) comprise the
bulk of the original zhi byed teachings extant today.
This section highlights much of the same material as above, but here concerning gra pa, lce
and ljang. Again, there are stories of how each came to meet dam pa, what dam pa said
about their ability and knowledge, what teachings dam pa gave them when, and so forth.
For example, he teaches lce the precepts of the ordinary path (lam thun mong pa'i gdams
ngag) of the Prajñ?p?ramit?. Then he taught him the precepts of the extraordinary
Prajñ?p?ramit? (phar phyin thun mong ma yin pa'i gdams ngag). After that he taught him the
common precepts of the Tantra, and the extraordinary precepts of the Tantra (R908). Here
we see both clear distinctions between ordinary and extraordinary Prajñ?p?ramit?, but also a
clear distinction maintained between Prajñ?p?ramit? and Tantra. Others of dam pa’s
"extraordinary precepts of the Mantray?na" include "the sku gsung thugs,17 the sems nyid
gcig pu,18 the phyag rgya gcig19 and the phyag rgya bzhi, the rim Ina, the sems la gros
'debs," and so forth.
Yet lce also studies the precepts of the bka’ gdams pas and the
"Domain of the Practice" (spyod phyogs); numerous texts of the Abhidharma and the
M?dhyamaka; and many "Old" and "New" Tantras.
Thus, zhi byed lineage holders are not at all necessarily anti-scholastic; and again, they
seem to draw their overall religious knowledge from disparate sources. It is difficult to tell
which of their disparate teachings may be called "zhi byed" (which is itself, as Davidson
emphasizes, a label for astonishingly diverse types of teachings), and which are "outside of
the zhi byed tradition" teachings which these individuals have also obtained. It seems clear
that there is a very blurry line between the two.
Blurring the line between Prajñ?paramit? and tantra: lce’s doctrine is known as:
"The Precepts of the combined S?tras and Tantras," because these precepts were identical in
meaning with the verses of the Sañcaya20 and the N?masa?g?ti, thus they contained
precepts which belonged to the Prajñ?paramit?, and the Tantric precepts of the 58 male and
female siddhas.
The ljang system: (dam pa) bestowed the precepts of the "unwritten" Prajñ?paramit? (sher
phyin yi ge med pa) on ljang bka’ gdams pa of 'chims yul.
Here is another esoteric-sounding version of Prajñ?paramit? teaching, taught by dam pa to a
bka’ gdams pa who comes to be counted among the zhi byed lineage. There seems to be
much cross-fertilization between zhi byed and other traditions (or proto-traditions).
The "Separate" Lineage (brgyud pa thor bu ba):
Here is a diverse assortment of teachings and precepts bestowed by dam pa: everything from
sexual practices, to textual exegesis, to the mystic experiences of siddhas.
(dam pa) imparted on ‘bro sgom the mtshan brjod gser gyi thur ma (seems to be an
explanation of the N?masa?g?ti); to ‘gu sgom he imparted the las rgya'i gdams pa (precepts
on Tantric sexual practices); to chu sgom the precepts of snying gtam Ihug pa ("Frank
instructions"); to sgom pa dmar sgom the precepts of chig chod gsum; to gnyags lo tsA ba the
precepts of the Ekav?ra Sa?vara; to lce mo dpal sgom the sixteen sections of the mystic
experiences of siddhas; to ngor rje sgom pa of Upper gnyal the lhan cig skyes sbyor; to gnas
brtan ‘byung grags of chu bar the precepts of shes rab snying po;21 to snyags bshad shes
rab rgyal mtshan the precepts of the K?lacakra; to sangs pa dbu sdebs the precepts of yi ge
bzhi pa (the formula "eva? may?"); to rgya ston skye rtsegs of snye mo the precepts of
Hevajra; to zhang sog chung ba the guhyas?dhana (gsang sgrub) of (Vajra) v?rah?; to the bla
ma dgon dkar ba the precepts of Vajrap??i; to ‘ban gung rgyal of skyi shod (lha sa) the Oral
Tradition of Sa?vara; to ma gcig labs sgron the precepts of gcod; the above (mentioned
precepts) belong to the "Intermediate" Lineage (brgyud pa bar ma) (R 911).
Note the diversity!! various tantras, frank instructions, heart sutra precepts, etc. Note here the
mention of ma gcig labs sgron and the precepts of gcod. These are considered within the
Intermediate Lineage, and are deemed by Gö to have originated with dam pa sangs rgyas.
(there is some controversy among scholars as to whether dam pa or ma gcig herself is the
prime author of the gcod tradition.)
Also in this section is a story of dam pa meeting a sage on the road to China, who tells him
about a special dh?ra?? that exists at Vajr?sana, whereby all epidemics in the immediate
area would be cured. dam pa begins walking toward India, and immediately stumbles upon a
portal which magically transports him there. He obtains the dh?ra?? and returns. Thus, not
only is dam pa a specially endowed healer, he has a close connection with the holiest places
(and forces) of classical Buddhism in India, and he can access such right from Tibet.
As for dam pa’s time in China, there is no account given, other than to say that his meditative
lineage is apparently still alive there today (late 15th century). When he arrives back from
China intending to settle in Dingri, the elders forbid him. However, dam pa shows them that
"he was there first" by relating features of the place gleaned from past life memories.
His teachings stemming from his time in the Dingri area comprise the "Later" lineage of zhi
byed. He has four main disciples here, which are termed the "four guardians of the gate." He
gives different precepts to each, according to his disposition. Of these four, kun dga’ is his
main disciple. Of all his disciples of the Early, Intermediate, and Later lineages, kun dga’ is
traditionally considered to be his main disciple, endowed with the greatest collection of dam
pa’s teachings.
Of the disparate teachings given to the four:
the Prajñ?paramit?, which could be meditated upon, and that which could not be meditated
upon; the precepts which did not differentiate between Tantra and Prajñ?paramit?;
"Purification of the Mind" (blo sbyong); the single initiation (dbang gcig mo) of the
Mah?mudr?; the immaculate Path (dri med srangs); "The identification of the Mind" (rig pa
ngos 'dzin); the precepts of the Path of the Four Initiations, explained by symbols, the Path of
the Four Initiations (serv[ing] as antidote); the "snying po’i don" ("The Meaning of Essence")
and the mngon rtogs; Doh?, and so forth.
Repeatedly in this section it speaks of dam pa possessing teachings and precepts for
gradual (spiritual) development, as well as spontaneous (spiritual) development.
dam pa spent 21 years at ding ri, from the year {R 915} Fire-Female-Ox (me mo glang 1097
A. D.) till the Fire-Female-Hen (me mo bya 1117 A.D.) year. Having benefitted many
belonging to different races, he passed away.
12.6 Accounts of the twenty-for nuns (ma jo nyi shu rtsa bzhi’i lo
rgyus kyi skabs. Chandra 809; Chengdu 1063; Roerich 911).
The accounts of these "nuns" usually relate where they are from, their background, a few
details about the precepts they receive from dam pa (or kun dga’), any special abilities they
had, and miraculous signs, relics, and so forth surrounding their deaths. They seem to come
from diverse backgrounds: traders’ daughters, divorcees, and wealthy and poor alike. Though
called "nuns" (ma jo), these figures appear to be more of the yogini type: the siddhis they
attain are praised throughout (urine turning to honey, for example), as is their yogic insight;
they all seem to turn into rainbows and light upon death; some are outright called "siddhas;"
Several are married, some to kun dga’ himself. (one such "nun" who seems to be kun dga’s
main wife becomes irked that her husband is spending too much time with dam pa and so
physically drags him away by his hair). Most of these nuns are from the ding ri area and
southern Tibet generally. Many reside at glang 'khor -- which is called a monastery (even by
dam pa), though given all accounts of the individuals living there, I don’t suspect it to be a
great bastion of strict interpretation of the Vinaya. In terms of social realities of the time, the
account of the 24 nuns gives a glimpse of a newly established, loose institution of some kind
in the ding ri area, focused on the charismatic figure of dam pa and his disciples. Sometimes
groups of curious women come to see him together; others seem to be outright refugees with
broken lives (i think of Davidson’s comment about psychiatric outpatient services on a
hillside). There isn’t any mention in this section of controversy over these women choosing to
follow dam pa; it seems acceptable.
12.7 The three types of teachers in the hidden single lineage (chig
brgyud sbas pa’i bla ma rnam gsum gyi skabs. Chandra 817;
Chengdu 1073; Roerich 920).
The Bodhisattva kun dga’:
Throughout five former existences he had been adopted by dam pa. In this life, he was born
in the year 1062 A.D. as son of father stod pa khri bzangs and mother jo mo dar ma (the lady
dar ma) at tsha gung, east of ding ri.
kun dga’ marries and has a son, but after lying to his wife and going to visit dam pa, he
abandons all worldly duties and concerns, leaving his wife and son to have to beg for food.
(Yet at least two of the 24 nuns were deemed to be kun dga’s wives; i wonder if either one is
this initial wife [who took up practice], or if the initial wife remained cut off from him and these
later wives are all entirely new).
In general in this section, dam pa is seen to immediately recognize kun dga’ as his main
successor. He eagerly gives advice to kun dga’ about how to meditate, how to do austerities,
and so forth. The two speak in a quasi-coded symbolic language, which dam pa seems
thrilled to have kun dga’ understand.
(dam pa) entrusted to him the "Lineage of the Meaning" of the Prajñ?paramit?, having divided
it into five kinds of Paths and three kinds of penance. He also bestowed on him the book of
the "Four teachings" (bka’ bzhi) and the "Stream of Initiation" (dbang gi chu bo), together with
the "Oral Tradition" (snyan brgyud). (dam pa) said: "kun dga’ is the only man equal to me! A
river is the only thing constantly flowing down and the Sun and the Moon are the only things
which rise (constantly) in the sky" (R 922).
Later, dam pa will say (about his own death) that the sun will set but the moon is rising (in
kun dga’). Though dam pa gave such a wide array of teachings to such a disparate group of
disciples, he does seem interested in having a successor in whom all of his teachings will be
carried on. (...as opposed to what we read of ‘brog mi in Davidson -- seeking to keep his
teachings strategically divided among disciples so that no ONE individual had all).
Next: kun dga’s disciple pa tshab.
He was a scholar from central Tibet (having studied the lam rim of the bka’ gdams-pas,
M?dhyamaka, Pram??a (Logic), Sphu??rtha ('grel chung), and so forth. He decides he’s
studied enough, and needs to meditate, and therefore sells his father’s land (!!) and comes to
receive teachings from dam pa -- but only just in time to see his cremaion pyre. But he finds
kun dga’ and becomes his disciple. He receives many precepts, travels far and wide, and
eventually dies on the China-Tibet border. The Blue Annals takes special note of his study
and promulgation of instructions of the "Black Guide" (nag khrid).22 He revised them and
wrote them down in the form of questions and answers, naming them "'phra tig"
("Conclusion").
Thanks to him the Cycle of nag khrid zhus len spread over the entire
Northern region (R 928).
The next famous disciple in this lineage is named te ne (1127-1217)
From a very early age he is prophesied by all (including sgam po pa) to be a great siddha.
The latter bestows on te ne the Mah?mudr?.
He receives a prophecy from a mad woman at the base of a mountain, and makes
preparations to seek out the teacher she has prescribed. Then his life takes a few interesting
turns:
He (ten ne) having returned to his native place, made preparations to proceed to dbu ru, but
his father did not allow him. This caused displeasure in his mind, and he sang a song, and
then became a singer in the company of the minstrel gal te dgos.
...He then took the up?saka vows in the presence of ‘brin cha ru ba (a famous Teacher) and
obtained the bstan rim23 according to the method of the ?c?rya gra thang pa, and the bden
gnyis (name of a book), according to the method of dam pa chos sgro ba. He then fled
