The battle to control the flow.

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“THE BATTLE TO CONTROL THE FLOW”:

The Movement From Powerful Hegemony Toward Diversity

Doruk Akin

5616204

MEDIA IN OORLOG, VREDE EN VERZOENING

Julia Hoffmann & Johannes von Engelhardt

Universiteit van Amsterdam

Faculteit Maatschappij- en Gedragswetenschappen

Bachelor Thesis

“The battle to control the flow”

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Abstract

Technological developments within the media sphere, especially the availability of digital broadcasting, have increased the mobility of international news flows emanating from different parts of the world live 24 hours a day. There are opposing viewpoints among many scholars; some argue that the consequences of media globalization, in terms of the homogenization of global news, and others claim that globalization leads to differentiation. This study outlines the contradictory claims about the dynamics of news content as a consequence of globalization, concerning both globalization and localization theories. Previous empirical studies of the international news networks CNN, BBC and

Al-Jazeera and their news coverage about of the Afghanistan war, the Iraq war and the

Israel/Palestinian conflict are analyzed to support the theoretical approaches and concepts. The findings show differences between the three news networks, in that they

localize the coverage of the conflict differently.

Key words

International news networks ■ globalization ■ localization ■ domestication ■ Al-Jazeera

■ CNN ■ BBC ■ framing ■ news flow ■ conflict ■ media ■ news coverage

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Content

Introduction

Theoretical background

Global news networks: CNN and BBC

New voice; the rise of Al-Jazeera

Contradicting the global force: Homogenization or diversification

News frames

Method

Selection of theoretical literature

Literature selection of empirical studies

Results

Comparing international news coverage

Conclusion

Limitations and Future research

References

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Introduction

The rise of the new technological age at the beginning of the 21 st

century, initiated a drastic shift in global communications, transforming the world into a global network society, where the development of the transnational distribution infrastructure enables global access to various international news information flows. The technological development within the global media industry has initiated new challenges in the global news production and distribution, as the number of media outlets of new developing countries has increased

(Thussu, 2007; el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008). The availability of digitalized broadcasting has increased the mobility of international news flows emanating from different parts of the world live 24 hours a day (Thussu, 2003).

These technological changes have expanded the role of the media in international affairs, especially during conflict situations (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008). While media coverage of conflict and their conduct in war situations has always been a subject of discussion and critical scrutiny (Zayani & Ayish, 2006), “today’s network society has [even] increased the ways in which media technologies are utilized in conflicts” (el-Nawawy &

Powers, 2008, p. 11). Not only do the media function in conflicts as an essential source in providing people with information about the conflict, they also tend to become part of the conflict (Zayani & Ayish, 2006). Media organizations are often treated as ‘actors’ within international conflicts, because they have the power to shape public opinion and even governments’ policy (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008). This phenomenon was labeled as the

‘CNN-effect’ in the 1990s, in which international television news was perceived as a “direct and perhaps even dominant actor in the formulation of policies in defense and foreign affairs”

(Gilboa, 2002, p. 733). This concept derived from CNN’s prominent dominant role in shaping public opinion and government policy by its coverage of the first Gulf War in 1991 (Gilboa,

2002). CNN was the first international satellite channel in history, that brought the conflict live into the living rooms across the world (Thussu, 2003), controlling the world’s understanding of the war (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008). CNN was the only news network at the time that had the technological ability to dominate the international news flow. “While counter-narratives existed, they were obscured, and did not carry with them the weight of live and sensationally dramatic images of [the war]” (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008, p. 12). CNN’s success as an important actor in international affairs was quickly followed by the British

Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) (Gilboa, 2005).

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Until recently, audiences around the globe turned to the Western news networks to gain information about international affairs (Nisbet et al., 2004). Today, with the proliferation of satellite channels many other international satellite broadcasters have emerged, providing the global audiences with many different information source alternatives (Amin, 2004;

Thussu, 2007; el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008). One of these new players is the Qatar-based satellite channel Al-Jazeera, which obtained a prominent position among Western competitors such as CNN and BBC, and is now considered one of the most important information source

(Seib, 2004). Although Al-Jazeera’s international news coverage is considered to be an alternative information flow or contra-flow that challenges the West, there are still concerns about the ‘Westernization’ of our society (Thussu, 2007).

There are opposing viewpoints among many scholars; some argue that the consequences of media globalization, in terms of the homogenization of global news are the outcome of the hegemonic force of Western-led international information flows. However, this idea is contested by many (Long, 1996; Clausen, 2003, 2004; Gurevitch et al. 1991) as they support the idea that globalization leads to differentiation of global news and that media organizations localize or domesticate the foreign news in order to serve their national interest and local audiences (Clausen, 2003, 2004).

