Introduction
SeanMatgamna
I:Constructingthesocialistorder
"Menmaketheirownhistory,buttheydonotmakeitjustastheyplease;theydonotmakeit
undercircumstanceschosenbythemselves,butundercircumstancesdirectlyencountered,
givenandtransmittedfromthepast".KarlMarx,TheEighteenthBrumaire.
"Sociallifeisessentiallypractical.Allmysterieswhichmisleadtheorytomysticismfind
theirrationalsolutioninhumanpractice,andinthecomprehensionofthispractice".Karl
Marx,ThesesonFeuerbach,VIII.
Humanbeingsmaketheirownhistory,butnotastheythemselveswillit;nordotheyworkin
conditionswhichtheycanatwillcontrol.Peoplefollowoneintention,holdingtoone
interpretationoftheirsituationanditspossibilities,andtheresultisoftennotatallwhat
theyintendedorwouldhavechosen.Sometimesitistheoppositeofwhatwasintendedand
wouldhavebeenchosen.Otherwills,otherintentions,andotherinterestsareatworktoo,
inunforeseenandunknownways.Afterwards,wedonotalwayseasilyunderstandwhathas
happened,orwhy.Sometimesweradicallymisunderstand.SoitwaswiththeBolshevik
Revolution.
Earlyin1917,theworkers,soldiersandpeasantsofRussiaroseinrevoltanddestroyedthe
autocraticTsaristmonarchy.Theyorganisedthemselvesindemocraticcouncils(soviets).
On25October1917,accordingtotheRussiancalendarinuseatthattime(7Novemberour
style)theMilitaryRevolutionaryCommitteeofthePetrogradSoviet-undertheleadership
ofLeonTrotsky,chairofthePetrogradSoviet-organisedaninsurrectioninPetrograd(St
Petersburg)andoverthrewtheunelectedProvisionalGovernment.
AttheAll-RussianCongressofSovietswhichopenedinPetrogradthatsameday,25
October,aclearmajoritysupportedtherising.InplaceofthebourgeoisProvisional
Government,theCongresssetupasovietgovernment:theruleofworkers'councils.The
politicalleadershipofthesovietswasinthehandsoftheRussianSocial-Democratic
LabourParty(Bolsheviks),atwhoseheadstoodVladimirIlyichLeninandLeonTrotsky.
TheBolshevikswereMarxists.Theyunderstoodtheworking-classconquestofstatepower
inRussiatobethefirststepinaninternationalworking-classmovementtobuildanew
society,freefromtheexploitationofhumanbeingbyhumanbeing."Wewillnowproceedto
constructthesocialistorder",saidLenintotheCongressofSovietson25October1917.
Whatorder?Thesocialistorder.ButintheeventLeninwasnottobuild"thesocialist
order"oreventhefoundationsforit.TheBolshevikswouldsuffertotaldefeat.Not
socialism,butStalinisttotalitarianismwouldariseintheUSSR,onthegraveof
Bolshevism.TheBolshevikdefeat,andtheunexpectedformsittook,woulddisrupt
Marxismanddisorientatetheleftwingoftheworldlabourmovementfortherestofthe20th
century.ThatwasnottheBolsheviks'fault,butitwas-andis-theabidingconsequenceof
theirrevolution.WhathappenedtotheRussianRevolution?
Whathappenedtothesocialistswho,holdingtotheRevolution'soriginalideas,andfighting
theStalinistcounter-revolution,triedtomakesenseofitsdegenerationanddefeat?What
happenedtotheideasandperspectivesofMarxiansocialismintheeraofStalinism,inthe
fluxandfrictionofsubsequentsocialandpoliticallife?Whatwastherelationshipofthe
"Octoberideas"totheRussianStalinistsocietythatexistedfromthelate1920stotheearly
1990s?Thesequestionsarethesubjectofthisbookandanothertofollow.
II:TheBolshevikprogramme
"Whateverapartycouldofferofcourage,revolutionaryfar-sightednessandconsistencyina
historichour,Lenin,Trotskyandtheothercomradeshavegiveningoodmeasure.Allthe
revolutionaryfervourandcapacitywhichwesternSocialDemocracylackedwere
representedbytheBolsheviks.TheirOctoberuprisingwasnotonlytheactualsalvationof
theRussianRevolution,itwasalsothesalvationofthehonourofinternationalsocialism."
RosaLuxemburg.
Socialismin1917hadadifferentmeaningfromthatithashadformostofthelast80years.
Socialismanddemocracywereunderstoodtobeeachanessentialpart,oneandtheother,
inseparabledimensionsofoneindivisiblemovement-"socialdemocracy"-forworkingclassemancipationfromwageslaveryandfromsocial,economicandpoliticalrulebythe
capitalistclass."Socialdemocracy"aimedtoreplacecapitalistexploitationofwagelabour
bya"co-operativecommonwealth",inaWorkers'Republic.LeninandTrotskydefinedthe
natureoftheregimetheyerectedonthevictoryofthesovietinsurrectionof25Octoberas
thedictatorshipoftheproletariat,ofthewage-workingclass.TheydefinedBritain,France,
theUSA,Switzerlandandtheotherparliamentarydemocraciesofthattimeasdictatorships
ofthebourgeoisie.Theyunderstoodthedictatorshipoftheproletariatastheyunderstoodthe
dictatorshipofthebourgeoisie-theruleofaclasswhich"dictated"politicalandsocial
termsofexistencetotheotherclasses.
The"dictatorshipoftheproletariat"wasnotthedictatorshipofaparty,orofanindividual,
butofaclass.Thesoviets,nottheBolshevikparty,tookstatepoweron25October-though
withouttheBolshevikPartythesovietscouldnothavetakenpowerandconsolidatedit.It
wasinthenameofthesovietsandthroughthesoviets,whichgaveunimpeachable
democraticlegitimacytotheOctoberinsurrection,thattheBolshevikpartyrosetopower.
The"dictatorshipoftheproletariat"wasmassdemocracy,dictatingtothedefendersofthe
oldorder.Itdealtruthlesslywiththeresistanceoftheoldexploitingrulersandtheir
supporters.Alltheoften-quotedferocitiesproclaimedandenactedbytheBolsheviks
concernedthestruggletowinpowerandholditagainstarmedandmass-murdering
opponents;allthetalkofdictatorshipwasaboutthedictatorshipofaclassorganised
democraticallyformassactioninthesoviets,andofapartyonlyasrepresentativeofthat
class.The"dictatorshipoftheproletariat"-theruleoftheworkers-would,asthe
Bolsheviksunderstoodit,defineawholeepochofhistory,justashadthedictatorshipofthe
bourgeoisie.Repressiverule-evenrepressionoftheoldsocialmastersandtheir
supportersbythemajorityofthepeople-wouldbeamoreorlessshort-termandtransitory
beginningofthisepoch.Itsconclusionwouldseetheendofforceandcoercioninhuman
affairs.
TheBolsheviksbelieved,withMarx,notonlythat"Theemancipationoftheworkingclass
isalsotheemancipationofallhumanbeingswithoutdistinctionofraceorsex",butalso,
andfundamentally,that"Theemancipationoftheworkingclassesmustbeconqueredbythe
workingclassesthemselves".
Theruleofaclass,theproletariat,whichwasitselfinRussiaaminority,hadinescapably
undemocraticimplicationsifitwastobeimposedagainstthewillofthepeasantmajority.
Thenewgovernmenthadthesupportofthemassesofthepeasantryandwouldkeepit,even
againstthepeasantparties,untiltheendofthecivilwar(1918toNovember1920).The
firstBolshevik-ledgovernmentwas(untilJuly1918)acoalitionwiththeLeftSocialistRevolutionaryparty,whichshortlyafterOctober25gainedamajorityintheCongressof
PeasantSoviets.TheBolsheviksdidnotenvisagelong-termrulebyaminorityclassinan
isolatedRussia.
Theideaofpartyruleasagainstsovietrule,orofsovietrulebeingone-partyrulein
perpetuity,layfarinthefuture,attheothersideofthecivilwar.Intheforminwhichitis
bestknowntous,"one-partyrule"layattheothersideofStalin'scounter-revolution-the
one-sidedcivilwarofthebureaucracytosubjugatethedisarmedpeople.Thatcounterrevolutionleftintactnothingof"October"excepttheemptiedandstolennamesofthe
soviets,BolshevikParty,working-classruleandRussianlabourmovement.
Ifin1917theBolsheviksweredismissiveandcontemptuousofparliamentary("bourgeois")
democracy,asindeedtheywere,itwasbecausetheywantedmuchmorethanaonedimensionalpoliticaldemocracy.Theywanted"socialdemocracy"-therealday-to-day
self-rulethroughoutsocietyofthemassofthepeople.Democracyasbothitsfriendsand
enemieshadunderstooditupuntilabout1850-ruleofthemajority,bythemajority,inthe
directmaterial,culturalandspiritualinterestsoftheworkingmajority.
Theysaidtheywouldestablishastatepower"oftheParisCommunetype".InParisin
1871,46yearsearlier,theParisCityCouncil-"theCommune"-hadseizedpowerinthe
cityandhelditfornineweeksbeforetheParisianworkersweredefeatedandmassacredin
theirtensofthousands,ordeportedtotropicalprisonislands.Theyhadruleddirectly,
withoutabureaucracyorastandingarmy,thatis,withoutabureaucraticstatemachine
raisedabovethepeople."TheCommunewasformedofthemunicipalcouncillors,chosen
byuniversalsuffrageinthevariouswardsofthetown,responsibleandrevocableatshort
terms.TheCommunewastobeaworking,notaparliamentarybody,executiveand
legislativeatthesametime.FromthemembersoftheCommunedownwards,thepublic
servicehadtobedoneatworkmen'swages.Thewholeoftheeducationalinstitutionswere
openedtothepeoplegratis,andatthesametimeclearedofallinterferenceofChurchand
State".(Marx)
InRussia,aftertheoverthrowoftheTsarinFebruary1917,thesovietsdevelopeda
pyramidoffactory,district,cityandall-Russianrepresentativegatherings.Delegatescould
berecalledandreplaced,easilyandrepeatedly.Thiswastheframeworkof"astateofthe
ParisCommunetype"-auniquelyflexibleandresponsivesystemofdemocraticselforganisationand,increasingly,ofself-rulebytheRussianworkersandpeasants.The
Soviet-Bolshevikseizureofpoweron25Octoberhadputthestampofsecurityonit.
WhentheBolsheviksandthesovietssetupthedictatorshipoftheproletariatin1917,they
actedinthenameofdemocracy,andindeedofahigherandmoreprofoundformof
democracythanwhatgoesunderthatnameinWesternEurope,theUSAandotherplaces
now-notof"dictatorship"understoodasanybody'styrannyoverthepeople.The
"dictatorshipoftheproletariat",fearsomeandrepletewithquitedifferentmeaningsthough
itsoundstoourearsafteritsappropriationandmisusebytheStalinistdictators,was,toits
proponentsin1917,thedemocraticself-ruleoftheworkingpeople.Notuntillaterwould
theterminologyofLeninandTrotsky,usedbyothers,takeonthecommonplacemeaningsit
hasnow.MostoftheotherkeywordsinthelexiconoftheRussianRevolution,ofMarxism,
andoftheleftwouldalsobythemid-twentiethcenturyhavebeengivenothermeanings.
NordidLenin'sconceptionof"thesocialistorder"involvethewholesaleseizurebythe
workers'stateofalleconomicassets,a"commandeconomy",oraforcedmarchfor
economicdevelopmentto"catchupwith"theadvancedcountries.Theirideasherewere
fundamentallythoseofKarlMarxintheCommunistManifesto.Theworkingclass,having
"wonthebattleofdemocracy",wouldruleinitsownandtheworkingfarmers'interests,
usingthestatetoregulateandcontrolthe"commandingheights"(Lenin)ofthesocietyand
economy.
TheBolshevikgovernmentdidnotimmediatelyintendtonationaliseevenlarge-scale
industry.Theyfavouredandhelpedcreate"workers'control"-thatis,dualpowerbetween
workersandownersinthefactories.In1918theworkersdroveoutthefactory-ownersand
imposedonthegovernmentadecisiontonationalise,thatis,eliminatethecapitalists.
III:Thepreconditionsforsocialism
"TheworkingclassdidnotexpectmiraclesfromtheCommune.Theyhavenoready-made
utopiastointroducepardécretdupeuple.Theyknowthatinordertoworkouttheirown
emancipation,andalongwithitthathigherformtowhichpresentsocietyisirresistibly
tendingbyitseconomicalagencies,theyhavetopassthroughlongstruggles,througha
seriesofhistoricalprocesses,transformingcircumstancesandmen.Theyhavenoidealsto
realise,buttosetfreetheelementsofthenewsocietywithwhicholdcollapsingbourgeois
societyispregnant".KarlMarx.
ThoughtheBolsheviksknewandprovedinpracticethattheworkingclasscouldtake
power,theydidnotbelievethatsocialismcouldbecreatedinbackwardnessand
underdevelopmentsuchasthatwhichprevailedintheoldEmpireoftheTsars.TheRussian
economyin1917hadnotdevelopedeventheminimumpreconditionsforsocialism.They
believed,withMarx,thatsocialismhadtobebuiltonthefoundations,structures,andsocial
potentialitiesthatthemostadvancedcapitalismhadcreated.Why?
Inallprevioushumanhistory,rulingclasses,embodyingadvancedcultureandknowledgeof
socialorganisationandadministration,hadownedandadministeredtheeconomy,society
andthestate.Theyhadtakenforthemselvesabundance,luxuryandextravaganceatthe
expenseofthemassofthepeople,whowereheldasslaves,serfsorwageworkers.To
provide"surplusproduct"fortherulers,thesubordinateclasseshadhadtheirconsumption
rationedandrestricted,theirlivescrampedandcurtailed,theireconomic,socialand
politicalfreedomlimitedtowhatwascompatiblewithrulebythedominantclassesintheir
owninterests.Theyhadbeenforcedtoworkinconditionsandunderrulesdictatedtothem
bythemasterclasses.
Capitalism,forthefirsttimeinhistory,hadmadepossibleanendtoexploitativeclassrule
bycreatingasocietyabletoproducethemeansoflifeinsuchabundancethateverybody
couldbeguaranteedanadequateminimum.Inpartcapitalismhadevenrealisedit.Withthe
tremendouspowersofsocialproductivityunleashedbyinternationalcapitalism,"thelast
formofclasssociety",humankindhadarrivedatapointwhereitcouldcuttheroots-low
productivityoflabourandscarcity-fromwhichsocialdivisionandre-divisioninto
classes,intorulersandruled,exploitersandexploited,hadsprungthroughouthuman
history.Forthefirsttimeeverithadbecomepossibleforeveryonetohavecomfort,culture
andleisure,andthusforhumankindtocreateasocietyfreeofthecannibalcurseof
exploitation-aclasslesssociety.Thewage-workingclass,theproletariat,whichfoundno
classlowerthanitselfinthesocialhierarchyandwhichdidnotandcouldnotexploitany
otherclass,couldtakepowerandbegintoreorganisesocietyonaclasslessbasisof
democraticself-rule.