secretly from his father, having taken with him a kom thil (a leather sole), some dar sham silk,
and a skull-cup (thod phor). He spent the night at gra thang, and felt great mental satisfaction.
This offers insight into the various meanders life could take in this period: getting sidetracked
into a temporary career as a minstrel on the way to look into one’s prophesied religious
destiny. In general, parental relationships seem important: whether getting precepts and
teachings from one’s father, or evading parental control, or providing/not providing for parents
(or spouse and children), etc.
He eventually finds ma gcig (zha ma?? i don’t think "lab sgron") and "trades" with her: in
return for teaching her a sanskrit ?loka, she introduces him to her uncle who possesses the
teaching of zhi byed according to kun dga’. The eve before meeting the bla ma, "he saw in his
dream that a ball of light of the size of a bean had appeared on his tongue. He tasted it, and
the taste was excellent. He then swallowed it, and his entire body turned into light, and
emitted rays which spread over the ten quarters" (R 932). (Body-centered gnostic experience
in the mode of light emanation from within to without).
He studies extensively for years, having visions, gaining powers, compiling previously oral
instructions into a written form. Later we learn:
He (ten ne) acquired (the power) of the transference of the vital principle (grong ’jug),24 and
made an exhibition of the transference of the vital principle at the religious college (chos ra) of
rnyog jo sras. Then in order to practise certain Tantric rites, he became a minstrel, and for six
years (went about) singing songs. Then on the advice of jo bo lha chen po of bya sa, lha
btsun sngon mo and jo bo bye'u chung pa, he again put on the monastic robes, and was
nominated ?c?rya of the monastic college. Most of his time was spent in seclusion, during
which he composed numerous commentaries (bshad 'bum) on the sayings of dam pa (sangs
rgyas) (R 936 underlining mine).
One wonders precisely how being a minstrel allows one to practise certain Tantric rites; then,
again, he makes the switch from itinerant singing tantrika back to monastic robe-clad acarya,
remaining in seclusion writing commentaries. -- interesting turns of lifestyle and activity.
Eventually, he passes on his teachings to rog shes rab 'od and to zhig po nyi ma seng ge
(and his brother). Then, te ne changes yet again, and takes to itinerant book-hiding:
He thought that the abbotship at the monastic college at yar klungs was a source of hindrance
to him, and he gave it up.
After that he dressed as he pleased. Having gone to yar stod, he hid some books on the
mountain of bos mo. He received an invitation from one named the kaly??a-mitra of gnas
chung, and took up residence at gnas chung and gser lha. There he also hid books on the
rocks of shan thog. He also hid several books (dpe gter) in the mountains of gong bo and
sham bu. zhig po while wandering about the country, heard that ten ne was residing at gser
lha, and went there to pay homage to him.
This passage conveys a sense of roving masters and chance meetings: two wanderers that
happen to be in the same general area. One has heard about the other (master) and seeks
him out. (Word of mouth, reputation; circumstances of travelling wanderers).
When this enigmatic te ne dies (1217), his disciple zhig po offers the following eulogy which
doesn’t paint the most flattering picture of te ne’s conventional demeanor:
Outwardly, as if consumed by strong desires,
Inwardly -- a Teacher who had exterminated desires.
Outwardly, as if a very stupid man,
Inwardly -- a Teacher of great resignation.
Outwardly difficult of approach, He was a Teacher longed for by others, when separated from
him.
Outwardly a man of ordinary body and speech,
Inwardly -- a Teacher of steadfast virtue.
Outwardly -- reclining without meditating, {R939}
Inwardly -- a Teacher opening the numberless gates of meditation. Though in general, he did
not study much,
Inwardly (he was) a Teacher aflame with the wisdom born of meditation.
Outwardly -- a miser in religion,
Inwardly -- a Teacher spreading widely the Meditative Lineage. I pray to this Lord King of the
Hidden (sbabs pa'i rgyal po) in human form! (R 939).
12.8 Later Pacification Lineages (zhi byed brgyud pa phyi ma’i
skabs. Chandra 833; Chengdu 1092; Roerich 939).
Besides zhig po, the other main person to whom te ne bestowed
teachings was rog shes rab 'od. rog shes rab 'od was an incarnation of the
East Indian mah?-pa??ita, named shes rab grub (Prajñasiddha). rog was born
in the year 1166 A.D.
He is able to recite the Prajñ?paramit? in 25,000 ?lokas (nyi khri,
Pañcvi??atis?hasrik?) from memory at age 7. His father then decides he
should learn magic, and so keeps him in seclusion from the age of 10 to 13,
propitiating Vajrak?la. (normal childhood??)
He obtains initiations and
empowerments surrounding numerous tantric systems, but most heavily in
Nyingma material.25 He is also unrivalled in philosophical debate, and
becomes a widely renowned religious scholar. Over time, he obtains precepts
of virtually all the zhi byed lineages, including the "Early" and "Intermediate"
mentioned above.
The Dharmasv?min zhig po:
He learns and preaches the Prajñ?paramit?. He also comes to obtain
many diverse precepts and teachings w/Nyingma material appearing most
abundant.26 He too becomes abbot of a monastery, and composes treatises
such as the Great and Short lam rim, the bshad 'bum and other texts.
The next several pages describe more lineage holders of this later
lineage, detailing the various precepts they received from various teachers.
Probably beginning with rog shes rab 'od this lineage is deemed to house the
precepts of all three ("Early", "Intermediate" and "Later" lineages) of zhi byed.
Again, the teachings and precepts possessed by these figures are quite
diverse.
However,
they
seem
to
show
marked
influence
by
the
Prajñ?paramit?, by Nyingma (and specifically rdzogs chen) teachings, as well
as Mah?mudr?.
In fact, in summing up the Later lineage, Gö states:
The Doctrines which belonged to the "Later" Lineage (of the zhi byed) were
called "phyag rgya chen po dri med thigs pa phyag bzhes kyi skor", or "The
Cycle of Methods of Drops of the Immaculate Mah?mudr?". (Here the term)
Mah?mudr? denotes the Mah?mudr? doctrine of Maitr?-pa, because dam pa
sangs rgyas had been a personal disciple of Maitr?-pa.
Continuing, Gö addresses the issue of whether such teachings be
construed as tantric or not:
These precepts by their nature belong to the Prajñ?paramit?, but follow the
Tantric system. In the Commentary on the de kho na nyid bcu pa27 by Maitr?pa the system is explained as though it was a Prajñ?paramit? doctrine, but
had much in common with the Tantras in its practice, as mentioned in the
Hevajra-Tantra. He (Maitr?-pa) said: "These precepts are not based on the
meditation on deities, and do not follow the system of the four mudr?s".28 For
this reason it is not classified in the Tantra. This agrees with the above
statement by Maitr?-pa. This definition includes only the precepts known to
the general public. Otherwise it is said that dam pa bestowed the initiation into
the K?lacakra system on phyar chen and ‘ban gun rgyal,29 and that he had
also bestowed on many/others/the precepts of the karma-mudr? (i.e. he
preached all the four mudr?s). Therefore it is wrong to say that the Doctrine of
sdug bsngal zhi byed of dam pa (sangs rgyas) does not contain Tantric
precepts.
Finally, Gö summarizes the layers of written zhi byed teachings as they are
preserved at his time, which are collections of the work of kun dga’, pa tshab,
te ne, zhig po, and others.
Skt. Bhagavat?prajñ?p?ramit?-h?daya, mdo mangs, vol. I, sher snying,
fol. 375. Lalou, "Catalogue du Fonds Tibétain de la Bibliothèque Nationale", p.
40, No. 101. (R)
2 The "Mother, opening the Eye of the Hidden"; a book is often called
"mother", and notes on the book are frequently called "sons" (of the book).
3 in the Tantra the expression yi ge bzhi usually stands for "Eva? may?,"
or "Anuttara" (R).
4 this term was frequently used to indicate the gcod rites and the zhi byed
system.
5 in Shan-hsi Province of China (R).
6
Skt.
the
?atas?hasrik?,
the
Pañcvi??atis?hasrik?,
and
the
A??as?hasrik?-Prajñ?paramit?
7 In a passage of the Prajñ?paramit? it is said that those, who recite its
text will suffer much from headaches, etc., and by this the karmic influences
will be removed, but in the present passage dam pa said the opposite.
8 Skt. Upade?ak?yaprad?pa-n?ma, Tg. rgyud, No. 2315, (R).
9 Skt. Y?nav?kprad?pa-n?ma, Tg.rgyud No.2316, (R).
10 Skt. Cittaguhyaprad?pa-n?ma, Tg. rgyud, No. 2323, (R).
11 Skt. Sa?dar?anaprad?pa-n?ma, Tg. rgyud, No. 2317, (R).
12 Skt. Ratnaprad?pa-n?ma, T&. No. 2318, (R).
13 Skt. Bodhicary?prad?pa-n?ma Tg. No.2321, (R).
14 Skt. Samat?vastu-prad?pa-n?ma, Tg. rgyud, No. 2319, (R).
15 Skt. Yogapatha-prad?pa-n?ma, Tg, No. 2322, (R).
16 Skt. Ko?ni??ha-phalaprad?pa, Tg. rgyud, No. 2320, (R).
17 name of a section of dam pa's precepts.
18 name of a section cf dam pa's precepts.
19 name of another section.
20 Skt. Prajñ?paramit?-sañcaya-g?th?, mdo mangs, 108/Cat. du Fonds
Tibètain de la Bibliothèque Nationale, par M. Lalou, Paris, 1931/).911
21 i.e. the Prajñ?paramit?-h?daya / mdo mangs, Cat. du Fond Tibétain,
by M. Lalou, p. 70, No. 101.
22 nag khrid or written explanation of a text; dmar khrid, an explanation
based on experience; originally a medical term meaning the dissecting of a
corpse.
23 bstan rim, a famous bka’ gdams pa text composed by gro lung pa. The
lam rim chen mo of tsong kha pa is based on this text, (R).
24 Skt. parak?ya-prave?a, (R).
25 For two years he studied, and became master of the mdo (a section of
the rnying ma Tantra) class, the Cycle of M?y? and of the "Domain of the
Mind" (sems phyogs), according to the method of so, the sgrub thabs rnam
gsum, the a ro gsang skor, the Vimala (a rnying ma book), and the precepts of
the "Upper" Lineage of the zhi byed system, and became learned.
From rog ston klu sbyin he obtained numerous s?dhanas of the Kriy?
(Tantra). Somewhat later he obtained from him the new translation of the
N?g?rjuna system (Guhyasam?ja), as well as the Cycle of Sa?vara according
to the method of mar do (mar pa Dopa). At the age of 15, he obtained from
lha bdres ma gong ba the Cycle of mdo, the Cycle of M?y?, according to the
method of skyo, and the "Tantras of Scriptures" (lung gi rgyud, a class of
rnying ma Scriptures, called the "Six Little sons" (bu chung drug), the Five
Tantras of the "early" translation (snga 'gyur gyi rgyud lnga belonging to the
rnying ma pa sect), the Cycle of Am?ta according to the system of khams, the
rta mgrin lha bzhi, the sgron sbrul, and other texts.
26 From zhig po bdud rtsi the rdzogs chen snyan brgyud (the Oral Tradition
of the rdzogs chen school). From kha rag skyi ston the Cycle of ‘tshal pa,
such as the "gzer lnga" and other texts. From sangs pa rom bhe the 'pho ba
spyi brtol (a text on the transference of the vital principle). From lo sgom and
glang snying po the initiation of bde mchog bcu gsum ma. From rog shes rab
zla ba the gsang ba phur gcig (name of a rnying ma book), and the bdud rtsi
bum gcig (a rnying ma work). From his father the Oral Tradition of the
Mah?mudr? (phyag rgya chen po snyan brgyud) and other texts. From lhab
dres ma gong pa the 'jam dpal bshes gnyen ma (a rnying ma book), etc.
27 Skt. Tattvada?aka-n?ma, Tg. rgyud, No. 2236, (R).
28 Skt. Dharma-mudr?, karma-mudr?, samaya-mudr? and mah?-mudr?.
Advayavajrasa?graha, ed. by Haraprasad Shastri, Gaekwad's Oriental series,
No. XL, p. X: dharma-mudr? -- Absolute Nature; Karma-mudr? -- female
associate; samaya-mudr? -- a deity mentally created/or the Tantric vows/;
Mah?-mudr? -- the Wisdom of the Absolute.
29 this means that he preached the precepts basing himself on the
meditation on deities, (R).
PART 13 (PA): Cutting AND Kkarakpa [3 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on Cutting and Kharakpa.”
deb ther sngon po las, gcod yul dang kha rag pa’i skabs.
12 folios. Chandra 869-892; Chengdu 1139-1172; Roerich 982-1005.
This section (save the introduction) is largely character based. So I
approached it from that tack, extracting the key aspects from the story of each
key character.