This study will outline the contradictory claims about the dynamics of news content as a consequence of globalization, concerning both globalization and localization theories and investigate the existence of empirical evidence to support these theories. Furthermore, it will provide some background information about the two Western satellites, considered to be the most important information sources of international conflict news, including a brief description of the history of the so called ‘new player’ in the global media arena, the Qatarbased Al-Jazeera satellite network from the Middle East. This is followed by an analyse the literature background of theoretical concepts and approaches concerning media flow studies, exploring the global changes of international news flows as a consequence of globalization .

Finally, previous empirical studies of the news networks CNN , BBC and Al-Jazeera and their international news coverage will be analyzed, in order to collect existent evidence to support the theoretical approaches and concepts.

This paper will evolve around the following research question:

Research Question

Is international news of conflict being domesticated by CNN, BBC and Al-Jazeera , thus leading to the diversification of global news?

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Theoretical background

Global news networks: CNN and BBC

The technological developments within the media sphere, especially the availability of digital broadcasting (Thussu, 2003), have increased the mobility of media and initiated new challenges in the global news production. This has lead to changes in the former nearmonopolistic power positions of global television news networks (Amin, 2004), such as the

24/7 live satellite channels, of both the US-led Atlanta based Cable News Network (CNN) and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). These networks are perceived as the key broadcasters that profoundly influence and shape international political communications

(Thussu, 2002, 2007).

Prior to the entry of the new players in the global news industry, CNN and BBC were considered as the most formative information sources of international news, serving audiences all over the world. It has been argued that these Western global news networks, CNN in particular, cover foreign news with a strong bias towards the US (Thussu, 2002). The transnational information flows were continuously broadcast from Western societies to the rest of the world. This uni-directional flow from the West was also examined in UNESCO’s

1990 World Culture Report , where it was reported that the Western cultural influence had grown as a result of media globalization (Thussu, 2007, p. 11).

Thussu (2002) supports this tendency, mentioning in a study of international television news that international news flows dominantly come from the Northern countries (Western countries). Thussu (2002, 2007) goes further in saying that ‘counter-flows’ from the South are limited, and exchange of news information between the North and the South are low. Boyd-

Barrett (1977) cited by Archetti (2008) in a comparative study of international news flows, noted too, that ‘while there is a heavy flow of exported media products from the US to, say,

Asian countries, there is only a very slight trickle of Asian media products to the US’ (p.3).

The continuation of unbalanced information flows within the global media landscape, emanating ‘uni-directionally’ from the “West” (Northern countries, with at its core the US), is a predominant discussion in media globalization studies (Thussu, 2007; Archetti, 2008). This

‘uni-directional’ process of information flows has raised many concerns regarding worldwide cultural homogenisation (Giddens, 1991; Robertson, 1992; Lash and Urry, 1994, in Archetti,

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2008; Thussu, 2007). Iwabuchi (2007), for example, describes this as ‘de-Americanized’ or

‘de-Westernized’ cultural flows, leading to global cultural hegemony (p. 67).

Thus, it is clear that the digitalisation of global communication has changed the media landscape in terms of the increase of interconnectivity in our global network society (Thussu,

2002; Clausen, 2003). Until recently, “this process [had] primarily benefitted the major corporations […], which [dominated] media content and delivery mechanisms by their ownership of multiple networks and production facilities” (Thussu, 2007, p. 3). Now, as we are in the twenty-first century, we can not help noticing the developments in the transnational information flows, in terms of emerging ‘contra-flows’ from non-Western regions (Thussu,

2007).

New voice; the rise of Al-Jazeera

The Qatar-based satellite channel Al-Jazeera (‘the island’) was launched in November 1996 by Qatar’s progressive Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani. The Al Thani family is known as the largest ruling families in the Middle East. Emir Sheikh Hamad’s openness to political and social ideas towards the West (Miles, 2005), and his determination to democratize his state in the Persian Gulf motivated him to launch an “independent and nonpartisan TV satellite network channel that is free from government scrutiny, control, and manipulation” (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008, p. 27).