Withoutthepossibilitiesofproducingplentycreatedbyinternationalcapitalism,socialism
wouldhaveremainedautopia-impossible.Withthem,socialismbecamearationaland
realisticprojectforthereorganisationofhumansociety-torealisethepotentialwhich
capitalism,itscreator,stifles,andthusallowhumankindtomovetoahigherlevel.
"Marxismsetsoutfromthedevelopmentoftechniqueasthefundamentalspringofprogress,
andconstructsthecommunistprogramuponthedynamicoftheproductiveforces&Marxism
issaturatedwiththeoptimismofprogress...Thematerialpremiseofcommunismshouldbe
sohighadevelopmentoftheeconomicpowersofmanthatproductivelabour,havingceased
tobeaburden,willnotrequireanygoad,andthedistributionoflife'sgoods,existingin
continualabundance,willnotdemand-asitdoesnotnowinanywell-offfamilyordecent'
boardinghouse-anycontrolexceptthatofeducation,habitandsocialopinion.Speaking
frankly,Ithinkitwouldbeprettydull-wittedtoconsidersuchareallymodestperspective
utopian'.Capitalismpreparedtheconditionsandforcesforasocialrevolution:technique,
scienceandtheproletariat."[Trotsky:RevolutionBetrayed].
Likethemodernproletariatthatwouldcreateit,socialismwasnecessarilyandinescapably
thehistoricalchildofadvancedcapitalism.ThismeantthattoLenin,Trotsky,theBolshevik
party,andtheBolshevik-educatedworkerswhomadetherevolution,socialismwassimply
notpossiblein1917Russia.Iftheworkers'revolutioninRussiawerenotpartofan
internationalrevolution,itwouldnotbeasocialistrevolution.
TheRussianworkingclasswasacomparativelysmallminorityinavastlandinhabitedby
peasantsscarcelytwogenerationsoutofserfdom.Thecountrywasonehundredandmore
yearsbehindadvancedEurope.Circumstancesandsuperbleadershiphadallowedthe
revolutionaryworkerstoseizepower;butonlythespreadoftherevolutiontoadvanced
Europewouldallowthemtobuildsocialism.TheBolshevikswouldhavedismissedas
impossibleandridiculoustheideathattheRussianworkers,havingseizedpower,wouldor
couldthenbegintoconstruct,inparalleltocapitalism,andincompetitionwithit,aclosedoffsocietyonsocialistprinciples.Theyunderstoodthatinthoseconditionssocialist
principlescouldnotforlonggovernsociety.Outofeconomic,socialandcultural
backwardnesswouldunavoidablycomeare-growthofclassdivisions.That,theybelieved,
inRussianconditions,couldonlybethetriumphofthebourgeoisieandcapitalism:they
were,asweshallsee,radicallymistakeninthis.
TheBolsheviksseizedstatepower,buttheyunderstoodthattherewereproperlimitstothe
useofthesurgicalandengineeringpowerofthestate-thatis,offorce-inrelationto
societyandthepeoplemakingitup.Their"reshapingreason",armedwiththestatepower,
waslimitedobjectivelybytheleveloftheeconomyandsocialculture.Itcouldonly
reorganise,modify,andsetlinesofdevelopment.Societycouldnotbereducedtoatabula
rasa,ablankslateonwhichanythingcouldbewritten.Itcouldnotatwillberecreatedfrom
thegroundup.Societycouldnotbetakenbystorm,likepoliticalpower,butonly
transformedovertime.Theimmenseconcentrationofstatepowercharacteristicof
Stalinism-andtheuseStalinistsmadeofit,fromStalin'sforcedcollectivisationthrough
China'sGreatLeapForwardtotheKhmerRouge-wouldhaveseemedtothosewhoformed
thegovernmentinOctober1917tobeathrowbacktoPharaoh'sEgyptorpre-SpanishInca
Peru.
TheywouldhavebrandedtheprogrammetheStalinistbureaucratspropoundedinOctober
1924,building"socialisminonecountry",asaregressionfromMarxismtotheutopian
socialismof70or80yearspreviously-tothesocialismofRobertOwenandEtienne
Cabet.Followingimaginarymapsofhistory,asfarfromsocialrealityaswasthechart
whichguidedChristopherColumbus,sohethought,totheIndies,fromtherealgeographyof
theEarth,OwenandCabethadbuiltdoomedprimitive-socialistcoloniesinthebackwoods
ofAmerica,thinkingtoprovethesuperiorityofthis"socialism"incompetitionwith
capitalism.ThatconceptionofsocialismhadbeenvanquishedbyMarxandEngelsonthe
levelofideas,andbypassedbyhistory,whichhadgeneratedatremendousdevelopmentof
capitalism,andoftheproletariatanditslabourmovementwithincapitalism.Marxhad
establishedtheall-definingnexusbetweencapitalism,theproletariatitcreates,and
socialism;thedevelopmentofsocialistlabourmovementshad,Marx'sfollowersbelieved,
showncapitalism'sproletariattobetheagencyofsocialism.Capitalismwhichcreatedthe
socialconditionsforitsownreplacement-aneconomycapableofprovidingabundance,
andproductionincreasinglysocialisedthroughbigfirms-alsocreateditsowngravedigger,
theproletariat,whichwouldbreakthepowerofthecapitalistclass,andtakeoverand
developtheprogressivepotentialofthemeansofproductioncreatedbycapitalism.
Bythemiddleofthe20thcentury,undertheimpactofStalinism,thepredominantformof
"actuallyexistingsocialism"-and,extrapolatedfromthat,thepredominantideaofwhat
socialismwas-wouldhaveturnedallthisonitshead.Socialism?State-imposedforced
marchesineconomicallybackwardcountriesfortheindustrialgrowthanddevelopment
whichinhistoryandMarxisttheoryalikewastheworkofthebourgeoisieandofthe
bourgeoisepoch.Inthis"socialism",anauthoritarianortotalitarianstateheldtheproletariat
andthewholepeopleinanirongripofterrorandexploitation.Themodel,supposedly
rootedintheRussianRevolution,hadnothingtodowiththeBolshevikpolicyof1917.It
wasthepolicyofthosewhodrownedtheBolshevikrevolutioninblood,stoleitsidentity
anditssymbols,andburieditinafalselymarkedgrave.
BeforetheriseofStalin'sUSSR,noMarxistcouldhaveputforwardsuchapolicyas
"socialism"forabackwardcountrywithoutinwardlyhearingthevoiceofthefoundersof
Marxisminsistingthatinsuchconditions,nomatterwhattherulers'intentionswere,"allthe
oldcrap"(asKarlMarxonceforcefullyputit)ofclasssocietywouldinevitablyreturn-in
thefirstplace,classdifferentiationandclassexploitation.Classescannotbeabolishedby
decree,ormerelybecausemillionsofpeoplewanttheirabolition.Classescannotbe
abolishedunlesssocietyhasreachedthestagewhereenoughisproducedforeveryoneto
livecomfortably,andthereforecandispensewiththeclassstructureswhichhumanhistory
sofarhasfoundindispensibletothedevelopmentofeconomyandculture.
Ifin1917Leninknewallthis,thenwhatsensedidhisproclamation"Wewillnowproceed
toconstructthesocialistorder"make?Lenindidnotthinkhewasmaking,andwasnot
tryingtomake,inanypurelyRussiansense.HebelievedtheRussianworkerswerebutthe
advance-guardfortheGermanandwestEuropeanworkers."Theabsolutetruth",he
declaredon7March1918,"isthatwithoutarevolutioninGermany,weshallperish".On1
October1918hewrotetoTrotskyandSverdlov(theorganiseroftheBolshevikParty):"We
areallreadytodietohelptheGermanworkersadvancetherevolutionwhichhasbegunin
Germany".Again,on5July1921,heexplained:"Itwascleartousthatwithoutaidfromthe
internationalworldrevolution,avictoryoftheproletarianrevolutionisimpossible.Even
priortotherevolution,aswellasafterit,wethoughtthattherevolutionwouldalsooccur
eitherimmediatelyoratleastverysooninotherbackwardcountriesandinthemorehighly
developedcapitalistcountries,otherwisewewouldperish.Notwithstandingthis
conviction,wedidourutmosttopreservethesovietsystemunderanycircumstancesandat
allcosts,becauseweknowthatweareworkingnotonlyforourselves,butalsoforthe
internationalrevolution".
Leninbelievedthatonlyinunitywiththeworkersoftheadvancedcountries,whichwere
ripeforsocialism,couldtheRussianworkersbeginto"constructthesocialistorder".
TheRussianOctoberrevolutioncouldwinitsproclaimedgoalsandsurviveonlyaspartof
aninternationalworking-classrevolution.AllitssocialistandMarxistlegitimacy,itsright
tobeseenintheMarxisttraditionandnotinthatoftheutopiansocialistsortheRussian
populists,dependedonitsconnectionwiththatinternationalrevolution.
IV:Theisolationoftherevolution
"Unitedactionoftheleadingcivilisedcountries,atleast,isoneofthefirstconditionsfor
theemancipationoftheproletariat".KarlMarxandFrederickEngels,TheCommunist
Manifesto.
TherevolutionwhichtheBolshevikshadexpecteddideruptinEurope,beginningwith
GermanyinNovember1918.SovietsappearedallacrosscentralEurope,andevenasfar
fromRussiaasruralIreland.In1919SovietregimesruledforafewweeksinBavariaand
Hungary,beforebeingcrushedbybourgeoisforces.
InGermanytheworkers'revolutionthrewouttheKaiserandsetupademocraticrepublic.
Before1914thecreationofsucharepublicwouldhavehadatremendousrevolutionary
democraticsignificance;nowitwasusedastheplatformforthebourgeoiscounterrevolutionagainsttheGermanworkingclass.ThesocialdemocraticleadersoftheGerman
workershadbecome"Kaisersocialists"in1914.In1918-19,thoughtheyfailedtosavethe
Kaiser,theysavedGermancapitalism.ControllingtheGermansoviets,theystifledthem,
slaughteringrevolutionarieslikeRosaLuxemburgandKarlLiebknecht.TheWeimar
republicenshrinedtherightsofbourgeoispropertyinitsconstitution.Itwasfundamentally
unstable;Hitlerwas14yearsinthefuture.
InAustriaitwasthesame.Bytheendof1919,post-warbourgeoisEuropehadweathered
thestormunleashedin1914.Bourgeoiscontrolwasre-established.Thestrengthofthe
capitalistsinsomecountries,andthestrengthandloyaltyoftheir"labourlieutenants"in
others,preservedcapitalismandisolatedtheRussianrevolution.Likethelonefirstsoldier
overtheparapetintotheenemyfortresswhofindsthatno-oneelsehasgotthrough,the
Bolshevikrevolutionwasdoomed.AgapbetweenBolshevikintentionsandexpectationson
oneside,anduncontrollablerealityontheother,openedwideunderthefeetofLenin's
regime,shookitoutofrecognisableshape,andthenpulleditdown.
Otherwills,otherintentions,otherinterests,otherstrivings,hadcutacross,andwould
ultimatelynullify,theBolsheviks'will,theirhopes,theirprogramme.Alongside
Bolshevism,internationalsocialismwouldgodowntoo,andfortherestofthe20thcentury.
TheBolsheviks,whohadwillanddeterminationingreaterthancommonmeasure,didnot
submitpassivelytotheirfate.Thoughtheyhadhadgreat,and,asitturnedout,falsehopes,
theyhadneverbelievedthatthebourgeoisiewouldfalllikeastonetumblingintoanabyss.
Itwouldhavetobecutdowninbattle-prolongedbattle,soitnowseemed.Theybelieved
thattheWorldWarhadradicallydislocatedtheworldeconomy.Capitalismhadachievedno
morethanatemporarystabilityin1920-21.Theobjectivenecessityandthepossibilityofa
worldsocialistrevolutionremained.Thedifficulty,theweaknesslayinthe"subjective
factor",inthestateofthelabourmovements.ThevictoriousRussianrevolutionariessetout
tobuildontheachievementsoftheInternationalSocialistconferencesatZimmerwaldand
Kientalin1915and1916,ofwhichtheyhadbeenpart.Anewworkers'International-
Leninhadcalledforitin1914,whentheoldInternationalcollapsedattheoutbreakofwarwassetupinMoscowinMarch1919.
V:Thecivilwarregime
"Itwouldbeacrazyideatothinkthateverylastthingdoneorleftundoneinanexperiment
withthedictatorshipoftheproletariatundersuchabnormalconditionsrepresentedthevery
pinnacleofperfection&nothingcanbefurtherfrom[Lenin'sandTrotsky's]thoughtsthanto
believethatallthethingstheyhavedoneorleftundoneundertheconditionsofbitter
compulsionandnecessityinthemidstoftherushingwhirlpoolofevents,shouldbe
recordedbytheInternationalasashiningexampleofsocialistpolicy."RosaLuxemburg.
Full-scaleRussiancivilwareruptedinmid-1918.Itwouldlastfortwoandahalfyears.
TheRedssuccessfullycontestedwiththecounter-revolutionary"Whites"fortheallegiance
ofthepeasantsinthecountryside.Lookingbackattherevolutionthroughtheopaque,
bloodily-smearedlensoftheStalinistregime,latercommentatorshaveimagineda
tyrannicalandbureaucratic"Stalinist"statemachineinexorablyworkingitstank-likepower
againstthepeopleinadrivetocreateatotalitarianstate.Laterinthecentury,Stalinist
armiesandpartiescallingthemselves"communist"woulddothat,takingpowerasalreadymightymilitary-bureaucraticmachines,inYugoslaviaandChinaforexample.Thatisnot
whathappenedinRussia!Toseethecivilwarthatwayistoreadbackwardsintopast
historythingsthatdidnotandcouldnotexistthen;itistomixupthepagesoftwodifferent
calendars,thatoftheworkers'revolutionandthatoftheStalinistcounter-revolution.
Thepartythatledtherevolutionwasworking-class,unruly,argumentative,anddemocratic.
Aslateas1918itscentraladministrationhadastaffofnomorethanadozen,foraparty
withhundredsofthousandsofmembers.Bolshevikpartycentralismdidnotproducethe
authoritarianstate;itwastheexigenciesofcivilwarandinvasionthatmadetheBolsheviks
developastrongcentralisedpartymachineinthesameprocessthatproducedthe
authoritarianstate.
InOctober1917,theworking-classsovietsfirmlycontrolledonlythecitiesandthemajor
towns.InJuly1918theirerstwhilepartnersingovernment,theLeftSRs,killedtheGerman
ambassadorinMoscowandattemptedanarmeduprisingbecausetheycouldnotagreeto
acceptpeacewithGermanyontermsdictatedfromstrengthbytheKaiser.InSeptember
1918theRightSRsstagedanuprising.TheyshotandwoundedLenin,andkilledother
Bolshevikleaders.Inordertocreatethestatethatexistedby1921,attheendofthecivil
war,thesovietsandtheirBolshevikleadershadtowintheleadershipandsupportofthe
massofthepeople,thepeasantry,inafierce,freecompetitionofideas,leadershipandarms
withtheirbourgeois-landlordopponents.ThesewereledbyTsaristgeneralslikeKolchak,
Denikin,andWrangelandsupportedbyliberalsandsomeoftheanti-Bolsheviksocialists.