The gcod lineage comes from the adepts who also adhered to the
Prajnaparamita and therefore it is called the Lineage of the gcod yul of
the Demons of the Prajnaparamita. Lord Maitripada said that even in
the Prajnaparamita, mention is made of the practices which imitated
the Tantras.

gos lo tsa ba begs the rhetorical question, “How can it (i.e. gcod) be
similar to the Tantra?” And answers by citing several lines from the
Havajra-Tantra.

Furthermore, it is said in the Prajnaparamitasancayagatha: “A
Bodhisattva endowed with the power of learning cannot be shaken by
the four demons, because of four reasons: because he abides in the
Void, because he has not abandoned living beings, because he acts
according to his word, and because he is endowd with the blessing of
the Sugata.” The followers of the gcod system observe those four
religious injunctions.

To prove how the observance of those injunctions makes a practice
called gcod, gos lo tsa ba cites a line from the Abhidharmakosa:
“Defilement originates from attachments, the presence of external
objects, and a wrong conception of them.” That which is to be cut
asunder, is defilement.

The secret precepts of the gcod system were handed down by dam pa.
Those handed down through skyo bsod names bla ma and ram par ser
po of yar kluns were called pho gcod, or ‘Male gcod’. Those handed
down by ma gcig (labs sgron ma) were called mo gcod, or ‘Female
gcod’.

Dam pa sans rgyas liked to say that he had given three words of
friendly advice to ma jo mchod gnas ma at the house of rog pa of yar
kluns. They both said that it was through those words that she had
attained emancipation. She preached many precepts on her own.

The introductory text then goes on to discuss why one thing was called
two different things (spyod, or ‘practice,’ and gcod, or ‘cutting
asunder’). He uses several other examples that the only differentiation
is linguistic and that they are inherently the same thing. It’s clear that
gos lo tsa ba wants to dispel all confusion that might detract from the
lineage, and is seeking to establish that cutting is the practice, and the
practice is one of cutting. After this, he really focuses on the stories of
individuals as they relate.

The action of the rite is elaborated told on R 993:
Formerly he used to fall ill, whenever he felt cold, or hot. There he
pressed his stomach against a cold stone, drank ice-cold water, and
slept naked. He gave up himself saying: “Illness (is) joy. Death (is)
pleasure”. He practiced (the precepts of gcod) “and on the eleventh
day a foul odor came out of his mouth. On the twelfth day, about
midnight, he vomited out all his ailments. About midday he was
completely cured. Within half a month he succeeded in completing the
study.

13.1 Female Cutting (mo gcod kyi skabs. Chandra 870;
Chengdu 1139; Roerich 980).
Labs sgron:

She was an expert reader. For a while she was the reader of the
Prajnaparmita for gra pa. While reading the prajnaparmita, a clear
vision of the Void was produced in her. After this, she met dam pa.

She met him because she had gone once to ‘dam bu to read. While
she was there, she met a native of gcer gron named thod pa ‘ba’ re.
She sleeps with him and then marries him, but because this means
that she has renounced her vows she is subjected to extremely harsh
criticism. The women of the region call her jo mo bka’ log ma (a ‘nun
who had violated her vows’). It seems to matter more that she is no
longer acting as a nun than that she is still an expert reader and is
married to another religious person. Pressure and expectations from
others – mostly what seems to be jealous judgment – is a dominant
factor in the life of labs sgron.

The couple is unable to take the harassment, so they leave and go to
kon po. They have one daughter there, one on the way to la bar, and
three sons once they have reached la bar. However, it is not long
before labs sgron feels compelled to return to her life as a nun.

During the initiation of the cycle of maya from skyo bsod names bla
ma, a yogic insight is produced in her. She leaves the ceremony to go
outside, and is once again subjected to harassment from her peers.
However, in this instance the Teacher silences them, saying “She went
away have received the initiation of the meaning, but you have
obtained the initiation of the word only.”

After this, she journeys throughout Tibet, preaching the precepts until
she dies at the age of 95.
Dam pa visits Tibet and four black birds flew around him. They transformed
themselves into four dakinis: labs sgron of gye, ma jo byan chub of upper
gnal, zan mo rgyal mthin of gtsan, and smyon ma (the ‘Mad One’) of lha sa.
Gos lo tsa ba goes on to talk about each individual and does so with more
sensitivity than any other treatments. Maternal and other traditionally feminine
qualities are played up.
Jo mo byan chub of upper gnal:

Possessed a clear understanding of the state of nature. Benevolent.
Helped spread the doctrine.
Zan mo rgyal mthin:

Afflicted by grief after her husband’s death. Dam pa imparted the
precepts that expose the absence of a link between the mind and the
body. Realizing this, she obtained emancipation.
Lha sa’I smyon ma (the ‘Mad One of Lhasa’):

Often settled disputes between followers of the doctrine, a sort of
peacekeeper. It is also said that she showed the King’s Will to Atisa.
Next are the great ‘Sons’ who received the precepts from labs sgron. They
include the following. From upper yar: snags pa rgyal mstshan. From lower
yar: an ston rin chen bar. From middle yar: dre na jo sras and sud bu lo tsa
ba. And many others (several more are listed in the text).
Labs sgron’s son, grub che:

He was initially very mischievous and made enemies in the community
because he stole the goats of the villagers. One time, he stole the goat
of a magician and subsequently heard that the magician had performed
a magic rite against him. However valid this story is, it is the cause for
grub che’s interest in the precepts held by his mother, because he
immediately goes to her for help.

She says to him, ‘You should be dead’ and leaves. She then
circumambulates Mount tsha tha and then told him what to do to avoid
being killed. He did so, it worked, and he entered the Gate of the
Doctrine at age 42. He practiced and penetrated the meaning of
Ultimate Essence.

He later stayed at the monastery of gye chun glan lun and became a
mad ascetic. He was able to subdue demons by his blessing and to
produce wisdom in all his disciples.

He had three sons by his first wife: tshe dban, khu byug, and rnal byor
grags. Kham bu yal le was born of another wife.
Tshe dban had three sons: rgyal ba ston gzuns lived in ri mo mdo, thod
smyon bsam grub lived in sam po gans, and skye med ‘od gsal lived at a ‘o
mdo in upper gnal.
Thod smyon bsam grub:

He was called the ‘Snowman residing in sam po gans.’ He fought in his
youth and was undefeated. He fell ill with leprosy and practiced
meditation in the snow in ba yul and was cured. During this time, he
slept naked in the snow and people threw yak tails at him. He wore
them, made a mat of them, and wore one as a hat (hence the black hat
of gans pas).

The self-deprivation worked to purify him, and he (like others in the
lineage) challenged himself. At dran pa, he sucked the scars on the
nose of a leper and his fortunes increased.

Later, he prohibited the killing of wild animals and fishing in the hills. He
provided food and shelter, protected the doctrine, and ‘gos lo tsa ba
calls him a ‘matchless saint.’ He does seem to have upheld all the
aspects of this tradition, based primarily on self-deprivation.

He had 21 disciples (m. and f.) and among them were 18 daughter
siddhas.
Gans pa dmu yan:

Among the 18 daughter-siddhas, he was unmatched. At the age of 14
he became violently ill with a stomach-ache. He lay down, pressing his
stomach against a cold rock and fell asleep. This cured him since he
gave in to the pain.

He was a mediator between Tibet and gser gyu. He had a thousand
shepherds and was rich. He also introduced the practice of
continuously reciting the bka gyur. His son was sans rgyas bson
bsruns.
Sans rgyas bson bsruns:

He protected the doctrine, but also showed himself to be highly
capable at a very young age. He developed prescience at 3, mastered
meditation at 5, performed a funeral rite at 15, and took over the chair
of his forefathers.

His son was gans khrod ras pa.
gans khrod ras pa:

Was equally adept. Was nominated to the abbot’s chair at age 13. Very
benevolent and mastered a great deal of teachings and secret
precepts.
There are several members of the lineage mentioned briefly here before
dwelling on ma gcig’s disciple khu sgom chos sen.
khu sgom chos sen:

Listened to the exposition of the ‘Great Acheivemnet’ and practiced
solely meditation. He obtained from ma gcig the Cycle of Meitation of
the Dakinis.

When she grew old, he massaged her feet and asked her to impart on
him the complete gcod doctrine. She gave him the Meaning of the
Lineage of the Teaching. She foretold that he would benefit others and
told him that he should also give the teaching to don grub (the son of
ma gcig). However, don grub did not wish to hear them.

Here it is unclear whether ‘gos is talking about don grub or khu sgom
chos sen, but he says that ‘he’ fell ill with leprosy and performed the
gcod rite to cure himself. It worked. His disciple was dol pa zan thal.
dol pa zan thal:

He was said to have a penetrating mind and became known as the
Penetrating One. Practiced in a cave, but visited places with infected
people and his yogic insight was improved by this.
From here, there are several more members of the lineage, but they largely
focus on the same things. From here, practitioners become more confident
and several purposely contract illnesses in order to practice the gcod rite.
They help others, but mostly live as hermits when they are not touring
localities that are infested with illnesses.