Al-Jazeera’s success was mainly the result of a failed venture between the Arabic TV division of the BBC News service and a Saudi-owned Orbit situated in Rome. The partnership between the two networks ended in April 1996, as a result of a documentary aired on the

BBC’s Arabic TV service, concerning executions in Saudi Arabia, . This was followed by the withdrawal of Saudi government and investors’ financial support. Al-Jazeera successfully benefitted from this collapse and inherited the editorial staff members previously employed by the BBC’s Arabic TV service. They were well trained journalists with Western spirit and were familiar with the Arab political environment. Eventually, they became the core staff of

Al-Jazeera, which began broadcasting six hours a day in 1996 (Seib, 2004; Miles, 2005; el-

Nawawy & Powers, 2008). This development ensured Al-Jazeera’s success and Emir Sheikh

Hamad’s initial dream to establish a Qatari TV network channel that is free and independent and is worthy to carry the motto, “the opinion, and the other opinion” (Bahry, 2001; Miles,

2005).

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The Qatari emir’s initiative to reform Arabic television in the Middle East region was not without setbacks. Middle Eastern governments, angered by its independent editorial style and its controversial coverage, tried to shut down the satellite channel (Seib, 2004; el-

Nawawy & Powers, 2008). The news coverage style of Al-Jazeera started a shock wave among Middle Eastern governments and the Arabic viewers. The audiences’ hunger for

“credible news and political analysis” was finally being appeased (Zayani, 2005, in el-

Nawawy & Powers, 2008).

Before the rise of Al-Jazeera many Arabs turned to the Western media, as it was perceived as more objective and credible than the media in their own countries. The widespread dissatisfaction among Arabs to a government-directed and biased media, led Arab viewers with limited alternatives to rely mostly on news information from the West. Even though the Western media was perceived as more credible which inevitably led to it becoming very successful (such as BBC and CNN in Arabic), it still did not satisfy the Arab citizens

(Bahry, 2001). “These […] stations were considered foreign sources of information, whose ultimate goal was to serve their own countries”(Bahry 2001 p. 90). It is therefore not surprising to learn that with the launch of Al-Jazeera, the majority turned their heads to this

Arab-based alternative information source (Bahry, 2001). Al-Jazeera’s approach differed from all other broadcast stations in the Middle East, as it offered the possibility for debates about the most sensitive political, social, economic and religious issues (Bahry, 2001; el-Nawawy &

Powers, 2008).

Al-Jazeera went unnoticed in the international media arena, until just after the

September 11 th

attacks when the station aired messages from Osama bin Laden, which followed with loathing criticism surrounding the station’s ‘unusual’ broadcasting style

(Williams, 2007; Seib, 2004). The Arab satellite channel gained even more international attention during the US-led war against Afghanistan, following the war against Iraq. Barkho

(2006) claims that: “the two wars have propelled Al-Jazeera to international fame through its ground-breaking coverage and scoops that have made it the envy of international broadcasters like the BBC and CNN” (p. 2). Al-Jazeera’s popularity was growing, as it gradually obtained a prominent position as a recognizable international news outlet among its Western competitors (Williams, 2007).

It is clear that the Arabic satellite channel, Al-Jazeera, stirred up the global media landscape and is now considered among the most important information sources, alongside

CNN and BBC. The Qatar-based station challenges the dominant Western ideology, as it broadcasts an Arab perspective of ‘foreign’ events, which is mostly in opposition to that of

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___________________________________________________________________________ the West (Seib, 2004). Al-Jazeera’s alternative information flow, emanating from the Middle

East (or the South), is conceptualized as a global information contra-flow, which challenges the dominant Western information flows. These developments and dynamics of news flow are consequences of the globalization of our world.

The following section will review the existing literature about effects of globalization on the worldwide media industry and investigate the theoretical approaches concerning international news flows.

Contradictorary claims about the global force: Homogenization or diversification?

The rise of the new age of technology at the beginning of the 21 st

century, initiated a drastic shift in global communications. This has transformed the world into a global network society, where the development of the transnational distribution infrastructure enables global access to various international news information flows (Thussu, 2007). Digital technology and developments in communication satellites, made it possible for media systems to interconnect and operate in a transnational manner (Amin, 2004; Thussu, 2007).

As a result of these global changes, media has become more and more concentrated.

This has led a small number of large Western media conglomerates to dominate the global media industry (McQuail, 2005). At the present time, three main Western international news agencies dominantly control the collection and distribution of international news: AP, AFP and Reuters (Rampal, 1995). Boyd-Barrett and Rantanen (1998) suggest “news agencies themselves have been major players in processes of globalization” (p. 3). Because of the lack of capability of news networks to transport news from around the globe themselves, news networks rely mostly on news agencies for collecting international news (Rampal, 1995).