Nofewerthan14statesintervenedtosubverttheworkers'republic.Theworkersand
peasantschosesovietpower,andfoughttoconsolidateitagainstthebourgeoisieandthe
landlords.IftheurbansovietsandtheBolshevikworkers'partyhadnotfirstwonthe
competitionforthemindsandassentoftheruralpeople,theywouldneverhavewonthe
armedcontestwiththeWhitearmiesandtheirforeignallies.TheBolshevik-ledSoviets
wouldhavebeencrushedandtheworkersmassacred,astheworkersofPariswere
massacredinMay1871.
Inthecourseofthecivilwarmuchchanged.Thisisourcentralconcernherebecausefrom
itinternationalsocialismwouldberadicallyreshapedandredefined.Nottheirideasand
intentionsof1917,buttheexigenciesofthecivilwarandthewarsofintervention
determinedwhattheBolsheviksdid.Theirdemocratic-socialist,soviet-socialist
programmewassubvertedandoverridden.So,ultimately,wasthesocialismofthosewho
ralliedtotheircallforanewworking-classinternational.
Civilwarwreakedgreatdestruction,pushingRussiabackwardsevenfromthelevelof
1917andwhathadseemedpossiblein1917.Theworkingclassitselfwasscattered,
massacred,absorbedintothemachineryofstateorotherwisedepleted.Muchofindustry
seizedup.Self-defenceimposedontherevolutionaryworkerstheneedtostaffthenew
immensearmyandthestatemachine.Societyandindustryweresubordinatedtotheir
struggletosurviveandprevail.InthecivilwartheBolsheviksfeltobligedtosuppress,
insofarastheycould,theoperationofmarkets,andtosubstituteabarrackscommunismof
backwardness,inwhichtheproduceofthepeasantswassimplyseizedinordertofeedthe
townsandthearmies.Thiswas"warcommunism".Avastbureaucraticadministrationof
societygrewup.Layersoftheoldbureaucracy,andevenoftheoldmilitarybureaucrats,the
officers,hadtobeutilised.Atfirsttheywerestrictlyunderthecontroloftheworkers'party.
ButsoonStalinwouldbringthepartyapparatusunderthecontrolofthestatebureaucracy.
Thesovietstoo,theorgansofpopularself-rule,weresubvertedbythecivilwar.Manyof
theMenshevikandSocial-Revolutionaryparticipantsinthe1917soviets-thebourgeoisdemocraticoppositiontotheBolshevik-ledmajorityinthedaysoftheOctoberRevolutionactivelyorpassivelysupportedtheanti-sovietarmiesfightingtheBolshevikgovernment,
andthereforeleftthesovietsorweredrivenout.Thesoviets,likesomuchofsociety,had
theirlifeandvitalitydrainedoutofthemandintotheworkofthearmyandoforganisinga
statewhichadministeredbackwardnessand,now,chaosandeconomicregression.
Verysoon,theRussianworkershadnotastateoftheParisCommunetype,free,easy-going
self-administration,withminimalbureaucracy,butaheavilybureaucratisedstate,
increasinglymodelledonandintertwinedwiththecommandstructuresinseparablefromthe
sortofarmytheyfeltobligedtocreate.
YettheBolshevikregimekeptitspopularsupport.Itcouldnothavesurvivedwithoutit.
Throughoutthecivilwarthepeasantscontinuedtosupporttherevolutionarygovernmentnotwithoutdissatisfaction,bitternessandepisodesofmilitantresistance,tobesure-inthe
interestsofwinningthewaragainsttheWhiteandforeignarmieswhosevictorywouldhave
broughtbackthelandownerstolorditoverthemoncemore.Theysupportedthe
"Bolsheviks"whogavethemthelandwhiledislikingthearmed"Communists"who
requisitionedtheirgrain(theRSDLPBolshevikPartyhadchangeditsnameto"Communist
Party"in1918).
VI:Thepost-civil-warregime
Thus,intheprocessoffightingtosurviveandprevail,theworkers'statehadceasedtobe
whatitwasin1917.Itwasnowaworkers'statebecauseitwasruledbyaworkers'party
actingasstand-in,watchman,gatekeeper,or"locum"fortheproletariat.Thelocumparty
ruledintheinterestsandinthenameoftheworkingclass-inabackwardcountry,where
theworkingclasswasasmallminority.JudgedbytheBolshevikprogramme,thecivil-war
regimewasalreadyadegeneratedworkers'state.Atthe10thcongressoftheCommunist
Party,inearly1921,Leninhimselfcalledita"workers'statewithbureaucratic
deformations".Hesaidthatinthecourseofchampioningfreetradeunions:theworkers,he
believed,wouldhavetofighttheworkers'stateandresistitsgiantpressure.18months
later,thedyingLeninusedastrikingmetaphorforthesituationoftheBolshevikPartyatthe
headofthisstate:itwas,hesaid,likedrivingacarinwhichthewheelsdidnotrespondto
thesteeringmechanism.Lenindidnotlivetoanalyseit,butthiswasbecausean
increasinglydominantsectionofthepartyhadfusedwiththestatebureaucracy.Whatwere
theBolshevikstodo?Theyundertooknownotto"constructthesocialistorder",butto
surviveinpoweraslocumfortheworkingclass.Therulingpartywoulddefendandserve
theworkingclassanddevelopthebackwardterritoryoverwhichtheyruleduntilsocialist
revolutionintheWestwouldtocometotheiraid.ThefateofthedefeatedCommunardsof
1871,themassacresofcommunistworkersinGermanyandHungaryandFinland(where
maybeaquarteroftheentireworkingclasswaskilled),andthemassacresofworkersand
peasantsandtheanti-semiticpogromsunleashedbytheirownopponentsduringthecivil
war-intheUkraine,especially,aterribleslaughterofJewswasunleashedbytheWhite
armies-kepttheBolsheviksinmindofthealternative.Theideathattherecouldbealocum
fortheworkingclasswasarationalifproblematicresponsetoadversecircumstances.The
"locum"wouldgrowanddevelop,rationalisedbytheideathatwhollynationalised
property,aftertheoldrulershadbeenoverthrown,wasnecessarilyworkingclass,untilit
dominatedwhatpassedforCommunismandrevolutionarysocialismduringtherestofthe
20thcentury.Thelocumcould,itwouldbediscoveredbyTrotskyandothers,itselfhavea
locum.IftheBolshevikPartyofLeninandTrotskyafterthecivilwarcouldbealocumfor
theworkingclass,Stalin,defendingnationalisedpropertyafterhehadburiedtheBolshevik
Party,couldbethelocumofthelocum.Theideawouldoverthenextdecadesstretchto
encompassawidevarietyoflocumsallegedlydeveloping"socialism"incountriesother
thanRussia,wherenoworking-classrevolutionhadoccurred.TheBolsheviksneverthought
thatRussiacouldbesocialistonitsown.Nowsomethingnewandotherthansocialism
begantodevelopintheworkers'state-aresultnotofBolshevikintentionsorthesocialist
programme,butofbackwardness,continuedisolation,theexigenciesofthelongseriesof
warsandthestruggleagainsteconomicandculturalpoverty.In1921,threeandahalfyears
aftertheOctoberrevolution,a"NewEconomicPolicy"(NEP)putpaidtowarcommunism.
Marketswererestored,inwhichnarrowself-interestandthedrivefortheaccumulationof
wealthwouldmotivatefarmersandmerchants,undertheultimatecontroloftheworkers'
state,which,asLeninputit,wouldhold"thecommandingheights"oftheeconomyforthe
workingclass.Socialismandcommunismwouldhavebeenbetter;butinRussianpoverty
thismarketwasbetterthantheprimitivecommunismofthecivil-wareconomy.Essentially
thiswasalimitedbourgeoiscounter-revolution,butregulatedbytheworkers'stateand
subjectedtoitspurposes.Tocontrolthetransitionfromwarcommunismandtohelpholdon
amidstdevastationandwar-weariness,thegovernmentbannedeventhosepartiessuchas
JuliusMartov'sMenshevikInternationalistswhohadneverrisenagainsttheSoviet
governmentorsupportedthosewhohad.Sovietgovernmentnowbecameinfactwhatithad
sofarnotbeeneitherinfactorintheory-aninstitutionalisedone-partymonopoly.Theory
wouldcatchup.Asalogicalandnecessarycorollaryofthebanoneveryotherpolitical
party,theTenthCongressoftheCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnion(March1921)banned
factionswithintherulingparty'sownranks.Thiswasaradicaldeparture.Inthecourseof
1917andthecivilwartherehadbeenmanyfactionsintheBolshevikparty.Theemergency
measuresin1921wereintendedtobeatemporaryresponsetoanextraordinarilytenseand
dangeroussituation,nottheestablishmentofapermanentregimeinstateandparty,orof
newnorms.Butinfactinthisasonsomuch,theemergencymeasures-enforcedBolshevik
practice,inabackward,war-torncountrywheretheproletariatwasaminorityinhabiting
urbanatollsinanagrariansea-cametobethenormandthenthetheoreticalpreceptfor
Russia,andformostofthosecallingthemselvescommunistsinthewholeworld.Ideas
wouldchangetofollowpracticethatcontradictedtheinitialguidingideas.
VII:Practicereshapestheory
"Without...thedevelopmentoftheproductiveforces...wantisgeneralised,andwithwant
thestrugglefornecessitiesbeginsagain,andthatmeansthatalltheoldcrapmustrevive."
KarlMarx.
TheNewEconomicPolicywouldlastfrom1921untilStalincreatedthecommandeconomy
attheendofthe1920s.Underthisregimeoccurredthestrugglesthatwouldshape,reshape,
anddisruptthecommunistmovement.Despitethebanonfactions,allthepoliticalstruggles,
theclassstrugglesandincipientclassstruggles,until1928tookplaceinsidetherulingparty
whichhadamonopolyonpolitics.Layersoftherulingparty-whichinrelationtosociety
wasalreadyabureaucracy,basedonamuchshrunkenremnantoftheoldworkingclassmergedwiththelayerofstateofficialscarriedoverfromtheTsaristregimeandcrystallised
intoaprivilegedelite.Gropinglythiselitedevelopedanawarenessofitsowndistinct
political,economic,andsocialinterests.Slowlythenewrulersbegantoexpresstheir
interestsinthelanguageofabureaucraticallyreshaped,disarrangedandmiscombined
scholastic"Marxism".Thisbecametheideologyofanewprivilegedrulingclassinprocess
offormation;andtheroottheologyofitsofficialstatereligion.In1924Stalinproclaimed
thegoalofthestatetobethecreationof"SocialisminOneCountry".This,heinsisted,was
"Marxism"and"Leninism".TheoldBolshevikideaswerenow"Trotskyist"heresy.
"Trotskyism"wouldbethehoodwhichthecounter-revolutionputovertheheadof
Bolshevismasitwasledtotheguillotine.Onthelevelofideas,theStalinistdrivewas
connectedtoandsustainedbytheideaofbuildingsocialisminonecountry.Thisledtoa
wholesalereconstructionandreinterpretationofalltheideasofworldcommunismandof
socialismingeneral;itlayattherootofthemonstrousmany-branchedStalinisttreeoflies
abouttheUSSR's"socialism",andthusalsoaboutwhatsocialismwas,thatwouldspread
itspoisonousbranchesandshootsallthroughtheworking-classmovementfordecadesto
come.Theparty'spoliticalmonopolyinthestatebecamethemonopolyoftherulingsection
oftheparty;theparty,aprisonforthosewhoresistedthegrowingpowerofthe
bureaucracy,theincipientnewrulingclass.Beforeitmadeitselfmasterofsociety,the
risingbureaucracyfirstalliedwiththenewbourgeoisieoftraderswhichgrewupunderthe
NEP,andwiththeclassofwell-off,labour-hiringkulakfarmers.Theparty-state
bureaucracyraiseditselfabovesociety,balancingbetweenitsworking-classbaseandthe
newly-burgeoningneo-bourgeoisclasses.Itstifledworking-classinitiativeandusedits
monopolytoterroriseandcontroltheworkersinthepartyandinthetradeunions.
VIII:LeninagainstStalin
"Stalinhasaccumulatedimmensepower.Isuggestthatthecomradesthinkaboutawayto
removeStalinfrom[his]postandappointinhisplaceanothermanwhoinallrespects
differsfromComradeStalininhissuperiority,thatis,inbeingmoretolerant,moreloyal,
morecourteousandmoreconsiderateofthecomrades,lesscapricious,etc."Lenin.
By1922Leninhadbecomegreatlyalarmed.Hesawthattheworkerswereincreasingly
beingpushedasidebythenewbureaucraticelite,whoseleaderandpersonificationwas
Stalin.Thepoliciesofthestatewerebeginningtobeshapedbythateliteinitsowninterests
andnotthoseoftheworkingclass.Fromthepointofviewoftheworkingclass,thepolitical
systemneededoverhauling,cleansing,andreform.ButLeninwasparalysedbyastrokein
May1922.HislastPartyCongresswasthe11th,in1922.Exceptforbriefperiods
thereafterhewasremovedfromthepoliticalscene,speechlessformonthsbeforehisdeath
inJanuary1924.Attheendof1922,inaseriesofnotesfromhisdeathbed,Leninindicted
GreatRussianchauvinisminthetreatmentofGeorgia.Hecondemnedtheall-stifling
bureaucratismthatmadeanullityoftheWorkers'andPeasants'Inspectorateinindustry,and
calledforactionagainstit.Heendedbyidentifying
Stalin,generalsecretarysincethecreationofthepositioninMarch1922-hehadcontrolled
thepartyapparatusforayearbeforethat-asthemostdangerousfigure,theofficialwho
mostembodiedinhimselfnarrowness,bureaucratismandboorishinstinctivebrutality.He
hadbeenagainstStalin'sappointmentasGeneralSecretary,saying:"Thiscookwillmake
onlypepperydishes."ButhehadnotfoughtZinoviev,Stalin'ssponsor,onit.Now,onthe
4thJanuary1923,hecalledonthepartytodismissStalin.ButStalinalreadycontrolledthe
increasinglyall-powerfulpartymachine,whichwasnowcompletingitsfusionwiththe
statebureaucracy.TrotskylaunchedwhatbecametheLeftOppositionattheendof1923,
alongthesamelinesasLenin'scampaign,butwithideasandproposalsthatweremore
comprehensiveandmorefullyelaborated.Forfouryears,firsttheTrotskyistopposition,
andthentheJointOppositionofTrotskyandZinoviev,foughttheever-more-powerful
bureaucracy,demandingarestorationofinner-partydemocracy,betterconditionsforthe
workingclass,andasystematicdriveforplannedindustrialisationwithinthesystemofthe
NEP.Significantly,Trotskybeganbyprotestingagainstaproposalthatthepolicebeusedto
regulateaninternalaffairoftheparty.Thebanonfactionsdecreedasatemporary
transitionalmeasureatthe10thpartycongressinMarch1921wastwoandahalfyearsold;
Trotsky'searliestco-thinkers(the"Platformofthe46")proposedtorescindit.The
Oppositionfoughtforthematerialconditionsthatwouldmakeitpossiblefortheworkersto
exercisedemocraticself-rule-higherstandardsofliving,moreandbetterindustrialjobs,
moreleisure,sothattheworkerswouldhavetimeandenergytodevotetotheaffairsofthe
workers'state.TheyconcernedthemselvestoowiththehealthoftheCommunist
International.Everythingdependedonthesuccessorfailureofthebroadersocialist
revolution,ofwhichtheRussianrevolutionhadbeenonlythefirstpart,andultimatelywas
onlyalesserpart.WithoutrevolutionintheWestinthemediumterm,therewould,they
weresure,becounter-revolutioninRussiathatwouldrestorethebourgeoisie.Theworkers'
revolutionwouldspread,oritwoulddie.