13.2 Male cutting (pho gcod kyi skabs. Chandra 883;
Chengdu 1158; Roerich 996).
He had visited India and not discovered the doctrine he was looking for. He
then encountered an a tsa ra. The Indian ascetic broke the staff of his
companion (a kalyana mitra named dnos grub), saying that – while he knew
how to use it – it was useless. Sma ra ser po was intrigued and asked the
ascetic’s companion who he was. The companion told him that it was dam pa
and he proceeded to ask for instruction in the doctrine. Dam pa imparted the
precepts on dnos grub, who was convinced and accepted dam pa as his guru.
Dam pa said to sma ra ser po “a doctrine desired by you, is coming to you in
the future.’
Dam pa took up residence in a hospice. While there, a man named skyo skya
ye ses came to ask dam pa to heal his two sons whose brothers had been
destroyed by demons. Dam pa imparted the gcod precepts on skyo, his
disciples and sma ra ser po. The boys practiced the precepts, skyo practiced
them only on himself, and sma ra ser po wrote them down, put didn’t preach
them to others until his old age. Then he bestowed them on his attendant
smyon pa be re. When he taught them, he told them not to bestow them on
any others.
Clearly there is a very secretive aspect to the phod gcod. The nest
transmission takes place when lce ston fell ill and he sought the gcod
doctrine. He and phug ston sought them out. While they got three sections,
the teacher did not give them all.
When rog ses rab ‘od asked for all the precepts, he initially declined, saying, “I
didn’t disclose more than three to sa ston rdoy ‘dzin at phu than. If I were to
preach to you the complete precepts, he might become displease.” He
explains by saying that imparting the doctrine to monastics leaves them open
to being copied by other men they live with. However he was convinced and
imparted the entirety of the doctrine saying he did so because he would be of
benefit to living beings. However, he demanded that he not write down the
oral precepts.
These precepts were then handed down to a line of sons, daughters, and
disciples. Throughout, there was a premium on keeping a secretive nature
and not passing all of the precepts until the possessor was in old age or there
was a dire need for the rite.

13.3 Kharakpa (kha rag pa’i skabs. Chandra 886; Chengdu
1162; Roerich 999).
Opens by saying that Tibetans possess a crown ornament and two ear
ornaments: the crown ornament being padmasambhava, the first ear
ornament is kha ra sgom chun, and the second ear ornament is the venerable
mid la.
A ro ye ses ‘byun gnas had been seen by a royal nun who took him in as a
child. He later walked into a room where monks were praying and recited
prayers and doctrines, but also told the monks that he knew many doctrines
they didn’t know. The monks deemed him the origin of knowledge and
listened as he imparted wisdom and doctrine.
He had a long disciple lineage that believed in the potency of the rite (one
said, “If I were to preach the doctrine into the ear of a corpse, the corpse
would move.”) Gru gu klog ‘byon taught the doctrine to rba sgom bsod names
rgyal mtshan. When the latter met atisa, he offered him his understanding of
the doctrine.
Atisa suggested the practice should be tempered by love and mercy. He was
disappointedwhen he read several Tibetan writings, but then he read the
Mahayana-yoga of a ro and was pleased. This lineage is much higher profile
with the invocation of much more high profile names (atisa also cites the aid
of maitreya and avalokitesvara).
There was a particular affinity for hermits in this tradition, but a clear feeling
that the teachers and disciples were more venerable than the hermits.
However, some of this pomp took its toll on the lineage. Many realized this
and saw the potential of some un-ordained practitioners. The lineage was
spread widely by people in positions of power and fame enough to move the
rite fast and far.
Book XIV
PART 14 (PHA): Great Compassion Cycle, the Adamantine Garland and others [12
CHAPTERS]
{25 folios. Chandra 893–943; Chengdu 1173 1236; Roerich 1006-1061}.
{14.1 The Lineage of the Shri System of Great Compassion (thugs
rje chen po dpal mo lugs kyi brgyud pa’i skabs}
i. Introduction {R1006}
This chapter starts with the notion of Avalokiteśvara being the patron deity of Tibet
and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo being the agent and manifestation of this
deity acting on behalf of the people. It seems that this notion is a counterpart and
comparable idea accepted by that time by Tibetan scholars of China being the land
of Manjusri.
‘Gos lo connects this activity with the transmission of texts, building of temples and
images, which are all appear to be of tantric character. This may indicate the later
date for such an interpretation and his own understanding of this “ideal” set up.
Specifically, he connects the practice of Mahākaruṇika and the transmission of the
Vajrāvali initiation manuals with the national identification of Tibet with
Avalokiteśvara.
With respect to this, ‘gos lo mentions a material “relic” or a token of transmission –
the text discovered by dngos grub of the hidden book on the Sādhana of
Avalokiteśvara and the sections, or parts of the ritual manuals that had been
obtained by rog shes rab 'od at the monastery of spa rnams.
{rog shes rab 'od (b.1166, d.1244) according to the TBRC database. He was also a
zhi byed pa by lineage [TBRC Resource Code: P4301]. Where and what is this spa
rnams monastery? EP}
{Also, whether the first name refers to bzhod ston dngos grub grags 'bar (b. fl. 1088)
who was a Bonpo, or la yag pa byang chub dngos grub, born in the 12th c., the
student of bsod nams rin chen (b.1079, d.1153), a doctor of mar pa bka’brgyud and
dwags po bka’ brgyud lineage, is unclear. EP}
ii. The Lineage of thug rje chen po {R1007}
The lineage itself is traced from Amitābha and Mahākaruṇika through
Padmasambhava and various teachers of many traditions such as ti pu pa, ras chung
pa, zangs ri ras pa, sangs rgyas ras then, spom brag pa' karma pa shi, urgyan pa,
rang byung rdo rje, khams chen rgan lhas pa, stag ston gzhon nu dar, bag ston
gzhon tshul pa, shes rab rdo rje, chos sgo ba chos dpal shes rib, rgod phrug pa
grags pa 'byung gnas, and many others.
The rite and initiation of the Kulalokanātha sādhana {see TBRC Resource Code
W25344 EP} originated with the yar kluns lo tsa ba grags pa rgyal mtshan {(b.1242,
d.1346) according to TBRC database, quite a late date actually. The texts mentioned
later by ‘gos lo are not listed among grags pa rgyal mtshan’s writings in the TBRC
database, the Tantra is perhaps the sādhana itself? EP}.
He bestowed its Tantra with its Commentary on lo tsa ba dus 'khor ba bsod she from
whom a numerous Lineage originated. {This lo tsa ba dus 'khor ba bsod she, is
mkhas btsun bsod nams ye shes [TBRC Resource Code: P2639], who is listed as a
student of bsod nams grags pa [TBRC Resource Code: P2142], which is a reversal
of the teacher/student relationship of the Blue Annals; OR another bsod nams ye
shes [TBRC Resource Code: P5518], also known as mkhan chen, of whom not much
is known, EP}.
The Cycle of Padmajāla {[TBRC Resource Code: W25670] EP}, which was expounded to bu ston by the Kashmirian paṇḍita Somanaśri {Somasribhavya according
to the TBRC, EP} also belongs to the Cycle of the Mahākaruṇika.
iii. Transmission by the man of spiritual realization. {R1007}
The manner of transmitting the Doctrine preached by the Man who had attained
spiritual realization (grub pa thob pa'i skyes bu), an emanation of Avalokiteśvara:
‘gos lo states that there existed a method of taking a vow through the Rite of the
Mental Creative Effort towards Enlightenment, and the degree of transit meditation
according to the: Madhyamaka system written by the Bodhisattva Candradhvaja, an
indisputable manifestation of Avalokiteśvara.
{There seems to be two aspects of Avalokiteśvara transmission and practice
discussed here: one associated with the monastic/institutional transmission that
follows a general Sutra Mahayana system and personal/individual practice
associated with fasting, possibly a more populist tradition, and more tantric? EP}
The Degree of propitiation Ārya Avalokiteśvara by performing the rite of fasting was
first preached by the nun Lakśmi (dpal mo) personally blessed by Ārya
Avalokiteśvara. {R1008} She taught it to the paṇḍita
ye shes bzang po blessed by her. He to bal po pe nya ba.
Candradhvaja obtained (the Doctrine) from him (pe nya ba).
The Bodhisattva
{Candradhvaja (R1008)}
Candradhvaja was the teacher of many famous people including dpal phag mo gru
pa, sachen (kun dga' sning po), nying phug pa, who then transmitted it to sru pa rdo
rje rgyal po. {There is not record of him and he is not listed in the TBRC database as
the teacher of the first two. EP}
He is said to have been Avalokiteśvara himself. {In general, it seems that the cult of
Avalokiteśvara was quite well established by that time, as ‘gos lo mentions a temple
of Wati, which has been identified as skyi grong temple. (See R 1008) EP}
nying phug pa {R1008}
{R1010} In general, {nying phug pa [nying phug pa chos kyi grags pa] EP} did not
study texts of the rnying ma school, and used to say that there did not exist texts
belonging to the New (Tantras), which he had not studied. {An interesting comment
that might suggest that the rnying ma pa didn’t interest nying phug pa, or that there
was a particular division that he seems to have maintained, or that Gos lo was
reflecting his own or nying phug pa’s lineage’s sectarian predispositions. One might
suggest that this division was rather his personal, as it seems that his main personal
practice was fasting and propitiation of Avalokiteśvara. Then, does this imply that the
propitiation of Avalokiteśvara and fasting were practiced exclusively by the New
Tantra practitioners? EP}
srupa rdo rje rgyal po {R1011}
was the disciple of nying phug pa. He studied Vinaya and requested to fast till his
death. The Teacher became pleased {?!}, and presented him with an image of
Avalokiteśvara made of crystal on which Candradhvaja used to meditate. He then
also practiced fasting and saw visions of Avalokiteśvara, Amitābha. Bhaiśajyaguru
and other deities, and dreamt of being filled with light and accepted as the son by his
tutelary deity. {In general, it seems that he was strictly monastic in his practices and
conduct. His disciple was also attracted to fasting and asked to fast to death. This
reminds me of the documentary about a mummy foun in Spiti near Tabo. The
mommy is dated to 1047 and appears to have been of someone who practically
starved himself to death. This passage can be another evidence of such practices
being widely spread in the area ? EP}
His disciple
zhang ston {R1011}
became known as Enemy’s Terror (dgra ‘jigs) because of the signs at his birth. He
was also a strict monk. There is more said about his studies, he studied the Seven
treatises on Logic at Sakya, learned Five Treatises of Maitreya (byams chos lna), the
Five Stages (sa sde lnga), the Abhidharmakośa, and the Abhidharmasamuccaya
(mnyon pa gong ‘og).
He also was told to practice fasting propitiating Avalokiteśvara because this was
beneficial for this “Dark Age.” He also saw visions. He occupied the chair of the
abbot for three years and was also given the crystal image of Avalokiteśvara. {This
almost seems to be a relic/attribute of abbotship that is passed down from one
lineage holder to another EP}.
Then he went into intensive retreats and also practiced rite of gcod. He is said to
perform numerous miracles, flying to different locations, stopping a river with his
walking stuff, etc. He predicted that his heart will not burn and asked to send it to ga’
rong, and his tongue to don mo ri. When he died at 61 a full measure (bre) of relics
was recovered (from the ashes).
rtsi ‘dul ba thugs rje byangs chub (R1013}
Was also a strict monastic and a disciple of zhang ston, practiced the rite of the
Eleven faced Avalokiteśvara together with the rite of the Mental Creative Effort
towards Enlightenment.
ldog long pa shakya byang chub {R1014}
Followed the same path, mostly monastic, practiced fasting, had visions. In one of
his earlier visions he was told by Tara that he will build the monastery of ldog ltod.
byan chub ‘bar of chu bzangs {R1015}
He was also a strict monastic, fasted, and saw visions. In one vision he saw
Avalokiteśvara and the masters of the bka’ gdams pa Lineage, after which he was
told by his teacher to go wherever he desired and benefit others {does this mean to
become a mendicant? EP}
snag phu pa bsod nams dbang phyug {R1016}
Was also a monk, learned, associated with abbotship at gro mo che for five years.
His followers built him the monastery of snyag phu. He is also known to receive from
the ācārya grags tshul many sādhanas of the mandalas belonging to the Outer and
Inner Tantras.
He practiced the fasting and propitiation of Avalokiteśvara to prolong his life.
bsod nams bzang po {R1017}
Was quite learned and famous especially for his observance of the vow of staying on
one mat {Reorich comments that this refers to taking food without rising from one's
seat, which seems not quite plausible, and perhaps refers to always meditating and
not sleeping by laying down EP}. He was also famed for abstaining from meat.
He was especially learned in the Śrī Kālacakra Tantra. He was the chief disciple of
the Dharmasvamin phyogs las rnam par rgyal ba (the bo don paṇ chen).
It is said that he prolonged his life by practicing pranayama (rlung sbyor) for a month
and died not at 80 when the signs of death were manifesting, but at 93 in the year
Water Female Ox (chu moglan 1433 A.D.). Praised as the best yogin in Tibet by grub
pa’i dbang phyug, dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan, and other great men, he also seems
to have been quite wealthy, although is known to satisfy with little.
‘gos lo states that his monks followers nowadays divided into two groups known as
the dbus ‘phags and gtsang ‘phags. Small groups consisting of ten or fifteen monks,
the smallest consisting of five, were found in dags po and kong po, at dbus and
g.yor, in south and north la stod. {I’m not sure what this refers to, perhaps to the
practitioners of fasting at various areas? EP}