These developments of globalization, led to many debates about the consequences or effects of globalization (Boyd-Barrett & Rantanen, 1998), and many contradictory assumptions of its force.

In previous literature, it is more overly assumed that globalization leads to a homogenized world, in which citizens all are exposed to the same media information around the world (Volkmer, 2003; Thussu, 2002, 2007; Ruighok & van Artevelde, 2007).

Globalization is seen as a “large-scale phenomena” (Robertson, 1995, p. 25), where international news and culture flows around the globe, constructs our world into, as McLuhan

(1964) has described it, a ‘ global village’

. Ferguson (1992) criticizes this idea and describes it as one of the ‘myths of globalization’ (p. 29), in which the impact of globalization is far

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___________________________________________________________________________ overestimated, in terms of engendering media homogeneity and cultural hegemony (Ferguson,

1992; Robertson, 1995; Seib, 2004). Voisey and O’Riordanm (2001) describe the ideas associated with the concept of globalization more clearly: it is “the promotion and domination of Western culture and capitalism to the exclusion of all other cultures and economic systems, a loss of social diversity and the disappearance of local distinctiveness and community in favour of global culture and society” (p. 26). Robertson (1992, 1995) adds, that scholars supporting the concept of ‘global news’, neglect to acknowledge the nationality or locality of media systems.

Additionally, other researchers believe that the global interconnectedness of the world, in fact, enhances the exchange of international news and culture flows between countries therefore, contradicting the notion of a ‘homogenized world’ as the consequence of globalization (Long, 1996; Clausen, 2003, 2004; Gurevitch et al. 1991). Long (1996), for example, claims that globalization, in fact, generates “a whole new diversified pattern of responses at national, regional and local level” (p. 39). Long (1996) makes a case against the unclear interpretations of globalization, and the defective ‘hegemonic modes of analyses’

(based on ‘old’ paradigm of globalization) of researcher in the field. He points out the lack of empirical evidence concerning the consequences of globalization and that it is mostly assumed that it is a great force generating uniformity in our world. He challenges this assumption by saying:

“We are in fact living in an increasingly diversified world which only has the trappings of homogeneity. The revolution in information and communication technologies has made the world look more uniform and interconnected. Yet even the most sophisticated modern communication and media systems and the development of integrated international commodity markets have not destroyed cultural, ethnic, economic and political diversity.” (Long, 1996, p. 39)

By saying this, Long (1996) demonstrates that even though much of the same information is spread around the world, it is still modified or localized on the basis of cultural shared values, local knowledge, local organizations and national interest. McQuail (1994) supports the notion that media are strongly connected with national considerations and operate accordingly:

The media are both a product and also a reflection of the history of their own society and have played a part in it. Despite the similarities of mass media institutions across

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___________________________________________________________________________ societies, the media are by origin, practice and convention very much national institutions and respond to domestic political and social pressures and to the expectation of their audiences. They reflect, express and sometimes actively serve the

“national interest”, as determined by other, more powerful actors and institutions.” (p.

121)

Similar to this idea is the notion of domestication, which is reintroduced by Gurevitch et al.

(1991) into studies of news production. The concept domestication embodies the process in which foreign news is domesticated in such a way that the content is more comprehensible and more relevant for national audiences. Gurevitch et al. (1991) go further by saying, that media frameworks are anchored “in ways that are compatible with the culture and the

‘dominant ideology’ of the societies they serve” (p. 206). Thus, although most footage is generated by the international news agencies, the same events are broadcast differently and contain, as Clausen (2003) calls it, national ‘spins’. Besides the notion that national media serve domestic interest, it is worth noting that a nation has the tendency to protect its national identity. The excessive inflow of international information and cultural media products, threatens the cultural identity. By domesticating foreign inflows, they differentiate themselves from others, preserve their own cultural identity and keep the sense of control (Ito, 1990 in

Clausen, 2003). Besides the need to protect cultural identity, commercial considerations of media also have an influence on the way media organizations broadcast foreign events. As

Gurevitch et al. (1991), who’s study focuses upon a news production perspective, note: “that for an event to be judged ‘newsworthy’ it must be anchored in narrative frameworks that are already familiar to and recognizable by newsmen as well as by audiences” (p. 207).