IX:Thecounter-revolution
Stalinhadanunshakablebureaucraticcontroloftheparty.WhenLenindiedinJanuary
1924,aquarterofamillionpeoplewererecruitedtotherulingparty,aso-called"Lenin
levy"ofaspirantsforplaceandofficewhowouldbeasolidphalanxofsupportforthe
apparatus.Inlate1925theparty-statebureaucracysplitagain,whenZinovievandKamenev
andtheLeningradorganisationbecamealarmedatStalin'salliancewiththe"rightwing"
aroundBukharin,whoopenlyfavouredextensiveconcessionstotheNepmenandkulaks.In
1926theyformedaJointOppositionwiththeLeft,adoptingthecorepoliciesofthe1923
Opposition.TheLeftOppositionandtheJointOppositionfearedacapitalistcounterrevolution.Howdidtheythinkthiscouldoccur?TheNEPbourgeoisieandthebigger
farmerswhoemployedwage-labour,thekulaks,couldhopeforthebackingofthe
increasinglydissatisfiedmiddleandpoorpeasants.Withotherpartiesbanned,theforces
thosepartiesmighthaverepresentedbegantofindexpressionwithintheranksoftheruling
party-theneo-bourgeoisiethroughtherightwing,ledbyBukharin.TheBukhariniteswere
alliedwiththeso-called"centre"factionofStalin,whichcontrolledthebureaucratised
partyandstatemachine.Politicalpowerwasthekeystonethatkepteverythinginplace.
Governmentpolicywoulddeterminethedirectionofdevelopment.Trotskyfearedthatthe
Bukharinwingwouldopenthedoortocapitalistrestoration,andthattheStalinwingwould
failtoresist.AsagainsttheBukharinandStalinandneo-bourgeoiswingsoftheallembracingstate-party,theTrotskyistssawthemselvesrepresentingtheproletariatandthe
oldideasof1917Marxism.AlliedwithBukharin,andbackedbyalltheconservativeand
neo-bourgeoisforcesinthecountry,StalindefeatedtheJointOpposition,ashehaddefeated
the1923TrotskyistLeftOpposition.BythetenthanniversaryoftheRevolution,in1927,the
Stalinistbureaucracywasfirmlyandirremovablyinpower,alliedtothekulaksand
bourgeoisforces.StalintoldtheoppositioninthePolitburothat"onlycivilwarwill
removethesecadres"-hiscolleaguesandhimself.Thefour-year-oldsplitbetweenthe
Bolshevikpartyandthecongealed"party"-statebureaucracywasformalisedbythe
expulsion-on14November1927-oftherealworking-classpartyfromtherulingstateparty.ItsmemberswereexiledtothewastelandsoftheUSSRorjailed.Twoyearslaterthe
StaliniststatewouldshootitsfirstOppositionists-Blumkin,SilovandRabinovich-the
precursorsofmillionswhowoulddiewithinadecade.Trotsky,theorganiserofthe1917
insurrection,andoftheRedArmyintheCivilWar,wasexpelledfromtheUSSRinJanuary
1929.Earlyin1928anewpolitical-economiccrisiserupted.Thekulakswithheldgrain.
Thereason:thelagofindustry,thegapbetweenagricultureandindustry,thepaucityof
industrialgoodsthatthekulakscouldbuywiththepricetheygotfortheirgrain.Therehad
beenfouryearsofconcessionstothekulakssinceasimilar,mildercrisisin1923;the
Bukhariniterightwouldhavecontinuednowonthesameroad.Mostlikelythatwouldhave
ledontosomethinglikethescenariosforbourgeoiscounter-revolutionagainstwhichthe
LeftOppositionhadraisedthealarm.ToTrotskyitseemedasifthebourgeoiscounterrevolutionwasveryclose.Butsomethingstartlingandunexpected-andwithoutprecedent
inhistory-nowoccurred.PoliticalpowerhadbeentakenfromtheworkersnotbytheneobourgeoisforcesbutbyStalinandwhattheLeftOppositioncalledthe"centrist
bureaucracy".StalinnowturnedonhiskulakandbourgeoisandBukhariniteallies,and
crushedthemassocialforcesandsocialcategories-andtoagreatextentaslivingpeople.
Usingimmensewavesofphysicalforce,likeaquarrymanwithdynamite-thatis,usingthe
statepoweratthedisposalofthebureaucracytorevolutionisesocietyfromabove-Stalin
madehisownrevolutionandbegantoshapeanewsocio-economicformation.Having
resistedtherational,plannedindustrialisationwithintheNEPproposedbytheOpposition,
StalinnowbroketheframeworkoftheNEPandembarkedonanimmenselydestructive
forcedmarchforindustrialisationandagrariancollectivisation.Thetradeunionswere
destroyedandreplacedwithpseudo-unions,fascist-style"labourfronts"toservethe
bureaucracyandthepoliceincontrollingtheworkers.Allofsocietywasputunderthe
bureaucraticwhipandunderseveremilitarydisciplineenforcedbysavageterrorwielded
byastatewithmoderntechnologicalresourceswhosepoweroversocietywas
unprecedentedinhistory.TheOppositioncouldnotbutseeinStalin'sindustrialisation
policysomethingakintotheirown.Unsustainableadventuristicforcedmarch,unbalanced
caricature,bureaucraticsavagery,itmightbe-butnonethelessitwasaturnawayfromthe
threateningbourgeois-peasantcounter-revolution.ItwouldbeyearsbeforeTrotskyceased
tobelievethatthis"leftzig-zag"wouldmostlikelybesucceededbyarightzig-zaglikethat
of1923-28andconcessionstothekulaks-whowouldre-emergefromneweconomic
differentiationswithinthecollectivisedfarms.Infact,theBukhariniterightwing,the
reflectioninsidetheapparatusofthekulaksandNEPbourgeoisie-butalsoofthe
bureaucraticleadersofthestifledtradeunions-crumpledbeforetheStalinists.The
Stalinistsdrummedupsupportamongtheworkersfortheirturn,invoking(butrigidly
controlling)theworking-class"heaven-storming"spiritoftherevolution,thecivilwar,and
warcommunism.Inthefaceoftheturn,theOppositionbegantofallapart.Zinovievand
KamenevandtheirfollowerscapitulatedtoStalininlate1927.InFebruary1928awaveof
capitulatorsfromtheTrotskyistwingoftheOppositionwasledbyPyatakovandAntonovOvseenko;inJuly1929,RadekandPreobrazhenskyledanewwave;andinOctober1929
therewasyetanother.ThehardcorearoundTrotskyandChristianRakovskyremained;
alongsidethemweretheDemocraticCentralistfaction,whohadgoneintooppositionin
1921andconcludedinthemid-20sthattheworkingclasshadalreadylostpower.Trotksy
knewthatitwasnotonlywhatwasdonebuthowitwasdoneandbywhom,thatthe
bureaucracycutmostheavilyagainsttheworkingclass,stifling,persecuting,pushingaside
anddisplacingthepeoplewhowere,inTrotsky'sview,thenecessaryprotagonistsofany
socialistdevelopment.InworldpoliticstheyhadwreakedhavocwiththeCommunist
International.Theywereananti-working-classforce.Thequestionof"regime"wasof
paramountimportance.Trotskycriticisedthewildandarbitraryproductiontargetssetbythe
bureaucracy,itsbulldozingandslavedrivingtechniques,itssuppressionofalldemocracy
andofallinitiativeintheworkingclass,thesubstitutionofblindbureaucraticedictsfor
informedplanning,thelackofanysystemoffeedbackontheplansdecreedfromabove,the
collectivisationofagriculturebeforethereexistedthemachinerytomakeitastepforwards.
Thustonew-bornStalinismTrotskycounterposedarational,economicallybalancedand
humaneconceptionofthedevelopmentoftheUSSR-aconceptionindissolublylinkedin
Trotsky'sintegratedworldoutlooktorulebytheworkingclassitselfintheUSSR,tothe
worldrevolution,andtotheperspectivesandpoliticsof1917.Theproletariat,the
supposed"rulingclass",wasnowsubjectedtoregimentationandterrorinthefactoriesand
deprivedofallcivilandhumanrights:freedomofspeech,assembly,orevenmovement
fromplacetoplace.Internalpassportswereintroduced.Fromthebeginningofthe1930s
outright,undisguisedslaveryreappeared.FormostoftherestofStalin'srule,andeven
later,therewouldatanyonetimebeeightortenmillionslavelabourers-people
condemnedonanypretext,ornone.Slavelabourwasused,forexample,tobuildthe
prestigiousand"modern"Moscowundergroundrailwaysysteminthe1930s,underthe
directionofNikitaKhrushchev,whointhe1950sasthesecondbureaucraticTsarwould
reformandhumaniseStalin'ssystem.Theliberationofwomenwhichtherevolutionhad
decreed,and,despitethebackwardconditions,inpartrealised,wasreversed.Hungry
childrenof12weresubjectedtothedeathpenaltyfortheft...Oneofthegreatandmost
successfulachievementsoftherevolution,itsnationalitiespolicy-self-determinationand
thetheoreticalandthensincerelybelievedinrighttosecedefromthemulti-nationalstatewasalsoundone.TherigidlyMoscow-centralisedparty-statemachinedeprivedthe
constitutionallyenshrinednationalrightsofanymeaningbecauseitdeprivedthenational
sectionsoftheparty,thesoleinitiatingagency,ofanyautonomy.Bywayofpartyandstate
hierarchies,thesmallernationalitieswereonceagainboltedinhelplesshierarchical
subordinationtotheGreatRussiannation.TheUSSRwastransformedfromavoluntary
federationofequalpeoplesbackintoabureaucraticversionoftheoldtsaristempire-the
"prisonhouseofnations".LeninandTrotskyhadcampaignedagainstGreatRussian
chauvinism.InhisdeathbedstruggleagainstStalin,LeninhaddenouncedStalin'stendency
towardsGreatRussianchauvinismagainsttheGeorgians(StalinwasaGeorgianhimself).
NowtheStalinistsproclaimedanewtheTsaristdoctrine:theperniciousnationalismwas
thatofthesmaller,Russia'straditionallyoppressed,nations,notthenationalismofthe
dominantGreatRussians.Soontherewouldbeactivepersecution.Nationalsub-sectionsof
theStalinistpartywererepeatedlypurgedtomaketheUSSRsafeforGreatRussian
chauvinism.ForfiftyormoreyearstherewouldbeRussificationprogrammes,inthe
Ukraineinthe70sforexample,andeventheforcibletransportationofsmallnationslikethe
CrimeanTatarsandtheChechensintheirentiretyfromoneendoftheUSSRtotheother.In
the1920s,anti-semitismwasalreadybeingusedbytheStalinistsagainsttheOpposition.It
wouldgraduallybecomeabigforceinUSSRlifeuntilintheearly1950sStalinwasrunning
aragingworld-widecampaignagainst"Zionism",stagingshowtrialsinsatellitecountries
suchasCzechoslovakia,andpreparingashowtrialofthe"Kremlindoctors",mostofthem
Jewish,inMoscow.Thatmighthavebeenthestartingpointforroundingupanddeporting
theJewishpopulationoftheUSSR-orforStalincopyingHitleronthisasonotherthings,
andslaughteringJews.Stalindiedin1953,andhissuccessorsabandonedthescheduled
trialoftheKremlindoctors.Byeverypossiblemeasureofpolitics,culture,economy,and
humanrelations,Stalinismwascounter-revolution.Itsprerequisitehadbeenthedefeatof
theworkingclassandtheoppositionsinthestrugglebetween1923and1927-8.Yetitwas
notacapitalism-restoringcounter-revolution.Itwasabureaucraticcounter-revolutionin
whichthestatebureaucracy,ledbyStalin,wipedoutboththenew-grownbourgeoisclasses
andtheRussianlabourmovement.Itdestroyedallthedefencesandtherightsoftheworking
class,andturnedthepeasantsintoslave-driven,expropriatedserfsofthenewbureaucratic
state.Whonowruled?Thebureaucracyruled.Inwhoseinterest?Itsown.Theworking
classcannotownindustryexceptcollectively,andthereforeitcanonlyruleitselfinindustry
throughdemocratic,politicalself-rule.Inthesystemestablishedafter1928,asTrotsky
wouldputitin1936:"Themeansofproductionbelongtothestate.Butthestate,soto
speak,belongs'tothebureaucracy".TheOctoberRevolutionhadendedindefeatforthe
workingclassand,indirectly,inthecreationofastrangenewsocio-economicformation.
"Otherwills",adverseconditions,thebrutenecessitiesofthestruggle,changesinthe
functionandthinkingofkeypeopleandlayers,andthecumulativedefeatsoftheworking
classandtheOpposition,hadbynowchangedvirtuallyeverything.Stalinhadledasection
oftheoldBolshevikparty,alayerofpoliticallyshort-sightedpeople,andbehindthema
muchlargerlayerofthetired,theself-seekingandtherelativelywell-off.Inthemiddle
1930s,almostalloftheTrotskyistsinSiberianexilewouldbeslaughtered.Sowould
almostalltheleadersofthe1917revolution.MostevenoftheoriginalStalinfactionwould
die.The1934congressofwhatwasnow,afterthedefeatoftheTrotskyistsandthe
Bukharinites,indisputablytheirparty,wascalledtheCongressofVictors.By19381,108of
the1,966delegatestothatconferencehadbeenkilledinStalin'sgreatpurges.Societywas
crushedbeneaththepowerofthegiganticall-controllingLeviathanstate.Alargerangeof
privileges,regulatedandcontrolledbythestate,existedforthebureaucracy,whichwould
haveitsownspecialshopssellinggoodsunavailabletoothers,inaparalleleconomythat
wasaseparateconsumersystemfortheelite.Trotsky,summinguptheexperienceontheeve
ofhisassassinationin1940,saidthatthebureaucracyhadafter1928madeitself"sole
masterofthesurplusproduct".Thesamedrivetomaximisetheresourcesinthehandsofthe
centralbureaucracyledafter1929to"nationalisation"ofeverythingthattwitchedin
economiclife,toadegreeandwithathoroughnessthatinMarxisttermswouldhavebeen
inappropriateforafarmoredevelopedeconomy,or,indeed,foranyexistingeconomy.One
consequencewasRussia'stransitionfromanauthoritarianregimetoanoutrighttotalitarian
state.TheBolshevikparty'scompositionanditsroleinsocietyhadchanged,andchanged
again,untilthepartyhadfragmentedandhadceasedtobeitself,andithadbecome
impossibletoidentifycontinuityexceptintheformsandnames-formsnowfilledwith
radicallydifferentcontentandnamesnamingdifferentthings.Fromtheworker-composed
leaderanddefenderoftheworkersinLenin'stime;totheworker-rootedbureaucraticstate
powerraisedabovetheworkerstobalancebetweentheclasses,until1928-30;after192830,therigidlyauthoritarian"solemasterofthesurplusproduct"andofsociety.Butwhile
theRevolutionendedinoutrightdefeatfortheworkingclassandforsocialisthopes,those
whorosetopoweronitsdefeatcontinuedtoproclaim-andStalinmayhavebelieveditthatintheirrule,working-classsocialistrulewasaliveintheUSSRandgoingfromtriumph
totriumph.Thusrevolutionarysocialismwastransmutedfromthegreatclearcleansingtruth
oftheOctoberRevolutionintothegreatlieofthetwentiethcentury.