14.2 Amoghapaśa and the Instruction of Dawa Gyeltsen (don zhags dang
dmar khrid zla rgyal lugs kyi skabs. {Chandra 904; Chengdu 1186; Roerich 1018}
14.2.1 E ra pa ti and Indian disciples {R1018}
The Lineage of the Sādhana (propitiation) of Ārya Amoghapaśa (‘phags pa don yod
zhags pa) is said to have originated from a paṇḍita named E ra pa ti. He was from
South India and was known for unintentionally causing the death of his mother.
Doing repentance he propitiated Amoghapaśa and had a vision of the deity, then
decided to go to another county and teach. Among his followers are said to be
siddhas, such as Virūpa.
The actual transmission of the sādhana is as follows: Erapati ->his servant-> a yogin
of low caste-> don yod rdo rje (rdo rje gdan pa, Amoghavajra). The latter received it
from bsod snyoms pa the siddha of Sa_vara who received it from Dharmakapāla,
who received it from Mahakarunnika {?} directly.
In the vihara of Kasarpana one called Śīlākara preached it to paṇḍita Vairocana. The
later passed it to ba ri. So, ba ri received it from both Vairocana and don yod rdo rje,
who also seems to have combined two transmissions.
14.2.2 Bari {R1021}
Was a contemporary of Mi la. Met Atiśa who told him to go to the residence of rdo rje
gdan pa. {Reorich seems to translate this as “go to see rdo rje gdan pa”, but it
appears to mean “go to Bodhgaya and see the statue there”? The passage also
says that the accidents will not befall you, meaning that the trip will be safe. EP}
Ba ri went. He had a vision of Avalokiteśvara in his dream in the night preceding the
crossing of the Ganges. At Kośalakrama he met tsa mi (sangs rgyas grags pa). He
twice offered him a golden zho, tsa mi showed him an image, which had been
consecrated by the Buddha and fashioned by Viśvakarman. The image proved
similar to the one he had seen in his dream. On seeing the image, an excellent
transit meditation was produced in him. {This is an excellent example of the
visionary character of this practice and its relation to the material representations of
such visions EP}.
There are stories of him being filled with compassion and acting accordingly and
being known because of this as a Bodhisattva. In Tibet after his return he went to
worship (the images) of Avalokiteśvara (Mahākaruṇika), Manjuśrī and Tārā, which
were formerly brought by the lo tsa ba rin chen bzang po. That night in a dream he
was told that he should repair the big toe on the foot of the Tārā. He brought a (piece
of) gor shi sha with gold, and repaired the damage. {This is another example of the
connection between the visionary and material aspects of the symbolism attached to
statues and deities EP}.
After that he again journeyed to India and obtained from rdo rje gdan pa (tsa mi)
numerous doctrines, such as the Cycle of Avalokiteśvara and others.
He preached the Cycle of Avalokiteśvara to snubs phag mo lungpa, nye gnas lho pa
and mkhang pa thang pa of gung thang.
The siddha zhang zhung obtained (it) from the above three. skyema grags tshul
obtained it from him. The latter -> klu sgrub -> dka’ bzhi pa -> don zhags pa shes rab
brtson 'grus -> don zhags pa sangs rgyas rin chen.
{R1023} ba ri’s remains are preserved until the present day inside a clay stupa at
spyan yas {? EP}
gzhon nu smon lam ->maha upādhyāya sangs rgyas ‘bum dpal. {Wasn’t able to find
anything on these EP}
‘gos lo states that his {ba ri’s} uninterrupted Lineage exists to the present day.
14.2.3 Separate lineage transmissions.
da Bodhisattva, who was a nephew of Atiśa, and was a Bodhisattva of this
Bhadrakalpa, personally obtained (the Doctrine) from Ārya (Amoghapaśa).
There was a scholar named pa__ita Śrīdhana, who used to worship the Mahabodhi
(image) during the day, and at night used to meditate in a cemetery. When he was in
Nepal the lo tsa ba ‘phags tshul of mnga’ ris, and byang sems zla rgyal obtained from
him the initiation and blessing, as well as the Cycle of Ārya (Avalokiteśvara).
Other transmissions are also go back to da bodhisattva, and through various
disciples who went to India and Nepal all the way up to ‘gos lo.
14.2.4 Initiation ceremony of Amoghapaśa (rigs gtad). {R 1024}
14.2.5 Detailed exposition (dmar khrid) of the Cycle of the Great Merciful One
(Mahākaruṇika) according to the system of byan sems zla rgyal {R1024}.
byang sems ->skyi tsha 'od 'byung -> zhang dbu dkar ba -> zhang lo tsa ba mya
ngan med pa'i sa dpal -> byan chub rin chen -> lche sgoms shes rab rdo rje ->
siddha Hūṃ 'bar -> byan chub dpal -> dpal rgyal ba grub pa {hs is said to have
practiced at the sacred place of thugs rje rdzong, which seems to be related to this
particular practice and the deity EP} -> 'jims chen pa -> ascetic ri khrod pa -> gzhon
nu 'bum -> chu tshan kha pa shes rab dpal -> skyes mchog nam mkha' bzang po.

