Literature and language
35
SPEECH PERCEPTION.
STEREOTYPES OF SPEECH
BEHAVIOR
N.L. Ovshieva Elista,
Kalmikiya
We are affected by
our own tereotypes,
social standards and
expectations of other
people
while
processing speech in
face-to-face iteraction.
As
Edwards
has
remarked, "we do not react to the world
on the basis of sensory input lone but,
rather, in terms of what we perceive
that input to mean. This is the
foundation of all our social cons
group relationships, and it is a
foundation that reflects - in an
ongoing
fashion
our
accumulated social knowledge"
[1, p. 101]. Utterance interpretation
takes place so fast and so
spontaneously that we are usually not
aware of how we recover the
message we make. This is achieved
through
the
activation
and
implementation of categorical
thinking. Speech perception, in this
sense, is the filter that is culturally
specific and - within social groupings
- individualized to a greater or lesser
extent.
Thus,
bottom-up
processing
of
acoustic
information directly interacts with a
higher level information related to
people's
socially
constructed
stereotypes
of
gender,
sex,
occupation or cultural norms.
Consequently,
because
our
knowledge of the world guides what
we see and hear stereotypes have a
great deal of potential to influence
speech perception.
tructions, of all our individual and
As such, people's schematic
preconceptions drive their evaluations of
others and their reactions in face-to-face
interaction.
Speech
perceivers
regularly construct and use stereotypes
(e.g. categorical representations) in their
dealing with others. That domination of
schematic thinking in speech perception
process has its output in various
stereotypes of inter-actants' speech
behavior. As people are inevitably
exposed to the cultural transmission of
stereotypic ideas during childhood
socialization social stereotypes
(characteristics ascribed "to people on
the basis of their group memberships"
[2, p. 3] are activated automatically upon
detection of a person's group
membership. Stereotype activation in
the domains of race, gender, age,
occupation and cultural norms has
resulted in social (race, gender, age,
occupational) and cultural stereotypes of
speech behavior.
Social identity theory is the
theoretical basis for the description of
inter-actants' evaluative and stereotyped
automatic reactions in face-to-face
interaction. According to social identity
theory, an important component of the
self-concept is derived from
memberships in social groups and
categories. As the researchers in the sphere
of social cognition observed, "social
identities are cognitively represented as
group prototypes that describe and prescribe
beliefs, attitudes, feelings and behavior that
optimize a balance between minimization of
in-group differences and maximization of
inter-group differences" [3, p, 228]. Thus,
social identities should influence behavior
through the mediating role of group norms people will be more likely to engage in a
particular behavior if it is in accord with the
norms of a behaviorally relevant group
membership, particularly if the identity is a
salient basis for self-definition [3, p. 228]. If
the group membership is not salient, then
people's behavior and feelings should be in
accord with their own personal and
idiosyncratic characteristics rather than
group norms [3, p. 228].
36
There is an important point of
difference between identity theory and
social identity theory. Identity theory
focuses on role identities - such as
mother, academic and blood-donor whereas social identity theory focuses
on identities that emanate from group
memberships. It may be that self- (or
role) identities can be distinguished from
both personal and social identities. Role
identities are conceptualized as
individual-level identities or 'me's'
because they reflect the definition of self
as a person who performs a particular
social role, whereas group-level
identities are conceptualized as 'we's1
because they reflect identifications of the
self with a social group or category. As
collective identities, both role and social
identities are contrasted with personal
identities, where the self is defined in
terms of unique and idiosyncratic
characteristics [3, p. 230]. Thus, from
evaluative and stereotyped reactions of
interlocutors in face-to-face interaction
we draw inferences about facets of their
identity in stereotypical group terms. Our
background knowledge - that
stereotype-based material that is
acknowledged to reside in long-term
memory - evokes expectations about
how a speaker "should" behave
according to his or her status as a role
or group member. Let's look at the
examples illustrating how in people's
responses their attitudinal evaluations
are externalized.