According to these contradictions about the clear meaning of globalization and its consequences concerning the international news flows around the globe, we can assume that both global homogenization and heterogenization are tendencies that exist in our world of the late-twentieth-century (Robertson, 1995). Still, it is unclear if the effects of localization actually override the effects of globalization when put in the context of international network channels such as Al-Jazeera. Before investigating whether previous comparative studies concerning international network channels provide answers to such a question, it is first necessary to understand how news is domesticated

. Clausen (2003) states that “domestication

[…] refers to audience appeals and efforts to shape news into frames of reference and ways of perceiving international events that are similar for news producers and audiences in the same national culture” (p. 106).

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Therefore it is important to understand what framing is and how it is used within media systems for covering international news. Analyzing international news coverage of different media outlets, in terms of framing, will reveal and explain similarities or differences in international news coverage.

News frames

A difference in news coverage between various networks is a consequence of media framing.

Media or news frames are commonly used to make news events or issues understandable and accessible to the public, providing schemas for interpreting events (Gambier, 2006; Scheufele,

1999). Since the variety of information flows in our wide and multifaceted environment are complex, the public find difficulty in processing the information in such a way that it is readily understandable. Simpler models, such as frames, help us to comprehend our complex

‘reality’ of the world (Lippmann, 1922: 11; in Wojcieszak, 2007).

Entman (1993) explains that framing essentially involve selection and salience . He stresses the point, that framing is not about the selection and salience of certain issues, but the selection and salience of particular aspects of an issue. His exact definition of the concept is: “To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation” (p.52). His definition of framing supports the notion that frames are multifaceted (Ruigrok & van Atteveld, 2007), and that by selecting and highlighting some aspects, a news story for example, it can be anchored in totally different narratives. The representation of issues within a news frame has consequently an affect on how the public perceive, understand and evaluate those issues (Price, Tewksbury & Powers,

1995, in Scheufele, 1999; McQuail, 2005, pp. 378-379). Adding to this, it makes specific information more memorable to audiences. Gambier (2006) adds that news frames also

“reinforce[s] stereotypes, determine judgments and decisions draw attention to some aspects of reality while obscuring other elements” (p. 11).

Studies into the framing of research also point out the importance of ideological and power influences in news reporting. Political forces are considered to have a great impact on how a frame is constructed, through a presentation of structured and organized news content that represent a particular perspective. Wojcieszak (2007) cited Tankard (2001) in her article, pointing out that framing processes involve ideological principles: “A central organizing idea for news content that supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through the use of

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___________________________________________________________________________ selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration” (Tankard, 2001: 100, in Wojcieszak, 2007, p.

117). It implies that frames carry certain ideological principles, accentuating certain norms and values that are seen to be relevant.

These claims are similar to those found by Volkmer (2009) in her recent study, where she observes that news coverage about the war reflects “dominant national frames”, and that the conflict is strongly linked to “dominant national public discourse”.

Entman (2003) describes a similar function of frames. Frames are used by government officials and journalists to politically influence each other and the public. He goes further by saying: “Successful political communication requires the framing of events, issues, and actors in ways that promote perceptions and interpretations that benefit one side while hindering the other” (p. 417). This clearly indicates that the process of framing is crucial in political communication, and especially in foreign affairs according to Entman (2003). Frames contain certain words and images that can ensure support of or opposition to, the sides in conflict situations. The author also developed a model that requires four entities to have an affect on how a frame is constructed by the media. The so called ‘cascading network activation’ model, portrays the administration (president, state, defense), for instance, as the most influential, following the Congress/other elites .

Thus, linking this model to international affairs, political leaders can control the way foreign news is framed. It implies that in times of international conflict, those in power control the information flow which conforms to their own national objectives and interests

(Thussu, 2003), and is in support of their military actions. Allen et al. (1994) note that “[…] media find it more difficult to field the alternative views necessary for debate. […] reporters covering elite opinions during […] international crisis are left to repeat information that amplifies support for whatever action the president takes. Journalists, thus “become conduits of one-sided, supporting messages” (cited by Jasperson & el-Kikhia, 2002, p. 2).

As news frames present a certain interpretation, we can therefore question the accuracy and credibility of the frame content of news about international conflict. The effects of framing processes undermine the ‘old’ paradigms of globalization . Gurevitch et al. (1991) support this: “Indeed, if the ‘same’ events are told in divergent ways, geared to the social and political frameworks and sensibilities of diverse domestic audiences, the ‘threat’ of homogenization might have little basis” (p. 207). Nonetheless, this study needs to review previous empirical data to examine whether this indication of divergence in foreign news coverage is evident among the three international network channels.