14.3 Latö Marpo (la stod dmar po’i skabs). {Chandra 911; Chengdu 1195;
Roerich 1025}
This lineage is said to have originated from the Buddha Amitabha, and the ḍākinī
Guhyajñānā (gsang ba ye shes). She preached it to la ba pa or spyod pa pa.
The latter to dur khrod pa or bi ru pa (Virūpa). The latter to rdo rje gdan pa, the
senior. The latter to la stod dmar po.
This lineage seems to have to do with curing the leprosy, as la stod dmar po himself
was known to suffer from it. He went to India and met with rdo rje gdan pa. Received
teachings, attained siddhis, contested with heretics, etc. He was not a monk.
Because he was wearing a red mantle and a royal turban on {R1029} his head, he
became known as dam pa dmar po. He settled at rgya ma nye kha, and visited (the
country) as far as si rib and glo bo.
When (the country) was threatened by the troops of the gar log he shot an arrow into
a large boulder and pierced it. The troops having seen it, retired.
His doctrine consisted of the following: the teachings he received from rdo rje gdan
pa, those taught to him by dākiṇis while he was staying at Sītavana, such as the
Precepts ransoming death ('chi la bslu ba'i gdams ngag) in order to remove
misfortunes to his physical body, the lam sbyor ba lnga, with the help of which one
was able to cross the five Paths simultaneously, the dbang bzhi khug pa which
removed defilements from sins and helped to acquire power, and the Precepts of
merging the 18 kinds of relativity (stong pa bcho brgyad) into the essence of the
Merciful One with the view of practicing all the doctrines simultaneously.
{In general this is a tantric set of practices as evidenced by this list if compared with
the previous lineage’s monastic Mahayana practices. I couldn’t find the title of the
latter text anywhere, but it seems interesting in its mentioning of the simultaneous
practice of all doctrines. EP}
14.3.1 Mar po’s disciples {R 1029-1030}
bsod nams rin chen
Was a scholar and studied at zhang e pa. After his death an image of Saṃvara in
union (yab yum) form and many other relics were recovered (from the ashes). {This
probably refers to his main practice of Saṃvara and thus signifies him attaining the
high realization? EP}.
bha ru
Was a different kind of practitioner, imitated insanity, and practiced meditation,
received all the teachings from his father.
smyon pa ldom chung
Was an attendant of mar po. He received the precepts from him and lived as a
beggar after getting yogic insight. Settled at Ri bo {che EP?}. Only the permission
(lung) for reading the precepts survives.
14.4 Lineage of Tropuwa (khro phu ba las brgyud pa’i skabs). {Chandra 915;
Chengdu 1200; Roerich 1030}.
Mitrayogin (mitra dzo ki) and his twenty miracles {R 1030}
The Venerable, Mitra: he was born in the great city of the country of Ra dha in
Eastern India. He was accepted (as disciple) by Lalitavajra (Rol pa'i rdo rje), a direct
disciple of Tillipa. For 12 years he meditated at Khasarpaṇa.
There are 20 wonderful stories most of which are miracles that he performed either
battling the troops of the hostile to monasteries armies in Northern India, humiliating
kings, or teaching through miraculous means, etc.
Meeting byams pa'i dpal’s and coming to Tibet {R1033}
When the lo tsa ba byams pa'i dpal (khro phug lo tsa ba) who was studying the
Doctrine with the paṇḍita Buddhaśrī in Nepal, heard that this great siddha, endowed
with such miraculous powers had come to 'phags pa shing kun (Swayambunath) he
asked him to visit Tibet. The siddha didn’t promise but then after a period of testing
the lo tsa ba’s faith and purification of his obscurations he came to Upper gtsang for
18 moths, taught many and blessed the foundation of the monastery and the great
image of Maitreya at Khro phu.
14.4.1 Branches of the Doctrine taught by Mitrayogin {R1034-1035}
The branches of the Doctrine taught {R1034} by him were:
1. the Cycles of the Ordinary Doctrines preached as branches of science,
2. the Cycle of different practices taught as method of inner meditation,
3. the Cycles of the Special Doctrine preached as an introduction to hidden
initiation.
14.4.1.1 the Cycle of different practices taught as method of inner meditation {R1035}
2.1 the Sādhana of his tutelary deity the Great Merciful One (Mahākaruṇika)
2.1.1 twenty mula sādhanas (rtsa ba'i sgrul thabs)
2.1.2 twenty sādhanas of realization (dngos grub sgrub pa)
{14.4.2 Special Cycle and Hidden Blessing (R1039)}
The initiation of bde chen ral gchig (Mahāsukha Ekajati) and the precepts of
Avalokiteśvara in 25 Ślokas formed part of the Special Cycle, expounding the
Introduction to the Hidden Blessing.
14.5 Severing the Samsara Stream [Great Seal system] (‘khor ba rgyun gcod kyi
skabs). {Chandra 922; Chengdu 1208; Roerich 1039}.
The origins {R1039}
A group of five ḍakiṇīs came forth from the miraculous great kun sngag
(Samantabhasa) caitya of the country of Dharmaganja (chos kyi mdzod) in
Oddiyana, and preached this doctrine to Śrī Saraha, who taught it to Mitra.
The Tibetan transmission {R1039}
The latter bestowed the chings gsum (the There Summaries), the Five Specials
(khyad par lnga), and the Twenty Commentaries (‘grel pa ni shu) ending with the
bsngo ba (Good Wishes), to ma gcig sangs rgyas re ma.
She imparted it to mtshan ldan ‘khrul zhig chen po -> siddha zhwa dmar pa grags pa
seng ge (he stayed at jo nang) -> mkhas grub rgyal ba -> mkha spyod pa (who wrote
a guide to the doctrine).
‘khrul zhig pa -> mdzes ma.
She met many {R1040} siddhas. In her youth she came to gangs dkar chu kha in ‘on.
Being an expert in the prānayāma (rtsa rlung), she could not be tempted. Whenever
some one attempted to tempt her, she would draw all his well being into herself, and
her complexion would assume a shining appearance, while the other would look like
a dying man. She composed many books on her mystic experience, and passed
away at the age of about seventy. (After the cremation of her remains), her heart and
both the eyes were left sunburn. One of the eyes was (preserved) at gangs dkar, the
other at rgya gar of do po sgan, and the heart was preserved inside the pad spuns
caitya at dpal ri.
{This is an interesting account of the female siddha in Tibet testifying to the popularity
of the cutting (gchod) practice. Also, the connection between the relics and the
stupas built after the Indian model of the eight types associated with the eight sites
and events of the Buddha’s life and his relics seems to continue. Pad spun type is
the one that refers to the Birth of the Buddha at Lumbini, but in this case it may
indicate the establishment of local pilgrimage centers in Tibet? EP}.
mdzes ma -> bya bral chen po (he was a jogin imitating insanity) -> sangs rgyas ri
pa. He became the Teacher of dbOn po deal ldan grags and of Upper hor (stod hor)
and received the title of Imperial Preceptor (Ti Śrī Ti shih). He founded a monastery
in ‘on, and called it dpal ri.
sangs rgyas ri pa -> sprul sku blo ldan -> bla ma bdag pa (kun spangs pa). The latter
also received the Great Perfection (rdzogs chen) teachings.
‘gos lo states that the spiritual Lineage of the yogini named chos ldan ‘bum seems to
exist in the East and West. This (doctrine) must be recognized as being profound.
14.6 Celestial Practice (mkha’ spyod bsnyen sgrub kyi skabs). {Chandra 924;
Chengdu 1211; Roerich 1041}.
mtsho skyes rdo rje -> pad ma'i myu gu -> Mitrayogin -> zwa dmar chod pan 'dzin pa
grags pa seng ge -> dar rgyal ba (who passed on the oral tradition ?) -> dpal mkha’
spyod dbang po (who composed a textbook)
grags seng ba -> ‘jam dbyangs chos dor ba (composed a large textbook).
14.7 Dharma Cycles originating from the great adept Mitra (grub chen mi tra las
byung ba’i chos skor gyi skabs). {Chandra 924; Chengdu 1212; Roerich 1042}
The precepts of the Six Doctrines (chos drug) of Mitra -> Saripuṭa -> mi nyag grags
pa rin chen. At the smyug tshal of lho brag, ‘gos lo states, this lineage still exists.
The Lineage of the Initiations known as Mitra brgyartsa:
rdo rje ‘chang (Vajradhara), Avalokiteśvara (spyan ras gzigs), the siddha Mitrayogin > Amoghavajra (Don yod rdo rje) -> gchan ‘od srungs mgon po of gsar mda’ khra
lung.
At ge kha brag (of lower Khams) it was received by lay practitioner mgo khom jo sras
-> byams pa seng ge.
byams pa seng ge and ba lam pa rin she exchanged the Initiation and the Vajramala
(rdo rje phreng ba) of Abhaya. g.yun ston rdo rje dpal obtained it from ba lam pa ring
she at mtshur phu.
rdo rje dpal bestowed it on pag ston gzhon tshul -> tshul rgyal of snar thang -> mgon
po drug -> pan chen ‘jamd byaps ral gri -> kun mkhyen 'dzam gling nyi shar ->stan
gcig pa shes rab bzang po.
‘gos lo only accounts one lineage, and says that there were many other.
14.8 The Tsembu Instruction (dmar khrid tshem bu lugs kyi skabs). {Chandra 925;
Chengdu 1213; Roerich 1043}.
tshem bu pa (grub thob tshem bu pa dmar khrid) also belongs to the Cycle of the
Great Merciful One (Mahākaruṇika). Nairātmā -> siddha gnyan tshembu pa named
dar ma ‘od zer.
He had six disciples to whom he imparted precepts: ‘bring mtshams lchim lung and
the scholar of the yul la monastery, spyil po dbang phyug grags, his attendant che
brag pa, rnog btsun dkar mo, spyi bo lhas pa byang chub ‘od.
spyi bo lhas pa byang chub ‘od -> byang chub tshul khrims, the upādhyāya of stag
bde brag dmar -> lha btsun pa, the upādhyāya of phyi ‘brum dgon gsar -> zhang kun
spangs pa. It became one of the great guidebooks of the jo nang pas.
‘gos lo states that some of the methods of exposition of this doctrine appear to agree
with those of Mahamudra and with the restraining the organs, (sor sdus) of the
Saḍaṇga yoga. {This evidently refers to tantric practices EP}.
Also there existed a Lineage of the dmar khrid (detailed exposition) of the Cycle of
the Great Merciful One (Mahākaruṇika) of the nun Lakśmi (dge slong ma dpal mo) ->
dpal gyi bzan po (Śrībhadra). -> rinchen bzang po (Ratnabhadra) ->Atiśa -> yol chos
dban -> rog ston -> rtse ston lo sras -> zhang ston chos dbang -> phra ston zhig po > rnal ‘byor skyabs se -> ne mig pa -> upādhyāya rin byung -> sangs gzhon -> kun
brsod pa -> mkhas grub chos dpal, father and son.
14.9 Darpaṇa (darban gyi skabs). {Chandra 927; Chengdu 1215; Roerich 1045}.
{R1045} Among the lcags ri bas% and the snyan chad pas% there was a precept
called nam mkha’ skor gsum. {I’m not sure what these names refer to, perhaps to the
names of monasteries: lcags zam chu bo ri (chu shur rdzong) [TBRC Resource
Code: G3320], a kagyu monastery built by thang stong rgyal po (b.1361, d.1485) in
1430-s; or lcags ri thang zhang in padma rdzong [TBRC Resource Code: G1721].
snyan chad monastery is not listed. The title of the text may be related to the
[TBRC Resource Code: W21063] of Kriya tantra collection of rituals still held by
Kagyüpas. EP}.
The Lineage of the great rite of the maṇḍala called Kryāsamuccaya, composed by
the siddha named dar pan had been initially transmitted through many Nepalese
masters. 'jam dbyangs don yod rgyal mtshan of dpal ldan sa skya obtained the
Sanskrit text of the Samuccaya from a Nepalese merchant.
It was translated at the request of kun spans chos grags dpal bzang po with
assistance of Mañjuśri, a great pa__ita of Vikramasila, and the Tibetan translator
(lotsa ba) sa bzang pa bog ros rgyal mtshan. They heard that {R 1046} mnga’ ris pa
rdo rje dpal had obtained the initiation of the Samuccya at {(18a)} ye ran
(Kathamandu).
‘Phags pa gzhon nu blo gros with his disciples, seven persons in all, proceeded to ye
ran in Nepal, and there obtained the complete initiation and permission (lung) to read
the Text from the pa__ita Mahabodhi. It spread widely.
Again, the Blessed gshin rje mthar byed (Yamantakrrt), Viruupa, Dombhī pa, the
brahmana Śrīdhara (dpal ‘dzin), Matigarbha, Darpaṇa ācārya transmitted to glo bo lo
tsa ba the gshin rje gshed dmar po'i gzung with its exposition and precepts. The lo
tsa ba bestowed it on blo chen sangs rgyas -> mchog ldan -> bka bcu pa gzhon nu
seng ge.
Bu ston rin po che and others got this from another lineage.
{This is an interesting example of how the “lower” categories of tantras are still being
received by the Tibetans from the Nepalese and practiced. It also shows that all
tantras were not practiced exclusively of one another, but in combination, it seems,
especially by the Nepalese (?). Also, perhaps, whatever was famous and known of
in Nepal was desired for transmission in Tibet, especially during this time when Nepal
became a refuge place for Indian teachers? EP}

14.10 Origin of the Adamantine Garland (Skt. Vajrāvali) and other (cycles)
(rdo rje phreng ba sogs ji ltar byung ba’i skabs). {Chandra 928; Chengdu 1217;
Roerich 1046}.
This section gives a story of the ācārya Abhaya, the author of the Adamantine
Garland. He was a strict monk and had been tempted by Vajrayogini in a form of an
ordinary woman. He resisted this temptation, but was criticized by his teachers for
abandoning the opportunity to use the method and realize the sahaja jñana. Then he
had dreams in which Vajrayogini told him to compose ritual manuals so he will
become “a fortunate one.” That is how the text came to be.
Then there follows an interesting account narrated by ‘gos lo of Śakyaśrībhadra and
Vanaratna giving the initiations of Vajrāvali, and how they had to explain why they
don’t initiate according to different classes of tantras. There were different opinions,
among the Tibetans on whether the Vajrāvali should be given as the Annutara yoga,
or according to different classes of tantras. Some seem to adhere to the way Abhaya
had given them, as the Annutara yoga initiations, others, divide them into more. ‘Gos
lo also mentions many different lineages but says that most people favored the
translation by chag (lo tsa ba).
{This seems to point to the “uneasiness” that the Tibetans had in regard to various
classes of tantra, which may have to do with their attempts to systematize and make
sense of the great amount of transmissions. The Nepalese and Indian, on the other
hand, seem to have a more relativist approach, based on the desires of their pupils
rather than on the strict hierarchical correspondence of a particular type of
teaching/tantra to its category. EP}