An interesting area of investigation is
the study of cultural norms. For
example, the British culture places a
very high value on the Maxim of Tact
and speakers are supposedly well
known for the use of'yes, but...' replies
Let's look at a conversation between two
people in phatic communion. Phatic
communion as a type of speech may
be regarded as a mode of action, for
"each utterance is an act serving the
direct aim of binding hearer to speaker
by
a
tie
of
some
social
l sentiment or other" [4, p. 151]. Cultural
stereotype -inquiries about health,
comments on weather, affirmations of
some supremely obvious state of things is designed not to inform or express any
thought, but to connect people in action.
English-speakers who meet each other but
have nothing in particular to say will begin
talking about the weather or exchanging
phrases of politeness, since silence is
considered unacceptable:
'I'm sure he benefits from your visits
though. Mags ... you will come around to
dinner soon, won't you?'
' Certainly. You know my routine well
enough. There's Keep Fit tomorrow of
course; I'll probably stop in and work on my
Thai course Wednesday; Thursdays I'm
usually free'
' Well, I'll be in touch,' said Brenda,
apparently backing away from a firm date.
'That would be super!'Margaret said,
grateful that nothing specific was
arranged.
[5, p. 15]
In this communication situation
Brenda, Margaret's colleague, feels
uncomfortable at seeing her: Margaret's
father is seriously ill and her friend has
abandoned her. To get over the strange
and unpleasant tension they feel she
asks her round. Just for show Margaret
picks out the day when she is free.
linally they exchange phrases of
eness, but actually they intend to d this
meeting.
hus, the community members share
;ain norms for interacting (i.e.
erstand what behavior norms are
>ropriate) which implies shared
,erstanding as well. Let's consider the imple
when the speakers do not iform to
cultural stereotypes: Eventually she could
not stand her ecision any longer. 'Colette!'
Her flat mate came into the bedroom, ui?1
'I can't decide between these trousers id
the skirt... It's so hopeless! I can irely go
on the street with all these orgeous
Parisian women making me iel like a
tramp!'
Colette was thrown. She had always
sgarded Margaret as one of those
itellectual English roses for whom
coking glamorous is an act of treason
against some kind of unspoken code of
ordinariness. 'It looks very nice with the
irousers...' she said, a little
unconvincingly.
'I wish I could go out and spend a
fortune on clothes!'
The French woman does not spend
a fortune, Margaret - she would add a
Hermes silk scarf, some earrings and
perhaps a new handbag - as they say
in the American magazines:
Accessorize!'
[5, p. 149]
Here Margaret behaves counter to a
common stereotype of English women
(as one of those intellectual English
roses for whom looking glamorous is an
act of treason against some kind of
unspoken code of ordinariness). She's
trying to accommodate herself to a
stereotype associated with French
women (these gorgeous Parisian
women making me feel like a tramp).
Margaret is made self-conscious, for
she is aware of this difference (I can't
decide between these trousers and the
skirt). At home, in England the
'intellectual rose' could conform to
ordinariness, for English ladies delight
in their frumpiness, but it is not expected
here. A cultural stereotype of French
women is externalized through
the
article
(The
French
woman = the stereotypical
French woman). Thus, cultural
female stereotypes with regard to
couture (i.e. the fabrication of
clothes) are contrasted here.
Condescending,
giving
advice to everybody as a person
who is superior in knowledge, or
experience, or judgement to
them
is
an
occupational
stereotype associated with a
teacher:
"What do you think I should do?"
He hesitated, then smiled.
"Find someone like me? Who
isn't married? If that doesn't
sound too impossibly vain."
She tied a final bow in the tags
of black ribbon.
Literature and language 3 7
"And Henry?"
"Not even a Rembrandt has the
right to ruin someone else's life."
"I'm not sure it isn't ruined already."
"That's self-pity. Not the real you."
"Cowardice."
"Also not the real you."
[6, p. 122]
In this communication situation
David behaves like a teacher. He
cannot help advising Diana (indirect
speech act of advice is represented
as eiicitation). David knows he is
being didactic, can tend to be too
pedantic. He is modifying her attitude
(self-evaluation), correcting twice. He
is aware of the danger of behaving
too stereotypically, so he is trying to
teach her in a gentle, delicate way.