X:TheCommunistInternational
"SocialismInOneCountry",theorganisingdogmaofthebureaucracy,wasaradicalbreak
withgenuineMarxism,withtheBolshevikconceptionoftheRussianRevolutionandwith
theMarxistideaoftheplaceofsocialismintheevolutionofhumansociety.Onthelevelof
ideas,itwasastrangereversiontoutopiansocialism:asocialismthatwouldemergeinthe
wilderness,onthemarginsofcapitalism,and,bycompetitionoverdecades,vanquishit.
Forsocialismtobebuiltupinabackwardcountry-leavingasidethequestionofwhether
sucharegimeofscarcityandbackwardnesscouldbesocialism-implieddecadesatleast
ofpeacefuldevelopment,inwhichthecapitalistworldwouldleavetheUSSRalone.It
impliedthebeliefthattherewouldbenosocialistrevolutioninanyothercountry.Forthe
non-RussianCPsitmeant,andthelogicwouldworkitselfthroughinthe1920s,thatthey
werenotprimarilyrevolutionarypartiesintheirowncountries,butfrontierguardsforthe
SovietUnion,foreignlegionstobeusedastheRussianbureaucraticrulingclassthoughtfit.
TheirdutywastoworkforRussia'sadvantage,irrespectiveoftheconsequencesfor
working-classstrugglesintheirowncountries.TheentireMarxistconceptionoftheRussian
RevolutionandoftheCommunistInternationalwasthusinverted.Fromthe1920stheeffects
ofStalinismonthenon-RussianCommunistPartiesensuredthatthesepartiesaccelerated,
wheretheymighthavereversed,thedegenerationoftheSovietUnion.TheBolsheviksafter
1920understoodthatcapitalismwasinafundamentalstateofdisequilibriumanddisruption
andhadmanagedonlyatemporarypost-warstabilisation.Thechanceofnewworking-class
revolutionshadnotgone.Itwasanepochofwarsandrevolutions.DefeatedGermanywas
bothfundamentallyunstableand"rottenripe"forthesocialistrevolutionabortedin191819.Thereitwouldbesocialismorfascism.Thebartotheinternationalrevolutionwasthe
stateoftheworking-classmovementitself,thenecessaryprotagonistoftherevolution.The
BolshevikshadsetoutwiththeCommunistInternationalin1919torebuildthe
revolutionarymovement;thedegenerationoftheBolshevikrevolutionmadetheproblem
worse-ultimatelyitmadeitintractableforthoselikeLeonTrotsky,whocontinued
BolshevikpoliticsafterthetriumphofStalinism.Justasthebureaucratisationoftheruling
partyinRussianullifiedthenominalautonomyoftheUSSR'srepublics,subordinatingthem
bywayofmilitarisedhierarchical,bureaucraticcontroltoMoscow,sotheStalinists'riseto
controlintheSovietUnionweldedtheCommunistInternationaltotherulingKremlin
bureaucracy.Russianhegemonywastherefromthestart,rootedintherealachievementsof
theBolshevikParty.Itwasexercisedatfirstprimarilybywayofreasonanddebate,andby
thepoliticalandmoralauthorityoftheBolshevikleaders.TheStalinistsusedbribery,
bureaucracyandthenterrorbytheRussianpoliticalpoliceoutsidetheUSSRwithno
scruples.TheypurgedtheInternational.TheleadersoftheFrenchpartyandtheItalianparty,
forexample,backedtheOppositionintheearlyandmid1920s;theGermanpartywastaken
throughfourgenerationsofleadersbeforethefifth,roundThaelmann,proveddocileenough
forStalin.Underthebannerof"Bolshevisation"begantheprocessofstiflingtheCommunist
International'sinternallife,subordinatingeverythingtoarigidhierarchycentredin
Moscow.Bythelate1920sMoscow'scontrolintheInternationalwasakintothatofaholdupmanpointinghisgun-theorganisational,moralandfinancialauthorityofthe
"International"-attherevolutionarymilitantsoftheCommunistInternational.The
CommunistInternationalwasusedwithundilutedcynicismasamerecollectionofoverseas
supportersoftheSovietUnionwhocould-withproper"Marxist","dialectical"
"explanation"-begottodoandsayvirtuallyanything.InSpain,duringthecivilwarof
1936-9,StalinandhisSpanishparty,stiffenedbytheRussianpoliticalpolice,suppressed
theworking-classrevolution.Stalin'saimwas,bydoingtheworkoffascism,toconvince
theWesternbourgeoisiethattheydidnotneedfascism.TheCPscoulddothejobforthem,
iftheyshouldallywiththeUSSRtocontainHitler.Stalinwouldcontrol,andwhere
necessarykill,the"Bolshie"workers.TheStalinterncoulddoanything.From1934the
CommunistInternationalpreachedacrusadeagainstfascismandthen,morenarrowly,
againstGermanfascism.StalinsignedapactwithHitleron23August1939,andjoinedhim
inmid-SeptembertoinvadeandpartitionPoland.TheCommunistPartiesswitchedround
anddenouncedBritainandFranceaswarmongersagainstpeacefulHitler.Theymade
propagandaforGermany.Thehard-coreworking-classbaseoftheCommunistParties
followedtheleadersoftheSovietUnion,becausetheythoughttheysharedacommonanticapitalismwiththem.Therehadbeenanenormouslossoftheunderstandingthatwasbasic
tothepoliticsofsocialism.Bynowtherewasutterbefuddlementaboutwhattheirown
working-classalternativetocapitalismmustbeifitweretobringworking-classliberty.
Yet,eventhoughtheyweretiedtoarulingclassworsethantheirown,theybehavedlike
revolutionaries.FutureStalinistdictatorslikeMatyasRakosiandErichHoneckerspent
manyyearsasprisonersofHitlerandHungary'sAdmiralHorthy.TheFrenchStalinists
behavedwithgreatcouragewhenthesignalcamein1939togointooutrightopposition.
Manymighthavebeenrelievedthattheclass-collaborationeraofthePopularFrontwas
over.WhenHitlerinvadedRussiainJune1941,theCommunistPartiesagainbecamethe
bestpatriotsofBritainand(afterDecember1941)theUSA,newlyalliedwithRussia.They
becamechauvinistsandstrikebreakers.InBritain,CPleader,HarryPollitt,whohad
baulkedmomentarilyattheHitler-Stalinpact,pronouncedthebeginningofanewepochin
which"itistheclass-consciousworkerwhowillcrossthepicketline".IntheUSA,in
1944,theCPadvocatedthatthestrikingcoalminersbeconscriptedandforceddownthe
pitsundermilitarydiscipline.Everythingforthewareffort!Jewsmorethananyother
peoplewerethevictimsoftheconvulsivecrisisofmid-20thcenturycapitalism,driven
fromcountrytocountry,persecuted,massacred.Inthishardschool,anddrawingona
cultureconducivetosweepingconclusions,largenumbersofthem,andnotonlyworkers,
learnedaboutcapitalismandenrolledinwhattheythoughtwastheworking-classfightto
overthrowitandreplaceitwithsocialism.AttitudestoJewsandtoanti-semitismwerea
definingquestionforawholeage.Onthisquestion,atleast,theCommunistInternational,
especiallyinitsanti-fascistphases,seemedcleanandonthesideofsanityandhumanity.
Yetevenhere,StalinismoverlappedwithHitlerism.Trotskypointedouttheplainelements
ofanti-semitisminStalinistpolicy(forexample,theinsistenceontheoriginalJewishnames
ofmenknownfordecadesasTrotskyandKamenevandZinoviev).Anti-semitismhadbeen
usedagainsttheOppositioninthemid-20s.In1940theMexicanStalinistsinveighedagainst
the"JewishTrotskyists".ItburstoutinEasternEuropeinthelate1940sasacampaign,with
repressionandshowtrials,against"Zionism"thatwasonlythinlydisguisedanti-semitism.
[TheCommunistPartiesfollowedsuit,andcreatedaculturethatiswithusstill,especially
now,intheranksofwould-beTrotskyists,as"anti-imperialism"focusedonIsrael,where
theJewishpopulationnowandtheJewishnationalminorityinthe1930sand40sare
deemedtohavenorightstoexistasanation,ortodefendthemselves].
Ateveryturn,peoplewouldleavetheCommunistParties-outsideRussia.Iftheyhappened
toberefugeeslivinginRussia,theywouldbeslaughtered,asforeigncommunistrefugees
wereduringtheMoscowTrials.ThePolishCommunistParty,denouncedasincurably
infectedbyTrotskyistsandLuxemburgists,wasdissolvedin1938anditsmembershiplists
surreptitiouslygiventothePolishmilitarydictatorship'spolice.Butalways"theparty",
definedfundamentallybyitsallegiancetotheUSSR,wouldgoonorberebuilt,arounda
newpolicyandwithnewdraftsofmembers.InthecourseoftheSecondWorldWarthe
RussianEmpire,alreadydominatingdozensof"itsown"smallernations,expanded
enormously.ItclawedintheEastEuropeanstatesandhalfofGermany.Imperialism?No:
thesocialistrevolution!Imperialism?Thatisonlyanothernameforwhatthebigcapitalist
powersdo.Heretoowefindtheturningofthingsontheirheadsandinsideout,the
annexationofwordsbytheiropposites,andthearbitraryconfinementofwordstomeanonly
whatpreconceptionsandideologycouldtolerateallowingthemtomean."Forreasonin
revoltnowthunders..."thunderstheInternationale.Thiswastherevolt,sustainedovermany
decades,againstreason,andthedestructionofboththetoolsofreasonandthepropensityto
reason.TheCatholicChurchlongagodevelopedadogmaticescapeclauseto"explain"the
accumulatedabsurditiesofitsdoctrines.AdoctrineliketheTrinity-Godisbothoneperson
andthree-infactaroseoutoftheincoherentamalgamationbythechurchbureaucracyof
oncebitterlyhostiledoctrines.Itmakesnosense?That,saystheChurch,isa"mysteryof
religion".Itmakesahighersense,abovehumanreason.Youdon'tneedtounderstand.All
youneeddoishavefaith.TheStalinistsused"dialectics"inexactlythatway.Everythingis
relative,fluid,changing,historicallyconditioned...Stalinunderstands.Keepthefaith!You
couldnotgetfurtherfromreason,fromMarxism,fromMarx'sdialectics-orfromtheold
socialism,thathadsetouttomakewaronallthrones,pontiffsanddictators.Yet,allthese
attributesbelongedtoamovementwhichwavedthebannerofLenin'sandTrotsky's
revolution,whichseemedtotalkinthelanguageofMarxismandwhichclaimedto
propoundasystemofideas
thatcodifiedthehistoricalexperienceoftherevolutionaryworkers'movement!Fordecades
thesepeopledefinedwhatsocialism,Marxismandcommunismwere.TheCommunist
PartieswerethebiggestpartiesoftheworkingclassinFranceandItaly,smallerbutstill
imposingincountrieslikeBritain.Theyattractedworking-classmilitants.Theypursuedthe
classstruggle-intheirownwayandfortheirowngoals-butonlyinwaysandwithmeans
consonantwithMoscow'sinterests;andtheypursueditonlyuntilitwasinMoscow's
intereststobetrayit.
XI:Counter-revolutionwithintheformsofMarxism
Thegoverningideasofanysocietyarethoseoftherulingclass,arguedKarlMarxand
FrederickEngelsinTheGermanIdeology.Theunfalsifiedideasofthe1917revolution
couldnotservethenewrulingelite.But"Marxist"formsandphrasescould,filledwith
radicallynewanddifferentsocial,classandhistoricalcontent."Marxism",likethe
collectivisedproperty,andotherformsseizedbytheStalinists,wasnotsimplyoverthrown
butretainedandaltered,toservethenewbureaucraticrulersinthesocialstrugglesofthe
1920s.Theirstate"Marxism"becamefortheStalinistbureaucracywhatthedoctrinesofthe
OrthodoxChurchhadbeentoTsarism,butwithenormousinternationalramifications
derivedfromMoscow'scontroloftheCommunistInternational.Stalin'scounterrevolutionarystruggleagainstLeninismtookplaceinthenameofLenin;hisfightagainst
communism,inthenameofcommunism;againstequality,inthenameoffuturecommunist
egalitarianism;againstMarx,inthenameofMarxism;againstanyformofdemocracy,inthe
nameofahigherdemocracy.Thetotalitarianbureaucracyenslavedtheworkersandthe
ruralpopulationinthenameofworking-classfreedom.Thedictatorshipoftheproletariat
wasreplacedbythedictatorshipofthebureaucracyfrom"within",withoutacleanrupturing
offormsoranopenhonestbreakwithsocialism.FromthatgrewupStalin'sDictatorshipof
theLie.Thiswasthetypicallynightmarish,surrealworldofStalinism-aworldofdoubletalkanddouble-speak,where"tradeunions"werenottradeunions,"soviets"werenot
soviets,"socialism"wasnotsocialism,"Leninists"werenotLeninists,"democracy"was
notdemocracy,andwheretheworker-enslavingbureaucracyappropriatedtoitselftheright
tospeakastheworkingclass.ContrastwhathappenedintheFrenchRevolution.The
politicalcounter-revolutionagainstJacobinism,startedin1794byasectionoftheJacobins,
soonturnedintoareactionagainstallJacobins."Terrorist","Montagnard","Jacobin"
becametermsofabuse.Intheprovincesthetreesoflibertywerechoppeddownand
tricolourcockadestrampledunderfoot.WhydidthisnothappenintheSovietRepublic?