14.11 Miscellaneous (thor bu ba’i skabs). {Chandra 930; Chengdu 1220;
Roerich 1048}.
‘gos lo lists other teachings he have heard of:
ri bo che possessed the exposition of many sādhanas and the Hevajra Tantra preached by one called the siddha Jñana stag lung sangs rgyas dbon.
tsa ra dmar po (the Red One) also named shes rab gsang ba, a pa__ita from
Odiyana, the disciple of Ratnavajra, the Kashmirian, propagated the Tantras
belonging to the Cycle of thig le (Tilaka), such as the phyag rgya chen po thig le and
others at mnga’ ris. This paṇḍita visited Tibet in a later period and became the
teacher of the sa chen.
A practice of mystic trance, gcig shes kun grol (Knowledge which reveals all), was
imparted by a tutelary deity to man lungs pa, was bestowed by him on the yar klungs
lo tsa ba grags pa rgyal mtshan -> snye mdo ba kun dga’ don grub -> bcu pa gzhon
nu seng ge -> humm chen nam mkha’ rnal ‘byor. It was then handed down to the gun
than rab 'byams pa shes rab rgyal mtshan of the present day.
The Cycle of the Tārā transmitted by Ravigupta (nyi ma sbas pa): In Kashmir, in the
Temple of rang byung lha lnga, there was an image of the Ta'u Tārā endowed with
miraculous powers that cured lepers after worshipping the image. Ravigupta was
also sick and came to this temple, became cured by Tara. He composed the rites
and taught it to Candragarbha. The latter -> Jetari -> Vāgiśvara (Ngaggi dbang
phyug) ->Śraḍhākara -> Tathāgatarakssita > Dānaśila -> mal gyo lo tsa ba.
In the translation by mal gyo the sādhanas and the magic rites were arranged in
separate sections, but in the translation by the khro phu lo tsa ba the magic rites
were added in the end of each of the propitiation rites. {(20b)}
Its Lineage: the Tārā, Ānanda (Kun dga’ bo), the arhat Madhyantika (dgra bcom ri ma
gun pa), Krrssnnavāsinn (Kṛśṇa’i gos can), the Kashmirian Ravigupta (Kha che nyi
ma sbas pa), Rāhulaśrī, Vindaśrī, panchen sakyaśrī(bhadra) -> khro phu lo tsa ba,
bla chen bsod dbang, rin po che pa, tshad ma'i skyes bu and bu rin po che. mal gyo > sa chen -> rtse mo -> Venerable One (rje btsun), who composed many {R1052}
text books on the system, and taught it to ‘chims chos seng, 'jam gsar, rong pa rgwa
lo, shes rab seng ge, dpal ldan seng ge, bsod nams rgyal mtshan, shes rdor pa, chos
sgo ba choskyi rgya mtshan, and rgod phrug grags pa 'byung gnas -> ‘gos.
In general, the cycle of the Tārā (transmitted) through different Lineages filled Tibet.
{This is another account of the practices for healing leprosy, and they seem to not
associate directly with Mahākaruṇika I wonder if the need for such rituals was quite
great, as it seems that they, including the one associated with Mahākaruṇika were
quite popular.
Although, the latter seems more related to purification and
repentance, rather than direct healing. EP}

14.12 Teürapa (rte’u ra pa’i skabs). {Chandra 933; Chengdu 1223; Roerich
1052}
stens pa lo tsa ba tshul khrims ‘byung gnas {Chengdu 1223; R1052}
This section narrates a life story of stens pa lo tsa ba which is closely linked with the
practice of Avalokiteśvara as well. The stens pa lo tsa ba tshul khrims ‘byung gnas
was known for the Lineage of the Recitation of the Sūtras in Tibet. He went to India
and Nepal and studied with tsa mi sangs rgyas grags pa. ‘gos lo mentions few times
that he copied Prajñāparamitā for money and used the money for his trips to India.
He collected many man-loads of Indian books, made {R1054} numerous translations
and revised existing translations: the sgrub thabs bsdus pa chen po, the 'dul ba ran
gi rnam bshad, the nyi khri gzhung 'grel, the Jātakamālā composed by (Ārya)śūra,
the Kālacakramūlatantra, and the Cycle of Nāgārjuna according to the method of the
pa__ita Alaṃkāradeva. he studied for three years the. He brought to Tibet the
Sanskrit text of Mahāvibhāśā (bye brag bshad pa chen po), which he and
Alaṃkāradeva translated.
He passed away at the age of 84, in the year Iron Male Dog (lcags pho khyi 1190
A.D.). 82 years since the death of the great lo tsa ba blo ldan shes rab. Many relics
and images were recovered (from the ashes).
{This seems to be an important reference to sutra copying practices in Tibet, as well
as sutra recitation practices. EP}
chag dgra bchom {Chengdu 1226; R1054}
Was also a monk who went to India. In order to remove dangers during his journey to
India, he propitiated Khasarpana.
In India, every day he used to buy flowers and strew them over the Mahabodhi
(image) of Vajrāsana, and the flowers remained hanging on the ears of the image.
Afterwards, images of flowers appeared miraculously on the ears of a golden image
which he later erected as substitute for the Mahabodhi image in Tibet {?}
He also visited eighty self-evolved sacred images of India.
On his arrival in Tibet, he was offered chu mig, rgyal lha khang, than po che and
other monasteries.. He spent some time in them, but chiefly he {R1056} resided at
rte’u ra.
This (monastery) was first founded by skor chen po, a disciple of sne u zur pa. After
him the succession (of abbots) seems to have been interrupted for a time. After that
chag lo tsa ba took it over.
Chag dgra bchom had a shaven head, walked barefoot and abstained from meat.
He died at rte'u ra at the age of 64, in the year Fire Male Mouse (me pho byi ba 1216
A.D.). During the cremation of his remains all the gods of Saṃvara retinue appeared
on his skull, and the A li Ka Ī (signs) on his jaw.
They are now preserved in the caitya containing relics which are shown to
worshippers (phyi rten).
Ravindra from Nepal had pointed out to chag, the Junior, that the caitya had fallen in
ruins and that he had to build four supports (glo 'bur). When it was done Ravindra
performed the rite of its consecration. At rte'u ra at the time of the consecration rite, a
shower of rice grains fell. Then lightning struck the caitya, but was flung away, and
the caitya became known as thog brdugs dkar po.
After chag’s cremation an image of Khasarpaṇa was recovered from the ashes, and,
is now preserved (inside) a golden image of Sakyamuni. {Perhaps at rte’u ra? EP}.
He had many disciples in India, among them the maha paṇḍita Dharmaśrī and
others.
{This is a remarkable account of the connection between the tutelary deity and the
material representations of it manifested at the time of death. He was noted as
having a special connection with Khasarpaṇa and Saṃvara, and also being specially
concerned with images of deities and the places of pilgrimage. His own chaitya
became a place of pilgrimage in Tibet it seems. Again, there is a strong Nepalese
connection, which extends to India and Nalanda especially. It is also remarkable that
he had disciples in India. His personal connection with Khasarpaṇa seems to have
nothing to do with fasting, but rather with protection and guidance? EP}.
chag chos rje dpal {Chengdu 1228; R1057}
Was a nephew of chag dgra bchom. After uncle’s death he went to India via Nepal
and became learned translator, met Ratnarakśita. In India he witnessed the
deterioration of the temple at Bodhgaya and the invasion of the gar log troops. He
met and studied with Rahula Śrībhadra at Nālandā and experienced the invasion
helping his teacher.
In Tibet he became one of the most famous and praised even by sa skya pan chen
as one of the greatest translators. He was invited to be an abbot at nag tsho lo tsa
ba’s monastery and many other. He also received about 300 volumes of sacred
scriptures. After that he proceeded to rte'u ra.
When the invitation of the Mongol Emperor arrived, the great men of Mongolia and
Tibet held a consultation between themselves, and he was permitted to remain (in
Tibet) because of failing health.
He was invited to sa skya as a Teacher, became the Master of the assembly of
monks (tshogs dpon) as well as preached the Doctrine. After that he proceeded to
rte'u ra and held there a great religious council. He passed into Nirvana at the age of
68, in the year Wood Male Mouse (sin pho byiba 1264 A.D.).
{Here it seems that the journey to India was also a pilgrimage, as one passage tells
about him waiting to see the image at Bodhgaya. He seems to be the typical star
translator, whose popularity transcended sectarian/lineage boundaries, as he was
invited to many monasteries as an abbot. He remained at te’u ra in the end, and this
may something to do not with his lineage, but with his familial connections, as this
was the monastery of his uncle. EP}
Subsequent abbots {Chengdu 1231; R1059}
dban phyug shes rab of gtsang, bstan 'dzing dpal, son of chag nyi ma dpal, the
youngest brother of the Junior chag, and his younger brother zla ba acted as abbots
for a short period. In the time of zla ba the sa skya state (skya srid) attacked rte'u ra.
rin chen 'byung gnas, son of mnga' bdag dpal, the youngest brother of zla ba, blo
gros dpal an official of the bla brang. The year of the death of the bla ma rinchen
'byung gnas and of the nomination of sakya dpal is a Fire Female Hare year (me mo
yos 1327 A.D.).
bla brang pa bzang po dpal, chag chos dpal, nephew of rin chen 'byung gnas, acted
as abbot, but soon died. Then bla brang pa bzang po dpal again became abbot. After
him nyi ma ba., sakya dpal, yeshes dpal bzang po, who appointed to the chair the bla
ma bsam grub dpal mgon. He passed away in the year Wood Male Dog (Sin pho khyi
1454 A.D.) at the age of 88.
bsam grub dpal mgon, bsod blo (bsod nams blo gros), blo bzangs, born in the year
Iron Ox (lcags glan 1421 A.D.); was nominated to the chair, aged 20. He (bsod blo)
died at the age of 56 in the year Earth Mouse (sa byi 1468 A.D.).
blo bzangs, being an abbot for 21 years, gave up the chair. He died at the age of 42
in the year Water Horse (chu rta 1462 A.D.). After that rin chen chos rgyal came to
the chair in the year Iron Dragon (lcags 'brug 1460 A.D.), aged 14. Till the present
Fire Male Ape year (me pho spre'u 1476 A.D.) 17 years have passed.
{What one can see from this list is that the monastery had been passed from familial
lineage to abbatial, it seems, as some of the abbots were nominated by their
predecessors. This may be due to the fact that their eligible relatives were still quite
young and were not able to become the abbots at the time (?) There were also some
actual sectarian conflicts, or perhaps they were still clan/power driven? EP}
rong ling lo tsa ba rdorje rgyal mtshan {Chengdu 1233; R1060}
s’gos lo states that there was another disciple of Abhaya who lived at gnyal rong
lings and was a student of the Kālacakra system. His name was rong ling lo tsa ba
rdorje rgyal mtshan and his monastery sags kha was still standing. But ‘gos lo didn’t
know his biography and provides no further information.
PART 15 (BA): Monastic Systems, Questions and Answers, Printing [6 CHAPTERS]
“From the Blue Annals, chapter on the origins of monastic systems such as
the four communities, questions and answers, and the printing.”
14 folios;1 folio. Chandra 943–970; Chengdu 1237-1274; Roerich 1062-1093.
15.1 The Kashmirian Scholar [ŚākyaŚrī] and the ordination
lineages of the four institutions descending from him (kha che pa
chen dang / de las brgyud pa’i sde bzhi’i mkhan brgyud kyi skabs.
Chandra 944; Chengdu 1237; Roerich 1062-73).
This section is devoted to the Kasmirian paṇḍita Śākyaśrībhadra who is the
originator of a major vinaya lineage of Tibetan Buddhism, and author of a
significant work on Buddhist Chronology, the lnga bsdus {R 1064}. The first
concern is the establishment of chronologies.
Using Śākyaśrī’s own
chronology, the date for the nirvāṇa of Śākyamuni is established to be 2020
years prior to the writing of the Blue Annals, or 544 B.C.E. (one of the closest
to modern estimates). Then the dates for Śākyaśrī himself is dealt with,
establishing his birth in 1127, his arrival in Tibet in 1204 (at the age of 78), a
ten year period in Tibet, and his death in Kasmir in 1225 (at the age of 99).
This chronology differs significantly from many of the earlier Tibetan
chronologies. This one held in esteem by the author for what reasons? It’s
Indian authorship? The author also points to a mistake of chronology {R
1063} made in other works that mention Śākyaśrī, and instead relies primarily
on the accounts of khro phu who was one of Śākyaśrī’s main disciples.
Next is the story of his invitation to Tibet. Based on his dreams, khro phu
goes to Nepal and India to invite three teachers to Tibet, the third being
Śākyaśrī. One of the stranger lines here comes when khro phu receives
advice from bla ma zhang on inviting the mahā-paṇḍita: “Behave in a noisy
manner! The sun may rise from the West, but you will surely succeed in your
purpose” {R 1066}. Following the presentation of the invitation, many of the
mahā-paṇḍita’s Indian followers try to persuade him not to travel to Tibet
leaving the Tibetans falsify a bad omen based on which Śākyaśrī come closer
to deciding to go as requested. One way to perhaps read these events is that
Śākyaśrī’s travel to Tibet was forseen by Śākyaśrī himself (and bla ma zhang
as seen above), but at the failure of the emissaries to answer the question as
to what he was to do following the invitation, the subsequent events of
persuasion were necessitated – including khro phu himself engaging in
questions on the Doctrine {R 1067}.
Finally pleased, Śākyaśrī heads to Tibet where he teaches in, and is invited
to, numerous locals throughout central Tibet, including bsam yas dgon pa {R
1070}. Much of his travels seems to have been directed by various omens,
most involving the image of the goddess Tārā. In general the information on
his teachings is limited to occasional texts and the places he traveled to.
Missing is the ‘foundational’ work that Śākaśrī must have engaged in at
various places – setting up the four tshogs sde and the resultant vinaya lineage.
Either this information is unavailable or deemed less important than the
narrative stories related in its place. In addition to his teaching, one of
Śākyaśrī’s main contributions to the Tibetan religious landscape was the
erection of an image of Maitreya at khro ‘phu {R 1070} in 1212 A.D. By the
following year he had resolved to return to Kasmir, where he would continue
to have a great impact on the Doctrine.
Following this is the list of the ordination lineage transmitted by Śākyaśrī {R
1071-2}, and the abbots of three of the four monasteries/communities
established by him in Tibet.