But he cannot help repeating the
same words (speech act of
evaluation), encouraging her not to
give up.
The categorization of people
according to their sex is one of the
most primary judgments that
human perceivers make of each
other. Gender information guides
human behavior and judgment.
Accordingly we react to people as
we see fit, based on these
expectations:
I felt that I was not carrying out
my embassy with any great skill. I
was distinctly nettled.
'Hang it all, one can't leave a
woman without a bob'
'Why not?'
'How is she going to live?'
'I've supported her for seventeen years.
Why shouldn't she support herself for a
change?'
'She can't.'
'Let her try.'
[7, p. 48]
Here gender stereotype "a man
cannot leave a woman' influences the
speaker's perception of Charles. Social
expectations about gender have an
effect on his evaluation of Charles'
behavior (indirect speech act of
reproach). A softening device "one can't"
is used to establish a stereotype, where
«one» stands for all.
38
The Caspian Sea
Humanities and sports
You have to conform to a stereotype "A
gentleman can behave towards the
lady". Otherwise, this behavior is not
acceptable in the society. Here there
is another stereotype: "A woman has no
means to support herself". The
implication of the social gender
stereotype operating in the nineteenth
century is as follows: "Nobody should
do that."
Age
stereotypes
may
cause
misunderstanding
between
interlocutors, for teenagers are
egocentric and are apt to fall prey to the
idea that their understanding is, in fact,
the only sort possible:
"Where you girls from?" I asked her.
She didn't answer me, though. She was
busy looking around for Peter Lorre to
show up, I guess.
"Where you girls from?" I asked her
again.
"What?" she said.
"Where you girls from? Don't answer if
you don't feel like it. I don't want you to
strain yourself."
"Seattle, Washington," she said. She was
doing me a big favor to tell me.
"You're
a
very
good
conversationalist," I told her. "You know
that?"
"What?"
[8, p. 89]
In this communication situation
Holden is trying to start a talk with the
girl he has invited to a dance. He is
annoyed (if you don't feel like it). She is
not even willing to strain herself to
answer, though she should p to him. Here
is a stereotypical behavior of a young girl
preoccupied with her own thoughts.
Impolite behavior is more obvious in
teenagers who are self-centered,
egocentric, who have not practiced
social conventions well enough So
she is exhibiting teenage rudeness.
Holden is being sarcastic (You're a
very good conversationalist). ay attention
The issues discussed in this article
indicate the necessity of a new theory of
speech perception. Current speech
perception theories that do not allow for
the influence of stereotype information
cannot offer a fully inclusive account of
speech perception process. Developing
such a theory necessarily involves the
integrative approaches and data from a
multitude of research areas including
knowledge about socially constructed,
culture-specific identity and resulting
stereotypes. Our assumptions
(stereotypes) that are not manifest are
externalized through our behavior. And
conversely, we behave according to
expectations of others, trying to conform
to stereotypes. Thus, from our
stereotypical behavior one can draw
inferences about facets of our identity
and our stereotypes of thinking that have
been termed figuratively "perceptual
spectacles".
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understanding of language attitudes //
Journal of Language and Social
Psychology. 1999. Vol. 18. No 1. P. 101 110.
2. Oakes P., Haslam A., Turner J
Stereotyping and Social Reality. Oxford:
Blackwell, 1994.
3. Terry D., Hogg M., White K. The
Theory of planned behaviour: Selfidentity, social identity and group norms
//British Journal of Social Psychology
1999. Vol 38. P. 225-244
4 Malinovsky, B. Phatic communion
//Communication in Face - to -Face
Interaction: Selected Readings /Ed. by
J.
Laver,
S.
Hutcheson.
Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd.,
1972. P. 146-152.
5. Urban M. The Linguist. London:
Headline Book Publishing. 1998.
6. Fowies J. The Ebony Tower. M.
2000.
7. Maugham W.S. The Moon and
Sixpense. M., 2000.
8. Salinger J. The Catcher in the
Rye. M., 1979.
Каспий. Гуманитарные науки и
спорт: Международный сборник
научных трудов/ Ассоциация
университетов прикаспийских
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