Because"thetotalitarianpartycontainedwithinitselfalltheindispensableelementsof
reaction,whichitmobilisedundertheofficialbanneroftheOctoberRevolution.Theparty
didnottolerateanycompetition,noteveninthestruggleagainstitsenemies.Thestruggle
againsttheTrotskyistsdidnotturnintoastruggleagainsttheBolsheviksbecausetheparty
hadswallowedthisstruggleinitsentirety,setcertainlimitstoit,andwageditinthename
ofBolshevism".Thus,in1940,attheendofhislife,Trotskylookedbackoverthestrange
andunexpectedcourseofeventsthathadledtothetriumphofStalinismintheUSSR[Stalin,
p.407].Somethingakintothis"bureaucrats'Marxism"-"Marxism"reworkedand
bowdlerisedtoexpressinterestsotherthanthoseofthesocialistproletariat-haddeveloped
oncebeforeinRussia:forawhile,importantsectionsoftheRussianbourgeoisieandpetit
bourgeoisiehadexpressedtheirinterestsinadialectofMarxism.Inthe1890s,anti-Tsarist
intellectualswhowantedtobreakwiththeold,heroicandself-sacrificing,gun-in-hand
traditionof"Narodnik"(populist)resistancetoTsaristtyrannyinthenameof"thepeople",
andofaratherill-definedutopiansocialism,hadbecome"Marxists".Theycametostress
onlythat"anti-utopian"partofMarxismwhichsaidthatcapitalismwasprogressiveand
unavoidable.ThustheylicensedthemselvestomakepeacewithdevelopingRussian
capitalism.Theseso-called"LegalMarxists"soonbecameliberals.Therevolutionary
working-classMarxists-futureMensheviksandBolsheviksalike-agreedthatcapitalism
wasinevitableandprogressiveinRussia,butcombattedtheone-sidedbourgeoisMarxism.
Iftheyhadnotdonethatsuccessfully,themilitantRussianlabourmovementthatmadethe
revolutionwouldnothavedeveloped.Thenew-hatchedstatebureaucratswhotookover
"Marxism"andguttedittookitoverfrom"inside",fromapositionofleadershipofand
dominanceoveraworld-widesegmentoftheworkingclassanditsmovement.The
revolutionaryMarxistsofaround1900hadbeenabletobasethemselvesonarising
working-classmovementintheirdefenceofanunfalsifiedworking-classMarxism.Those
whoresistedStalinised"Marxism"intheUSSRhadnosuchbase.Indeed,theresponsesof
theBolsheviksthemselves,astheyheldonagainstalltheoddsinthecircumstancesin
whichisolationhadtrappedthem,hadcreatedapowerfulbaseforthegestationofanew
bureaucraticpseudo-Marxismandaworldorganisationforitsdissemination.This
happeneddespitethestruggletothedeathofTrotskyandtheBolshevikrearguardagainstthe
Stalinistcounter-revolution.TheBolshevikshadheldonbywayoftremendousandbrutal
exertionsagainstthe"otherwills"operatinginsideandoutsideRussia;and,sodoing,they
extemporisedafirstdraftofwhattheStalinistcounter-revolution,overthrowingtheruleof
theworkers,woulddevelopintoanelaboratebureaucratically-drawnroute-mapofhistory
thatwasasfantasticasanydrawnupbythemid-19thcenturyutopiansocialistcolonybuilders.Thistheyimposedonthearmyofrevolutionaryworkerswhohadbeengroupedin
theCommunistInternational.Whilethepartiesofsocialdemocracyremainedtiedtothe
bourgeoisie,exceptwherethebourgeoisiehadknockedthemonthehead,asinGermany,
theCommunistInternational,whichhadbeensetuptorecreateindependentworking-class
politicsinoppositiontosocialdemocracy,wascapturedbythenewanti-capitalist
bureaucraticRussianrulingclass.Withthemillions-strongCommunistInternationalandits
semi-militarisedpartiesastransmissionbelt,thegoverningideasofthenewbureaucratic
rulingclassintheUSSRdominatedtherevolutionaryworkersincapitalistcountries-the
workerswhostilllookedtotheOctoberRevolutionforaleadandanexample.In
consequence,duringthelong,convulsivemid-centurycrisisofcapitalism,therevolutionary
workers'movementwasremovedasanindependentfactorfromworldpolitics.That,ina
sentence,isthestoryof20thcenturysocialismfrom1914,whenthesocialistinternational
collapsed,tothedisintegrationoftheUSSRinthe1990s.Inexorably,thecorruptionspread
intoeverykeyideaofsocialismandMarxismandintoeverymodelofbehaviour,endeavour
andpreceptofsocialismandMarxism.Exigenciesthatdeterminedsomuchofwhatwas
doneinRussiabecamethesourceofgeneraltheoriesdogmaticallyappliedtoallconditions
undertheguidingwhipoftheself-servingbureaucraticrulers.AlreadytheBolshevikshad
erredinthisdirection;Stalin,representingananti-working-classnewrulingclass,madeita
system,and,suppressingalldissent,anairtight,lightlesssystem,designedtoservethenew
Russianrulers.WhatStalindidandsaid,andwhatStalinsaidLeninhaddoneorsaidor
wouldhavedoneorsaid-thatwasMarxiansocialismand"Bolshevism".Allthebasic
shaping,morale-engendering,oldleft-wingideasweretwistedinsideoutandturnedround
intotheiropposites,asthebureaucratstookover"Marxism"andguttedit.Specifically,
whattheydidwastakeallofMarxismthatwasnegativeandcriticalofbourgeoissociety
andbourgeoisdemocracy,andcutoffthepositiveworking-classMarxistalternativeto
capitalism:socialdemocracy,expandedliberties,andworking-classcontrol.Intheirplace
theyputtheirownbureaucraticanti-working-classalternatives:bureaucraticruleand
totalitarianstatepower,miscalledsocialism.Heretheyfollowedthepatternofthe
reactionaryorfeudalsocialistscriticisedintheCommunistManifesto:"incisivecriticism,
strikingthebourgeoisietotheveryheart'score...Inpoliticalpracticetheyjoininall
coercivemeasuresagainsttheworkingclass".TheMarxistcriticismofthelimitsandthe
shallownessof"bourgeoisdemocracy"becameacondemnationofitsupposedlyinthename
ofprogressbutinrealityinthenameofpoliticalregressiontobeforetheFrench
Revolution,ifnottobeforetheRenaissanceandtheReformation.Uprooted,too,wereall
thebestold"bourgeois"notionsofliberty,ideaswhichprecededmassdemocracyandwere
separablefromit.
XII:RevolutionandDemocracy
"Toraisetheproletariattothepositionofrulingclass,towinthebattleofdemocracy."Karl
MarxandFrederickEngels,TheCommunistManifesto.
In1917Lenin,TrotskyandtheBolshevikshadbelievedthatunlesstherevolutionunleashed
agreatdeepeningandbroadeningofdemocracy,itwouldfail.Wemustpauseandexamine
thisquestioninsomedetail,foritisoneofthecentralissuesposedbythedegenerationand
defeatoftheBolshevikRevolution.MarxandEngelshadwrittenintheCommunist
Manifestothattomaketheproletarianrevolutionwasto"winthebattleofdemocracy"and
maketheworkingclasstherulingclass.Everywhere,includingRussia,thesocialistshad,
undertheinfluenceofMarxandEngels,beenardentchampionsofparliamentarydemocracy
anddemocraticliberties.Labourmovementsinthe19thandearly20thcenturiesfoughtto
extendthesuffrageandenlargethepowerofparliaments-oftenbyrevolutionarymeans.In
Belgiumtheyorganisedgeneralstrikestowinthevote.Marxistshadmadethedemocratic
traditiontheirown.Itwasnotforanyotherreasonthattheycalledthemselvessocial
democrats,advocatesofdemocracyinall,notonlythepolitical,aspectsofsociety.Always
andeverywherethesocialistswereforextendingandunfetteringdemocracyandforcutting
downtheprerogativesofcapitalandthepowerofgovernmentandbureaucracy.The
creationofnewworking-classformsofdemocracybeganinStPetersburg,Russia,in1905,
whenstrikingworkerswhodidnothavepoliticalrightselectedtheirownlocalparliamentthecouncilofworkers'deputies,or"soviet".Thedrivefordemocraticself-ruleoverflowed
existinginstitutionsandledtothecreationofnewspecificallyworking-classdemocratic
institutions.AfterOctober1917,revolutionary-mindedpeopleallacrosstheworld
recognisedtheSovietsastheworking-classformofdemocracy.CommitmenttoSovietsworkers'councils,withinwhichtherewouldbeapluralityof"soviet"parties-becamea
centralpartoftheprogrammeofrevolutionarysocialism.InevitablytheRussianrealityafter
1921-one-partyruleandSovietswitheredandcurtailed-confusedmanycommunistsabout
exactlywhat"sovietrule"was.ThemoretheStaliniststurnedtheUSSRintoan
unprecedentedlysavageexploitativedictatorship,themoretheyproclaimedittobethe
purestandfullestdemocracy-ever.Democracy?That,likesocialism,iswhateverexistsin
theUSSR!Theresult,inashorttime,wastobanishconcernwithanythingthathadbefore
1917beenconsidereddemocracy,andtofalsifytheverylanguageandconceptionsofthe
socialistmovementandtheearlycommunistmovementonthisfundamentalquestion.Even
beforefull-blownStalinism,"communism"acquiredananti-democraticbias,rootedinthe
experienceoftheRussiancivilwaranditsaftermath.Itwas"Leninism"understoodas
Leninhimselfwouldnot-RosaLuxemburgwassurelyrightonthat-havewantedit
understoodandused.Afterthefull-scaleStalinistcounter-revolutionofthelate1920s,the
one-partysystemwasproclaimedasthetrueworking-classdemocracy,universally
applicable.The"party's"righttoapoliticalmonopolywaswrittenintoStalin's1936
"democraticconstitution".Theveryideaofsocialismasdemocraticself-rulewasthus
confused,pulpedanddestroyed.Democraticidealsandgoalsthathadbeencentralto
radicalthoughtsincetheFrenchRevolutionorevensincetheEnglishRevolutionsofthe
17thcenturyhadtheirvocabularyappropriatedtoendorseextremeversionsofthestatism
andauthoritarianismwhichthelefthadbeenfightingagainstforhundredsofyears.
Mystification,confusion,andsoonanalmostindecipherablecorruptionoflanguageand
ideasfollowed.Thiswasthefaultnotonlyoftherevolutionaries,oreventheStalinists.In
thehandsoftherightwingoftheinternationallabourmovement,theoldsocialist
commitmenttoperfectingthedemocraticinstitutionsofcapitalistsocietyhadbecomea
commitmenttodefendthebourgeoisiesagainsttherevolutionaryworkersandtheirsoviets,
whichweretherealisationofalltheoldsocialistdriveforexpandeddemocracy.In
Germanythebourgeois-democraticregimesetupbythe1918revolutionbecamethevehicle
foralandlord/bourgeois/right-socialistcounter-revolutionagainsttheworkers.Theold
driveforradicalsocialdemocracywasthusgroundtonothingnessbytheuppermillstoneof
thebourgeoisieandStalinandthenethermillstoneofsocialdemocracy.Whatthesocial
democratsdidwith"democracy"softeneduptherevolutionaryworkerstoreceivethe
Stalinistrevelationthatalltheoldtalkofdemocracywasnothingbutbourgeoislies.
Democracybecameincreasinglyindefinable.Normswerecorrupteduntiltheexistenceor
nonexistenceofdemocracybecamenotsomethingthatcouldbemeasuredbycommonlyagreedstandards,butamatterofassertionandcounter-assertion.Here,asinsomanyother
fields,theStaliniststookoverandcaricaturedwhatthebourgeoisiedid.Thishelped
destroythenormsbywhichtherevolutionaryworkerscouldhaveevaluatedtheRussian
claimsthatStalinisttotalitarianismwasdemocracy.Theassociationof"democracy"with
therightwingallacrossEuropeinthe1920sand30s,andthenitscollapseincountryafter
countrybeforeauthoritarianright-wingregimesorfascism,helpedeaserevolutionary
workersintoacceptanceoftheone-partyStalinisttotalitarianstateasthetrueworking-class
democracy.Thisliebecameanarticleoffaithfortwogenerationsofrevolutionaryworkers.
Thosewhoeventuallysawitfortheoxymoronicabsurdityitwas,tendedasaruleto
collapsebackintoacceptanceofthebourgeoiscounterfeitofdemocracy.Thebasicideathat
socialistsmustcontinuetostruggleforhumanlibertyandfreedomwasexpungedfromthe
programmeof"communism"."Democracy"-like"socialism"-becameacynicalcatch-cry,
shotthroughwithdouble-thinkaboutthe"socialistdemocracy"ofthesocietywherethe
Stalinistbureaucratsruledwithneithersocialismnordemocracy.Thehazardoftaking
seemingforidentityisstronghere:theBolsheviksandtheearlyCommunistInternational
didimpatientlydenounce"bourgeoisdemocracy",didcounterposedirectactionto
parliament,didabusethedemocraticpretensionsofthereformists,didadvocategeneral
strikesandinsurrectionarytactics.But,ashasalreadybeensaid,alwaysandeverywhere
whattheycounterposedto"bourgeoisdemocracy"andtoconstitutionalmethodswasmass
action-majorityaction,oractionthatwouldquicklybecomemajorityactionandcouldnot
succeedifitdidn't-ledbyCommunistPartieswhichwerefreeassociationswithinwhich
democraticnormsofdebateanddecision-makingweretakenforgranted.Whatthey
counterposedtoparliamentarismwasthesovietsystem,conceivedofasamoreradical,
real,thorough-goingandresponsiveformofdemocraticmassself-rule.Toconfusethiswith
whatStalinmadeofitistofalsifyhistory-indeed,itistowalkinthetrackoflongestablishedStalinistfalsifications.TheStalinistsremovedthepositivealternativethatthe
BolshevikpartyandtheearlyCommunistInternationalopposedtothebourgeois
"democracy","narrowconstitutionalmethods"and"parliamentarism"whichtheydenounced
-andputinitsplacetheirowntotalitarianalternative.Theveryideaofdemocracy,
workers'democracyoranydemocracy,andoflibertyagainsttheState,disappeared-except
inwordsthatinfactnowdenotedtheirveryopposites.Bolshevik"discipline",the
disciplineofavoluntaryassociationofsocialists,becamerigid,hierarchical,semimilitarisedsubmissionoftheCommunistPartiestocontrolbyMoscow.Apolicestate
becamethemodelforboththeir"socialism"andtheir"democracy".Theseworkers'
movementswerenotundertheirowncontrol.Theycouldnotsteertheirowncourseorlearn
fromtheirmistakes.
XIII:Thenew"ReligionofSocialism"
"Feuerbachstartsoutfromthefactofreligiousself-alienation,oftheduplicationofthe
worldintoareligiousandasecularone...Thatthesecularbasisdetachesitselffromitself
andestablishesitselfasanindependentrealminthecloudscanonlybeexplainedbythe
cleavagesandself-contradictionswithinthissecularbasis.Thelattermust,therefore,in
itselfbebothunderstoodinitscontradictionandrevolutionisedinpractice..."KarlMarx,
ThesesonFeuerbach.