15.2 The Gandenpa [Tradition] (dge ldan pa’i skabs. Chandra 953; Chengdu
1249; Roerich 1073-80).
Next is the section on the tradition initiated by blo bzang grags pa’i dpal,
better known by the region of his birth, or tsong kha pa and considered to be
the founder of the sge lugs pa sect. Born in 1357 A.D., the early details of his
various teachers and textual undertakings are given, especially his interest in
the Guhyasamāja Tantra that would eventually become the primary tantra of
the sge lugs pas. On a structural note, it is unclear to me whether the page
and a half of material contained in parentheses from R-1073 to the top of R1075 is solely Roerich’s addition. This section includes a lengthy excerpt from
the rnam thar of tsong kha pa concerning the part of his teacher’s instructions
that he could remember following loosing them on his way to Tibet from
Amdo.
Next there is detailed information regarding the development of tsnog kha
pa’s doctrinal view and interests in sūtra, tantra, and vinaya. The author
makes a curious comment about tsong kha pa here saying that while he had
perfect understanding of the materials he studied, he never ‘played’ with
fellow monks and was generally depressed {R 1075}. Given the proximately,
and in fact an overlap of ‘go lo tsa ba’s (1392-1481) and tsong kha pa’s
(1357-1432) lives, such detailed personality information being available
should not be surprising, but its use here stands out from the accompanying
details. Its unclear whether it is making a statement in support of his
scholastic inclinations, or against them.
Of further interest is the details relating tsong kha pa’s connection with the
Bodhisattva Man͂͂juśrī. Having obtained initiation in the practice, tsong kha pa
had a ‘clear vision’ and interacted with the Bodhisattva ‘in the manner of a
disciple to his teacher, and obtained answers’ {R 1075-6}. One of the
answers he received was to become an ascetic to benefit the Doctrine, and
later the prophesy that he would become a Buddha. Perhaps as a result of
these prophesies, ‘go lo tsa ba reports that ‘the mere hearing of his name
from a distance, caused the hair of the body to stand erect’ {R 1076}.
Following this the details of his numerous writings are given, including the lam
rim chen mo and the sngags rim chen mo, the second of which pertains to
tantric practice. Tsong kha pa founded dge ldan dgon pa in 1409, and
sometime later between 1415 and 1419 erected a tantric maṇḍala in the outer
chapel. Additionally there are details of tsong kha pa’s influence on the attire
worn by the dge ldan pas.
At this point ‘gos lo tsa ba makes a distinction between the previous details
and what follows as his ‘greatness seen by ordinary human beings’ and his
‘intrinsic greatness’ {R 1079}. Then there is a presentation of the various
opinions and views of tsong kha pa being a bodhisattva. Lastly there is the
brief recounting of the abbots of dge ldan since tsong kha pa’s death in 1432
A.D.

15.3 Nalanda [Monastery] (na landa pa’i skabs. Chandra 958; Chengdu 1258;
Roerich 1080-2).
This section and the next one are relatively short given the attention allotted to
the dge ldan pas above. This section concerns smra ba’I senge rong ston
chen po who founded Nālandā dgon pa of the sa skya pa sect. The detals of
his early life include study of the sciences, debate (rigs pa), and the piṭakas.
Of interest if the correlation given between his aspiration/intention (smon lam)
and the absence of clashed with ‘local deities’ or suffering epidemics {R
1081}. While the details are sparse on his education and practice, ‘gos lo tsa
ba maintains: ‘Outwardly he seems to have concentrated on the preaching of
the Doctrine only. Inwardly he practiced constanly Yoga . . .’ {R1081}. The
fact of this internal, and therefore secret, practice is perhaps offered since the
educational information excludes any mention of tantric knowledge.
Following this there is a curious single line mentioning transformation of his
big toe nail falling off and become a pearl shell. No reason, cause, or omen
that is associated with this even is given.
The remaining details briefly concern the founding of Nālandā dgon pa in
1435 A.D. and his death in 1449 A.D. Concerning his death rong ston is said
to have defied an earlier prophecy of his death, claiming not to be subject to
such prognostications. He is said to have lived past the date of the prophecy
and died when he had foreseen for himself. Again there follows a list of the
abbots of Nālandā following rong ston’s death.

15.4 Tsethang [Monastery] (rtses thang pa’i skabs. Chandra 960; Chengdu
1260; Roerich 1082-4).
With even less information than the previous one, this section gives the
details of dpal rtes thang dgon pa (kagyu?) and its founder ta’i si tu byang
chub rgyal mtshan. A year after the founding of rtses thang ‘priests from
various monasteries’ were invited to start the study of the doctrine there
{R1082}. The majority of the remaining info gives the lineage of the abbots of
rtses thang dgon pa. Of note within this lineage are several period when the
dgon pa went without an abbot for various reasons such as the abbot ‘retires
to the palace (rtse)’ or ‘acted as civil official’ {R 1084}.
Following the lineage ‘gos lo tsa ba states that this monastery often housed
monks of different sects and was a refuge for wandering preachers. Is this
collective aspect accurate or maybe the result of the dgon pa changing hands
between sects at some point in it’s history?

15.4a Untitled responses to questions regarding the Blue Annals (Chandra
962; Chengdu 1263; Roerich 1084-6).
The questions addressed in this section pertain primarily to the historgrapic
method employed by ‘gos lo tsa ba and his defense on controversial points.
The author mainly addresses the areas of common disagreement on dates
and other areas, and offers his reasoning for the information he makes use of
over others. On at least two occasions ‘gos lo tsa ba expressed the difficulty
of deciding which histories to follow. Both concerning the ‘later’ Propagation
of the Doctrine {R 1084} and the Ten man of dbus and tsang {1085} the
author expresses difficulty. The author further clarifies some of the areas
where he has been unable to investigate thoroughly himself and so has based
his information on that of others without verification {R 1086}. The brief
comments given here speak to the general concern of a 15th century Tibetan
historian and will of interest to those looking at any of the main issues of the
Blue Annals as a whole. ‘gos lo tsa ba appears to have limited himself where
possible to both other established histories, such as that by bu ston, and by
accounts of followers or disciples of a given person. The use of personal
narrative in combination with less subjective accounts would be a fruitful area
to give further attention.

15.5 The carving of the woodblocks (par du bsgrubs pa’i skabs. Chandra 964;
Chengdu 1265; Roerich 1086-91).
This sections primary concern is the patron who provided the necessary funds
for the Blue Annals project to be written and printed - Bkra shis dar rgyas of
the bya clan. What follows is an impressive genealogical account of the
patrons ancestry, which was probably proved to ‘gos lo tsa ba by the patron
for inclusion in his history as part of the deal. The genealogy includes detail
going back more than a dozen generations and describes the various
geographical moves that the bya clan made throughout those years. It also
includes information regarding various political and religious connection that
exist in this particular clan, such ruling in various locals, dealing with the
Mongols on military terms, and relatives being recognized as incarnations.
The patron gave the funds for the project such that they ‘did not contradict the
doctrine’ {R 1090}. It would be interesting to see if funding and influence
issues were at all a concern as this line may suggest.
The last part of this section gives the names of those individuals who worked
on the copying, correcting, and block making of the Blue Annals.

15.5a Author colophon (Chandra 969; Chengdu 1271; Roerich 1091-3).
This closing homage sets the intention for the preceding pages and the
presentation of the author’s intention in this undertaking. The striking imagery
of the last line of R 1091 – “The story of the Immaculate Precious Doctrine of
the Jina, / handed down from Holy Men to holy Men, / I have thread on a
string of letters,” characterizes the sense of the constructive nature of the
project and the light in which the author casts it.

15.5b Kundeling Monastery print colophon (Chandra 970; Chengdu 1271;
Roerich 1093).
This section gives credit to ‘gos lo tsa ba for the compilation and tells where the
blocks are kept and their brief history, including the loss of some of the blocks in the
Tibetan-Nepalese war in 1792 A.D.