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Method

Selection of theoretical literature

The theoretical literature for this thesis is selected from published journals and books. The articles have been gathered from the following journals: Media, Culture and Society, Journal of Communication, The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, The international

Communication Gazette, American Journal of Communication , Global Media Journal,

Journal of Arab and Muslim Media Research . The articles have been collected using Google

Scholar , the Web search engine offering full text published academic literature and the

Digital library of the University of Amsterdam which also provides access to a variety of journals. A number of keywords were used to find to most relevant articles for this thesis:

Globalization, international news, international news infrastructure, transnational media, media flows studies, international communication, international news flows, international/media contra-flows, changes in the media landscape, differences in media output, homogeneity versus heterogeneity, dominant news flows, Western/Southern news flows, global culture, global village; rise/launch of Al-Jazeera, history of Al-Jazeera, news coverage CNN and BBC, differences Al-Jazeera, CNN and BBC; media frames, definition frames, frame processes and practices, framing international news.

While analysing the literature background of theoretical concepts of media flow studies, it became obvious that there were many contradicting opinions. These claims lack solid empirical backing and mostly seem to be based on the ‘old’ paradigms of international communications. Whereas ‘cultural imperialism’ was the main debated issue in the 1970s, international communication has now moved into a more complex global arena, were

‘standardization’ and ‘differentiation’ are positioned against each other (Volkmer, 2003;

Clausen, 2003). Boyd-Barrett (1998) describes this situation well, by saying: “Previous models of international communication may be abandoned in a process of linear intellectual development that has moved through theories of international communication as propaganda, through to modernization and free flow, to dependency and cultural or media imperialism, supplanted in turn by theories of the ‘autonomous reader’ and culmination in discourses of globalization that play upon an infinite variety of ‘global’ and ‘local” (p.157). He goes further by saying that “intellectual developments in the field of international communication appears

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___________________________________________________________________________ not to proceed on the basis of exhaustive testing but lurches from one theory, preoccupation, dimension to another with inadequate attention to accumulative construction” (p. 157).

This section clearly stresses the point that clear empirical evidence to support the theories are absent in previous literature of international communication. It is therefore necessary to analyse whether the described tendencies of either ‘homogenization’ or the

‘heterogenization’ of international news are indeed apparent in our ‘globalized’ world. This literature review provides an overview of the findings in previous literature. This thesis could help to point out possible omissions within the field and provide recommendations for future research.

Through a comparative news coverage analysis of the three network channels, Al-

Jazeera, CNN and BBC, this study will attempt to examine the validity of these contradicting theoretical perspectives of globalization effects that have emerged in this research. The results will either support the ‘dominance’ of news approach (unbalanced and unidirectional), or support the approach of ‘differentiation’ of news across national borders. The results of this comparative analysis could also indicate that there is no clear evidence of either tendency.

The selection of the network channels (CNN, BBC and Al-Jazeera) are based on previous literature, which has indicated that these transnational information sources are considered the most important (Thussu, 2007), and are often the centre of discussion about the extent of biased news reporting of conflict events (Aday et al., 2005). Further, these news networks are worth investigating, as they differ in cultural origin and audience composition (Aday et al.,

2005).

Literature selection of empirical studies

Again, the literature is selected from journals and book, using the Web search engine Google

Scholar and the Digital library of the University of Amsterdam. The following keywords were used: Divergence in news coverage Al-Jazeera, CNN and BBC, comparative analysis international news coverage, Israeli/Palestinian conflict news coverage divergence, Iraqi war, media flows contra flows, media coverage in conflict/war, Afghanistan war coverage,

Western non-Western satellite channels, Middle-East international news coverage.

In order to recognize some continuous trends in the way these three network channels cover international conflict news, this study will analyze more than one conflict event. This research will gather empirical studies of the Afghanistan war , the Iraqi war and the

Israeli/Palestinian conflict. These conflicts are selected owing to Al-Jazeera’s prominent

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___________________________________________________________________________ position in these conflicts. Further, Al-Jazeera gained its real international recognition after its

‘ground-breaking’ coverage of the Afghanistan and Iraqi war (Barkho, 2006). Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has been critically scrutinized concerning its biased reporting with particular emphasis on the Arab-perspective (Seib, 2004).

Al-Jazeera is also an interesting case study because, although Al-Jazeera makes use of the same footage as its Western counterparts from news agencies such as Reuters and

Associated Press (Miles, 2005a), the satellite channel is labeled as a media outlet which disseminates an alternative or ‘Arab’ perspective on conflict events.

The purpose behind investigating the divergence of international news coverage of conflict events, for one is that audiences predominantly watch the news in times of conflict.