As"democracy"lostallrealmeaning,sotoodid"socialism".Themodelforasocialist
economybecametheairtightautocratically"planned"commandeconomyoftheUSSR,in
whichevensmallcornershopswerestatified."Socialism"cametobemeasuredbysuccess
inindustrialisingabackwardandunderdevelopedeconomy,thatis,indoingtheworkwhich
hadsofarbeendonebycapitalisminhistory-anddoingitbyslavedrivingunder
incomparablyseveretotalitariandictatorship.Atremendousleadercult,withStalinas
Pope,Caesarandpseudo-TribuneofthePeoplecombined,developedintheUSSRinthe
1930s.TheretooStalinandHitlerlearnedfromeachother.Theintellectuallifeofthe
international"Communist"movementcentredoninterpreting,augmenting,justifyingand
implementingPapalpronouncementsfromonhigh-assertionsthatoftenflewinthefaceof
knownreality,orofthe"line"ofthedaybefore-andonthe"sacredbooks",the
misappropriatedbooksofMarxismthatsaidmanytruethingsbutcouldonly"speak"for
todayasthehighpriestsofStalinisminterpretedthem."Proof"wasdefinedascitations
fromthe"fourgreatteachers",Marx,Engels,Leninand...Stalin.Thiswas"Marxism"
degradedintoapidginphilosophyforthebureaucraticparvenusandtheirCaesar-Popeat
theheadofanewstatereligion.ThecentralityinStalin's"NewMarxism"oftheideaand
practiceofforciblyindustrialisingabackwardcountrybyautonomousstatepowergaveita
powerofattractioninunderdevelopedcountriesforindividualsandclasseswithnointerest
insocialismasconceivedofin1917.BytheendofhislifeTrotskywouldcometodescribe
theattractionsofthis"Marxism"fortheleadersofStalinistpartiesthus:"Thepredominant
type...isthepoliticalcareerist...Theiridealistoattainintheirowncountrythesame
positionthattheKremlinoligarchygainedintheUSSR"[Writings1939-40,pp.350-1].In
the1970s,forexample,asizeablesectionoftheeducatedmiddleclassandthe
technologicaleliteofthearmedforcesinAfghanistanmadeuptheStalinistpartythere,and
intheyearsbeforetheirfailureledtotheRussianinvasionofDecember1979theytriedto
transformthemselvesintoanewrulingelite,apeingtheRussians.Thetotalitarianstatenot
onlylaiddownstandardsinartandliteratureandmusicfortheCommunistsofthewhole
world:bythe1940stheRussianstatewasevenlayingdowntheconclusionsbiological
researchshouldarriveat,appointingTrofimLysenkopope,or"Stalin",inthissphere.
Culturebecameasub-sectionoftheministryofpolice...Sodideveryideacapableof
expressionfallunderpoliceregimentationandregulation;sodidtheideasthathad
dominatedanddefinedsocialismsofar.WhentheStalinistpopepronouncedthattheold
socialistideasaboutequalityhadneverbeenpartofBolshevism,butwereapettybourgeoisdeviation,nobodywhowasunderthedirectcontroloftheStalinistpolice,or
whowantedtoremainintheCommunistParties,coulddissent,orevenquibbleandtryto
qualifyit.TheSovietUnion-animaginarySovietUnion-wasbothVaticanandheavenof
theStalinistreligion...tothosewhodidnothavetoliveinit.TheStalinist"religion"was
bureaucraticallyenforcedandpatrolledbytheGPUandnotonlyinsidetheUSSR.The
acceptanceofthissystemindicatedaself-debilitatingimmaturityandunderdevelopmentin
theCommunistmovement.TheinternationalStalinistlabourmovement's"secularbasis
detacheditselffromitself"andbecameidealisednotinthecloudsbutbeyondtheseasand
mountains.Thesuccessivedefeats-epoch-defininginthecaseofthevictoryofHitlerin
Germany-towhichtheStalinistsledtheworkingclassenhancedthevalueandsharpened
theneedforthequasi-religiousconsolationofferedbythemythofStalin's"socialist
fatherland",the"SunCity"beyondthemountains".Thediseaseofnationalismin1914had
meanttheinternationallabourmovementsplittingintomanyinter-warringnationalparts;
nowCommunistInternationalunity,conceivedin1919asinternationalistunityforcombat
againstcapitalism,servedtoenforceinternationalworking-classprostrationbeforea
narrowandbrutalRussiannationalism,thatyetsomehowwasthehighestformof
internationalism,underthe"red"Tsarwhoyet,somehow,wasnotaTsar.Themystifications
andbefuddlementsandamassworking-classelementofculpablefantasyandunreason
definedthismovementoffrequentlyheroicwould-berevolutionaryworkersasunfittorule
evenitsownaffairs.Allofthiswasatremendousregression.Alltheoldsocialistideasof
therelationshipofmeanstoends,ofsubjectandobject,oftheproletariatastheprotagonist
ofmodernhistory,ofwhatsocialismwasandwasnot,gavewaytopre-bourgeoiswaysof
thinkingandorganisingandtorelationshipsbetweenpeoplewithin"themovement"that
weretheveryoppositeofthoseappropriatetosocialismandtothepreparationsof
socialism.Workersrootedinthemodernclassstruggleoftheirownadvancedcapitalist
countrieshadtheirideasdictatedandtheirstrategiessetbytheRussianrulingclass;their
collectiveperformanceintheclassstruggleshapedandreshapedtosuittheneedsand
interestsoftheclass-hostilebureaucraticRussianrulers.WhereMarxism,eventhecautious
MarxismofwestEuropeansocialistpartiesbeforetheRussianRevolution,hadrejected
"savioursfromonhigh"andseentheworkingclassitselfasitsownliberator,anditsown
movementasthecentreoftheforcesofliberation,nowsomethingelsewascentral:the
"workers'state",thelivingsocialismbeyondtheborder,theheavenovertheseasand
beyondthemountains,towhichtheworldmovementwassubordinated.Thebuildingof
socialism,somewhereelse,waseverything;thecommunistparties'allegedgoalsnothing.In
themid-19thcentury,readersoftheRedRepublican,GeorgeJulianHarney'spaper,where
theCommunistManifestofirstappearedinEnglish(in1850),wereavidforaccounts,which
thepaperprovided,ofEtienneCabet'ssocialistcoloniesinAmerica.Thatwaswhere
socialismwas.Now,inaverymuchmoredevelopedworkers'movement,devotiontoa
utopiafarawaywasrepeatedonagigantic,hugely-distortingscale.Socialismwasagain
somethingbeingbuiltsomewhereelse:not,exceptinceremonialspeechesthatmeant
nothinginpractice,thegoaloftheclassstruggleinsideyourowncapitalism.Enormous
regression!"Nosavioursfromonhighdeliver",thegreatsocialistrepublicanmessageof
theInternationale,wasamendedinfacttomean-savioursandpopesonlyfromtheliberated
landsandthehighersocialistcivilisationsfaraway.Thepartiessoguidedwerevigorous
forcesontheirownterrain;theydrewtheirstrengthfromworking-classrevolt;theytookthe
willforchange,thecourage,thehope,thecapacityforself-sacrificeandthelife-enhancing
idealismofgenerationsofrevolutionaryworking-classmilitants:buttheirguidingprinciple
wasallfortheworkers'fatherland-forsocialism,somewhereelse.Thustheydestroyed
generationsofrevolutionarymilitants."Communism"becamefirstarigidandrigidlyorganisedsectwhosesolecorebeliefwasintheinfallibilityofStalinandtheSovietUnion
-andlateraspectrumofcompetingBrezhnevite,Maoist,Castroist,Titoitesects.Beyond
faithintheleaderand"theParty",anybelief,alliance,loyaltyoraspirationcouldbe
annulledandanathematisedovernight,andnewbeliefsputinitsplace.Muchofthe
devotionalliteratureof"Communism"consistedofliesandfantasiesaboutoneoranother
SocialistFatherland,andvisciouslibelsagainstsocialismandsocialists,especiallythe
unreconstructedBolsheviks.Thusbythemiddleofthesecondquarterofthe20thcentury,
themostmilitantsegmentsofthegreatworking-classmovementbuiltupoverthree-quarters
ofacenturyinpoliticalandideologicalrecoilfromutopiansocialismrevertedtoavariant
ofit,focussedonthevastanti-capitalistutopian"colony"intheUSSR-whosesocialism
wasanedificeofliesandfalsificationsandwhoserulersweremoresavageineverysense
thananyotherrulingclass.Theeffectonthelabourmovementwasjustlycomparedby
Trotskytosyphilisandleprosy.
XIV:TheBolshevikRearguard
"Theworstthingthatcanbefallaleaderofanextremepartyistobecompelledtotakeover
aGovernmentinanepochwhenthemovementisnotyetripeforthedominationoftheclass
whichherepresentsandfortherealisationofthemeasureswhichthatdominationwould
imply...Whathecandoisincontrasttoallhispreviousactions,toallhisprinciples,andto
thepresentinterestsofhisparty;whatheoughttodocannotbeachieved".FrederickEngels.
Thesecondworstthing-intheRussiancaseitflowedfromthefirst-isforarevolutionary
partytohaveitsbanners,symbolsanderstwhilelanguage,appropriatedbyapowerfulstate
anditsdupesoverseas,whoproclaimplausiblecounterfeitsofitsgoalsastheirs,anduse
themtoservealieninterests.Itcannotreachitsownpeople;itsplaceinpoliticsisusurped
andruined;thoseitwouldhelptovictory,misledtodefeatandcatastrophe.Perhapsan
epochofhistory
willhavetopass,bringingitsownslowclarifications,beforeitcancomeintoitsown.By
thenmuchwillhavechangedanditwillitselfhavemutatedandhavetodefineitselfall
overagain.SoitwaswiththeincorruptibleandunbreakableBolsheviks,theMarxistswho
stoodoutagainstthebureaucraticcounter-revolutionandtheStalinistfalsificationofthe
ideasandperspectivesofBolshevism.TheyfoughtthenewRussianrulingclasseven
beforeitwasfullyformedandbeforetheyhadlearnedtorecogniseanddefineit.The
survivingBolsheviks,ledbyTrotsky,hadtostartagainfromalmostthebeginning.Nowthey
facedadversityandcomplicationssuchastheolderMarxistmovementhadneverknown,in
anightmareworldinwhichalltheirbannersandsymbolshadbeenannexedand
appropriatedtobeusedagainstthem.AdozenyearsonfromOctober,theinternationalsocialistBolshevikswerereducedtoanumericallymarginalforce,politically
expropriated,andseeminglyby-passedandoutmoded.The"perspectives"onwhichLenin
andTrotskyhadorientedthemselvesin1917-theworld-widedislocationofcapitalism,
andtheopportunitiesitprovided,againandagain,incountryaftercountry,fortheworking
classtooverthrowcapitalism-werestillvalid,ifthelabourmovementcouldtakeits
opportunities.YetnowtheCommunistInternational,formedtopushasidethesocial
democracyandorganisetheworkingclasstosettleaccountswithcapitalism,wasaforce
thatactedagainstsocialismwithabrutality,discipline,consistencyandlethaleffectthat
pro-capitalistsocialdemocracyhadmatchedonlyinGermanyin1919,ifeventhen.Outof
thevictoryof1917hadcomethemostdebilitatingofdefeats.LeninandTrotskyknewthey
couldbedefeatedandpossiblymassacred:theydidnotimaginethissortofdefeat,orthis
massacreoftheideasofMarxismandsocialism.NotonlydidtheBolshevikstakepower,
thenfindthemselvesunabletorealisetheirprogrammeandforcedtoimplement,inwhole
orinpart,anotherprogramme;butthenaseemingfacsimileoftheirprogrammewasseized
andannexedbytheirconquerors."Alltheoldcrap"didreappear,butdisguisedasthebest
realisationofitsveryopposite.Stalinismpermeatedthesocialistprogramme;itpetrifiedit
ascalcifyingchemicalsseepintothecellsoftreestoturntheorganicwoodintoanother
substance,stone.Theconsequencesforsocialismcanonlynow,afterthefalloftheUSSR
anditsempire,begintobebeundone.AgainsttheCommunistParties,afterthemid-1920s,
competedtinygroupsledbyTrotsky,representingandembodyingtheideasofthe1917
Revolution,butwithfewresources.Theexistenceofstate-licensedStalinist"Marxism"
madetheirworkuniquelydifficult.Inaddition,theywouldbehalf-buriedunderan
enormousUSSR-inspiredand-financeddelugeofmisrepresentation,slander,and
persecution,includingmurder.TotheStalinistcounter-revolutionaries-andtothemillions
ofrevolutionaryworkerswhofollowedthem-theserepresentativesoftheideasofOctober,
andinthefirstplaceTrotsky,theorganiseroftheOctoberrising,wereMensheviks,
reactionaries,WhiteGuards,andfascists.Theiridentity,liketheirbanner,hadbeenstolen
bythenewRussianrulingclassanditsagents.TheunreconstructedJacobinsandthepoor
peopleofParishadexperiencedsomethinglikethiswhentheslogansofLiberty,Equality
andFraternity,underwhichtheyhadmadetheFrenchRevolution,wereseizedbythe
bourgeoisie,whocametopoweraftertheRevolutionhadclearedthewayforthemand
crushedthepeople.Thebourgeoisiegavetheoldrevolutionarysloganstheirmeanings.
Theyrenderedtherevolutionunrecognisableandunacceptabletothosewhohadmadeit.