Furthermore, as described by Thussu (2003 “news is largely about conflict, and conflict is always news, especially in its rolling variety” (p. 116), as international 24/7 live satellite channels demonstrate. The 24/7 live satellite channels are in particular show a great interest in airing conflict events, since war is perceived as highly newsworthy and receives prominent global attention (Webster, 2003). 24/7 satellite channels are characterized by ‘conflict-driven’, sensationalized reporting and have a tendency towards ‘thin’ news reporting owing to pressure of time scheduling (Thussu, 2003). Conflict news, is therefore, the most useful news genre for investigating the possible similarities or differences across national borders.

Results

Comparing international news coverage

Globalization vs. Localization

This section compares the findings of the following literature and subsequent empirical evidence to support the previously explored theories.

Framing: Differences in linguistic patterns

“[…] differences in linguistic patterns largely reflect and respond to each network’s social and political assumptions and practices […]” (Barkho, 2007).

Barkho’s (2007) study, “Unpacking the discursive and social links in BBC, CNN and Al-

Jazeera’s Middle East reporting”, unravels how news is differently structured and patterned

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___________________________________________________________________________ by comparing BBC’s, CNN’s and Al-Jazeera’s coverage concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Barko (2007) focuses on the textual function (discourse layers) of hard news stories in terms of “the balanced selection of structures like quotes, paraphrases, background information, comment, choice of lexical items and grammatical structures” (p. 11). The study shows how the use of different language structures represents underlying social assumptions of the news stories. This particular article can be of use in pointing out how these three international networks frame international news stories differently, focusing on the textual function of news frames. The findings of this study indicate a clear difference in language structures between the three international networks. The portrayal of the conflict by BBC and

CNN had a tendency to legitimate the Israeli attacks, and labels the Palestinians as villains. It presented a clear distinction of which actors were ‘good’ (Israeli’s) and which were ‘bad’

(Palestinians). Al-Jazeera, however, who seems to distance itself from this hegemonic force from the West, tends to embrace the Palestinians. Thus, through the use of particular words, phrases and grammatical structures a similar event can indeed be anchored in totally different narratives. It is also noteworthy to mention that, according to the author, Al-Jazeera strives to opposition itself against the “discursive practices and patterns prevalent in the BBC and

CNN” (p. 24). This raises the question whether Al-Jazeera also follows discursive practices and patterns of ‘anti-Westernization’, and this mentioned ‘contra-flow’ actually is literally a

‘contra-flow’.

Another study of Barkho (2006), shows similar results, in that the international conflict is covered differently by Al-Jazeera, CNN and BBC. The author addresses issues of political and religious concern, as well as issues of style, to describe the divergence between the three network channels in news coverage about the Afghanistan war , the Iraqi war and the

Israeli/Palestinian conflict. In contrast to its counterparts, “Al-Jazeera deploys terms and expressions [in its news reports, that are] embedded in the Arab and Islamic culture and with a resonance on the Arab street” (p. 4). CNN and BBC tend to express anti-Islamic sentiment in their reports, as they occasionally vilify Muslims in their news reports. The divergence between the news networks, in the use of particular words and phrases to describe a conflict is prominent, and derives from domestic political, religious and cultural considerations.

Whereas, Al-Jazeera attempts to please its Arab audiences with cultural relevance in their reports, CNN and BBC consider their Western-led perspectives in their reports.

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News exchange: Utilizing footage from Arab media sources

Wessler and Adolphsen (2008) also investigate the possible differences in news coverage between Western and non-Western news networks, only they focus on how Arab television coverage of the Iraq war is utilized by Western international news networks (among those

CNNI and BBC world) and if the so called ‘contra-flow’ of international news is facilitated by the Arab satellite channels such as Al-Jazeera. This study implies that Western news networks indeed utilize materials from their Arab counterparts. The study, however, does not show that

Western news networks frame footage of Arab news networks with a different perspective, but that Western networks address and judge the coverage of their counterparts. These finding indicate that Western and non-Western news networks differ in their news coverage, and the existence of a contra-flow emanating from the Arab world is evident. The authors rightfully argue the fact that the divergence in news coverage in terms of opposing perspectives, more overly occur in times of war where the “willingness and ability to engage in meaningful discourse” (p. 458) is put to the test.

Another study investigates whether ‘counter-flowing’ reports of non-Western news networks have an impact on the news-reporting of Western networks (Samuel-Azran, 2007).

The study entails an empirical research of how footage concerning the Iraq war from Al-

Jazeera is framed by U.S. news networks. The findings of this study indicate that Western news network domesticate non-Western footage, conform to their local agenda (Samual-

Azran, 2007).

Conclusion

This study analyzed the existing theoretical concepts and approaches concerning media flow studies, in relation to changes of international news flows as a consequence of globalization .

Besides the fact that these empirical studies show that ‘news flows’ exist, the studies also distinguish news flows in terms of Western and non-Western-led news flow, also referred to as contra-flows. The findings of this study also presented valuable empirical evidence to answer the research question:

“Is international news of conflict being domesticated by CNN, BBC and Al-Jazeera

, thus leading to the diversification of global news?”

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___________________________________________________________________________

According to previous comparative empirical studies about international news coverage of the

Afghanistan war, the Iraq war and the Israel/Palestinian conflict, the three international satellite channels Al-Jazeera, CNN and BBC show significant and continuous trends of domestication of foreign conflict-related news. Media organizations broadcast international news according to both national and local considerations. These findings contradict the notion of homogenized global news content as a consequence of globalization. However, global homogeneity exists in the sense that news exchange between different regions has increased and that all international news networks cover the same events. Still, the domestication of foreign inflows, thus making conflict news more compatible with the culture and political ideology, actually contribute to a diversification of news content. While globalization makes the world appear as one homogenized ‘global village’, national, local and commercial considerations of media systems must not be overlooked, as it differs between countries, and therefore engenders global diversity.

The analyzed studies indicate clear differences between Al-Jazeera on the one hand and CNN and BBC on the other, concerning the way they portrayal a conflict. Al-Jazeera seems to strive to opposition itself against CNN and BBC, as the findings indicate oppositional perspectives of the conflict in their coverage. The world is watching two different versions of the war. On the one hand, Al-Jazeera, who seems to follow discursive practices and pattern of ‘anti-Westernizaton’, and on the other, CNN and BBC who seem to express ‘anti-Islamic’ sentiment.

The expansion of satellite news networks, since the first Gulf war in 1991, have indeed changed former Western power positions of global news networks. The proliferation of information flows disseminating from non-Western countries, initiated new challenges concerning international communications, and news flows in particular. The power of the media has been greater than before, and their role in our society expanded, along with the development of new forms of media use. This development especially concerns international conflict, as these conflicts have moved from “the traditional forms of ‘industrial war’ towards mass-mediated conflicts, or ‘information wars’” (Tumber & Webster, 2006 in el-Nawawy &

Powers, 2008), with competitive tendencies of ‘who reports the best’. Our society of the latetwentieth century is marked by powerful media players who continuously “’battle’ to control the flow of information” (el-Nawawy & Powers, 2008, p. 7).

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Bachelor Thesis

“The battle to control the flow”

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Limitations and Future research

The number of comparative empirical studies of the three satellite news networks Al-Jazeera,

CNN and BBC was limited. These transnational media outlets are considered to be the most important information sources in our global ‘network-society’. Yet, the news networks have not been subject to thorough empirical research within media flow studies. The lack of valid comparative empirical data in previous literature is remarkable, and is therefore considered as a limitation of this study.

The similarity of issues frequently covered by the three international news networks seems confined to the reporting of conflict events. The study did not investigate international events in general, in the context of global homogenization. Furthermore, two of the analyzed events (the Afghanistan war and the Iraq war) were directly related to the origins of the networks (US operations in the Middle-East). The tendency of the networks to be in opposition toward each other, can be very little if the conflict is not directly related to the networks origin.

Comparative research is needed, concerning the consequences of globalization on a national and local level. As globalization drastically changed international communications and from ‘uni-directional’ information flow from the West, into a multi-directional information flow from different region across the world. Still, there is small number of dominant powerful news networks that set the agenda for global audiences, that control peoples understanding about the world. Alternative sources may exists, but the sustained biased reporting of media organization about happenings in our world, is apparent in the most important information sources of our world. It is therefore necessary to tackle even more thoroughly the consequences of these changes, in terms of multiplicity, objectivity and credibility of news coverage of formative international news networks about important global events. Furthermore, it is worthy to investigate the impact of these news networks on the audiences’ perception about global events, how they differ across national borders, and if they utilize these alternative sources to construct their perceptions or that they still predominantly rely on Western news sources. This particularly concerns Western audiences, as non-Western audiences from former ‘closed-societies’ have always relied on Western media to gain information about international issues.

This literature review is offered as a prelude for future research within the field of international communication.

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“The battle to control the flow”

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