Undertheself-sameslogans,orthesamebroadideas,analienclasshadharvestedthestate
power.Therevolutionaryideaswerenotsharpenoughandclearenoughtomakethem
undetachablefromthosewhothoughttheyhadblazedapaththatwouldleadtoaworldvery
differentfromtheonethattheyhad.Ideasareporous:realityisricherandmorecomplex;it
possessespotentialitiesthatarenottobeseeninadvance.Thedemocratsofthe1830sand
1840sinBritainandelsewherehadseentheirideasseizedandcorruptedinthe'50sand
'60s,whendemocracywastamedbythebourgeoisie,deprivedofitsearlierradicalsocial
dimensionandturnedintosomethingotherthanwhatithadbeenforfriendsandenemies
alikesincetheFrenchRevolution,andearlier."Iponderedallthesethings,andhowmen
fightandlosethebattle,andthethingtheyfoughtforcomesaboutinspiteoftheirdefeat,
andwhenitcomesturnsoutnottobewhattheymeant,andothermenhavetofightforwhat
theymeantunderanothername"[WilliamMorris,ADreamofJohnBall].TheBolsheviks'
experienceafterStalin's"SecondRevolution"in1928hadmuchincommonwiththose
earlierexperiences.Ofcourse,socialistshadknown,andrepeatedlysaid,thatstate
nationalisationofindustrywasnotsocialism;thatitcouldonlyservesocialistworkingclassgoalsiftheworkersheldsocialandpoliticalpower.Theseideashaddifferentiated
MarxismfromFabianismandmiddle-classreformism.Initsspirallingdegenerationthe
Russianrevolutionpresentedtheproblemdifferently.Nationalisedpropertytherewas
rootedinthegreatrevolution.ThoughtheBolshevikPartyandtherevolutionhadbeen
destroyed,themanneroftheirdestructionwasunexpected.Theresultwasunprecedented
andthereforemystifyinganddisorienting.Both"theBolsheviks"and"theOctober
Revolution"seemedtohavesurvived.Despitetheprogramme-rootedexpectationsofthose
wholedtherevolutionthattherewouldbebourgeoiscounter-revolutioninRussiaifthe
workers'revolutiondidnotspreadtotheadvancedcountries,therehadbeennobourgeois
counter-revolution.Thebureaucraticcounter-revolutionthathadtakenplacesaiditwas
Bolshevik,socialist,working-class.TheStalinistcounter-revolutionwasnotonlya
counter-revolutionwithinthepropertyformsestablishedbytheworkers'state,butalso,as
wesaw,acounter-revolutionwithintheformsoftheoldgoverningMarxistideas.Whenit
snuffedouttheremnantsofworking-classpoliticalpower,andseizedthemeansof
production,thenewrulingclassseized"Marxism"too,twisting,changingandbowdlerising
theoldideas,turningtheoldMarxistlanguageintoitsliturgyofstateandthesacerdotal
languageofabureaucratic"socialism".Whentherisingcollectivistrulingclass,inits
processofseparationfromtheoldparty,createdapseudo-Marxismthatdeconstructedand
dismantledtheMarxismofOctober,itinflicteditsworstpossible,becauseall-embracing,
defeatonBolshevism.Oneconsequencewastopreventthere-emergenceofareplacement
forBolshevism.Thetakingofpowerin1917turnedouttohavebeenakamikazeexercise,
notonlyfortheBolshevikpartyinitsphysicalexistence,thoughultimatelyitwasthat,but
kamikazeforawholepoliticaldoctrine.TheTrotskyistshadtorebuildBolshevismina
labourmovementdoublypoisoned-byitsopenenemiesandbytheStalinistimpostersagainst"Bolshevism".Thetaskprovedimpossible.The"battleofideas"iscentraltothe
outcomeofclassstruggle.HerewasKarlMarx'sideathat"therulingideologyofanepoch
isthatoftherulingclass"confrontingtheinternationalrevolutionarymovementinanew
form-asaninternationalextensionofthenewUSSRrulingclass,assiduouslypurveyinga
counterfeitoftheoldBolshevikideas,andmaintainingaworld-wideorganisationwithvast
resourcesandnoscruplesorrestrainttoimposeitsversionof"Marxism".Badslogans
droveoutgood;opulentcounterfeits,nourishedbythesuccessesoftheUSSR,occupiedthe
placeofthegenuineMarxism.Possessingpowerandwealth-thatofarulingclassunimaginabletotheoldlabourmovement,thebureaucracycoulddefinewhatitdecreedto
beMarxism,socialism,Leninism,Bolshevism.Money,prestige,"redprofessors"intheir
versionofacademia,andpolice,jails,andconcentrationcampscould,andfordecadesdid,
makegoodtheclaim.Thebureaucrats'greatpowertosettheagendaforlargepartsofthe
labourmovementcouldsustainit.Thepastwasblurred,halfblottedout,and"overwritten"
withthebureaucracy'smythsofitsownorigins,purposes,andpidgin-Marxistideologies,
spreadamongrevolutionaryworkersalongpathslaiddowntoandfromtheUSSRinthe
daysofBolshevism.Whenparodyandpasticheandscholastickitsch"Marxism"becamethe
creedofthemassrevolutionarylabourmovement,revolutionaryMarxismconfrontedthe
mostmurderouslyhostileenvironmentithadeverhadtoface-apoliticalworldinthegrip
ofnightmareanddeliriumsuchasnoliberatingmovementhadfacedsincethemysticism
enshroudedprimitiverevoltsofthereligion-boundMiddleAges.ThoseintheBolshevik
partyandtheCommunistInternationalwhoresistedtherisingStalinistbureaucracyhadto
disputewiththosewho,inpossessionofthe"conquests"oftheOctoberRevolution,were
plausiblytheheirsofLeninexactlywhatwasandwasnotMarxism,whatwasandwasnot
Bolshevism,whatwasandwasnottheproperpolicyandmodusoperandiforthe
CommunistPartiesincapitalistcountries,whatwasandwasnotthenecessarysocialist
working-classperspectiveontheevolutionoftheUSSR.Theyfoughtanimmense
entrenchedstatepowerwhichpresenteditselfasthereal-thevictorious,andtherefore
better-embodimentoftheidealsproclaimedalsobytheanti-Stalinists.Tosidewiththe
oppositionneededcourageandclarity.Itmeantstandingwithatinypersecutedminority
againstavastmultitudewhoseemedtohavethesuccessfulandprosperousvariantofthe
sameideas.Moreover,therevolutionarysocialistshadthedisadvantageofseemingto
acceptthecoreclaimsoftheStalinists.TheSovietUnionwas,theysaid,animmensegain,
thoughtheycriticisedthebureaucrats'methodsandtheirrule.Itseconomicsuccesseswere
thedecisivepracticalproofinhistorysofarthatcollectivisteconomyworked.Sosaideven
Trotsky.Therepresentativeexperienceoftheproto-FourthInternationalwasthatof
GermanyfromSeptember1930,whenHitlermadeaspectacularelectoralbreakthrough,to
30January1933,whenHitlerbecameChancellor,andthefewweeksafterthat,beforethe
NazigriphadtakentheGermanlabourmovementbythethroat,duringwhicheffective
resistancewasstillpossible.TrotskyunderstoodHitlerismearly.Heraisedthealarmin
goodtime.InpamphletsandarticleshewarnedtheGermanlabourmovement,criticisedit,
advocatedproperanti-fascisttacticsforthewholeGermanlabourmovement.Despite
Trotsky'swarnings,thesocialdemocracyremainedthesupineconservativeforceithad
beenfor20years.TheGermanCommunistPartymadeviolentlypseudo-revolutionary
statementsandcompetedwiththeNazisbymimickingtheirideas(theytoocalledforthe
"nationalliberation"ofGermany)andbyintermittentlyallyingwiththemagainstthesocial
democraticlabourmovement-eventocollaborationwiththeHitleritesinthebreakingof
social-democrat-ledstrikes.TheyinsistedthatHitlerfascismwasneitherthemaindanger
northeonly"fascism".Heretheconfusionabout"democracy"musthavebeenabigelement
ingettingGermanCommunistworkerstoaccepttheideathatHitler'svictorywasnot
uniquelythreateningtotheveryexistenceoftheGermanlabourmovement,Communistand
social-democraticalike.TotheCommunistParty,themainenemywas"socialfascism",the
socialdemocracy-theoldenemy,thetraitorsof1918-9,"themurderersofRosaLuxemburg
andKarlLiebknecht".ThecoupleofhundredTrotskyistswereunabletomakethemselves
heardbythosewhocouldshapeandreshapereality.Theycouldnotbreakthroughthe
barriersofbureaucraticorganisationtoinfluenceSocial-Democraticworkers,orsurmount
thebarricadesofStalinistslandertoinfluenceCommunistworkers.Theunquietghostsof
oldBolshevism,stillabroadintheworldbutnolongeraforceinit,theywereabletosee
andunderstandbutnolongerabletotouchrealityandshapeit.RevolutionaryMarxist
theorywasdivorcedfromtherevolutionary-mindedworkersandthusfromthepossibilityof
practice.TotheStalinistworkers,theOppositionistswerethe"Trotskyfascists";tothe
socialdemocrats,theunteachableoldBolsheviks;totheworkingclassatlarge,people
outsidetheirownorganisations,heretics,renegades,defeatists-oragentsprovocateursin
theserviceoftheenemy.BythetimeHitlercametobreakitsbackandsmashitsskull,
GermanCommunismwasaquasi-religiousmasscult,inwhichtheStalinistPopesand
bishops-operating,likethemedievalChurch,byideologicalterrorismsupplementedby
physicalrepression-hadoutlawedthepropensityandcapacityofthepartytothink,and
drivenunauthorised"discussion"underground.TheTrotskyists?Peoplesacrilegiously
questioningthemostsacreddoctrinesandpouringscornandvenomontheimagesoftheir
leadersandteachers.Alien,petty-bourgeois,"revisionist"-subversiveoftherevolutionary
enterprise!Todisobeyordisagreewastoplaceyourselfoutsidethegreatarmyofthe
revolutionaryproletariat,outsidetherevolutionarypartyonwhichsomuchdepended.
Trotskywasright,foreseeingeventsclearlyandingoodtimetoarmtheworkers,truthfully
warningtheGermanlabourmovementthatitwasfacedwithimminentdestruction-andyet
hewasstarklycutofffromanypossibilityofaffectingevents.InGermanyTrotskyismwas
Bolshevismwithoutmasses,arguingperspectivesthatrequiredmasses,inconditionswhere
theverylifeoftheGermanworking-classmovementwasatstake.Thiswastobethefateof
Trotskyisminhistory.Trotskyismwouldbeshapedandreshapedbyit.AftertheGerman
CP'ssurrendertoHitlerin1933,TrotskydeclaredtheCommunistInternationaldeadandset
outtobuildanewInternational,the"Fourth".Theforceswereverysmall.Theproponents
ofthenewInternationalwouldhavetodothesameworkashadbeendoneforthenascent
"Third"(Communist)InternationalattheZimmerwaldandKienthalConferencesin1915
and1916afterthecollapseoftheoldInternationalattheoutbreakofwarin1914.Butthere
werenovictorieslikethatof1917,outofwhichgrewtheThirdInternational.Defeat
followeddefeat;disasterfolloweddisaster;massacrefollowedmassacreatthehandsofthe
fascistsandtheStalinists.Anewmovementhadprovednecessary-butalso,asEurope
movedtoanewworld-engulfingwar,impossible.Thefundamentaldifferencebetweenthe
prospectsforthenascentThirdInternational,initsday,andthestill-bornFourth,layinthe
existenceandcharacterofStalinism-arichandpowerfulpseudo-revolutionaryforcewith
astablebaseintheUSSRthatallowedtheCommunistPartiestosurviveanypoliticalshift,
zig-zagorglaringcontradiction.Thiswasnotpoliticsashithertoknowninthelabour
movement,butavariantofthestate-servingpoliticshithertoconfinedtothebourgeoisie,
whoseparties,alternatinginpower,would,despitedifferences,commonlyservethe
fundamentalsocialstatusquo,theruleofthebourgeoisie.IntheStalinistparties,policyzigzagsoccurredrepeatedlywithinoneentity,definedbytheinterestsoftheUSSRrulingclass.
Thiswouldchangethemapofthelabourmovement'spoliticalworld,intrudingintoita
bureaucraticforceaspowerfulandunscrupulousasthestateandtherulingclassitserved.
Thelawsofhistoryarestrongerthanthebureaucraticapparatus,Trotskywouldwrite.In
facttheStalinistapparatusinsertedareshapingforceintohistory-notforever,astheonce
seeminglyall-powerfulRussianStalinistrulerswouldlearnin1989-91,butforawhole
epoch,andenoughtoderail,confuseandcrushprogressiveforcesfalteringlymoving
forwardintheclassstruggle.ThestrengthoftheStalinistapparatus,againstwholesocieties
andagainstmoreeasilydispersibleanddestructiblelabourmovementsmadeupof
voluntaryassociationsofworkers,wassomethingnewinhistory.InGermany,Spainand
France,Stalinismactedasoneofthetwogiantmillstoneswhichgroundintonothingness
labourmovements,which,hadtheybeenabletodevelop,mighthavereconstructedsociety
onahighersocialistlevel.BythetimeTrotskydied,on21August1940,theEuropean
labourmovementhadbeenpulverised.ExceptingBritain,Finland,Ireland,Switzerlandand
Sweden,fascismandauthoritarianismruledEurope.TotheeastStalinhaderecteda
bureaucraticthroneabovethegraveoftheRussianlabourmovement.Trotskyismwasan
epiphenomenonoftheearlyCommunistInternational:acriticalsatelliteofthemassparties
oftheCommunistInternational,desperatelytryingtoreorientthem;andthenadisablingly
weakcompetitorwithboththeCommunistInternationalandtheoldersocialdemocracy.It
wasarmedwiththeunfalsifiedideas,goalsandperspectivesof1917Bolshevismandthe
earlyCommunistInternationalinacapitalistworldrushingtowardsdisasterandthebiggest
andmostdestructivewarinhistory.Thecontrastbetweenwhatfollowedthecollapseofthe
CommunistInternationalin1933andtheaftermathofthecollapseoftheSecond
Internationalin1914wasdecisiveforthesubsequenthistoryofEurope.In1914andafter,
theKaisersocialistsandtheircounterpartsinothercountrieshadvisiblyandaudibly
brokenwiththeoldideas.Therewasresistance-ledbyKarlLiebknecht,RosaLuxemburg,
KlaraZetkin,FranzMehring,OttoRühleandothers-whichswelledandgrewinresponse
toevents.In1916theGermanSocialDemocracysplit.Radicalisationgrew,especiallyafter
theRussianRevolutionof1917.RevolutionariesralliedtothecleanredbannerofOctober.
AfterthedecisivecollapseoftheStalinisedCommunistPartyin1933,nothingwasclearcut.ThebureaucraticRussianstatetwistedandshapedeverything.In1933andafter,the
Trotskyistoppositiondidnotappearboldlyandclearlyastherevolutionaryopposition,nor
theStalinistsasrenegadeswhohadservedtheenemyandhelpeddestroythemostpowerful
labourmovementinEurope.Decisively,theStalinistshadnotgoneovertothebourgeois
enemy,theyweredemagogicallyveryleftwingand"revolutionary";theyservedtheanticapitalistRussianbureaucracy.TherewasneitherfreedomtoorganiseintheCommunist
Parties,northepossibilityofopendiscussion;nor,now,wasthereunadulteratedMarxist
educationtobuildon.Therehadalreadybeenadecadeofradicalmiseducation,of
systematicfalsificationoftheideasofMarxismandtheRussianRevolution.Thevery
languageofMarxismhadbeencorruptedandreducedtoemotion-bearingdemagogic,
arbitrarycatch-cries.Itwouldbelikethat,withnationalvariations,allthroughthe1930s,
untilwarreshapedtheworldanewandforawholeepochclosedofftheperspectiveson
whichtheCommunistInternationalof1919hadorganiseditself.
2.BolshevismatBay:TrotskyontheUSSR
I:Trotskyinexile
ImmediatelyafterhisexpulsionfromtheUSSRinFebruary1929,Trotsky,theLeft
OppositionistreformerinsidetheUSSR,wasahard-facedmanoftheregimetotheoutside
world.Whenhewroteforthegeneralpublic,hiscriticismsoftheregimewereselective,
generalandmuted.Sharpercriticismwasreservedforhiscommunist-oppositionist
audience.HesplitwiththeGermanLeninbund,thebiggestorganisationintheearly
internationalLeftOpposition,becauseitwouldnotsupportStalin'spolicyofholdingonto
theChineseEasternRailwayagainsttheChinese.(StalinwouldcedeittoJapanin1935).
Himselfauthorofacutesocialanalysisofthatsystem(seethenextsection),andacriticof
thelackofdemocracyintheUSSR,one,moreover,whosecomradestherewerealready
beingshot,Trotskyreactedviolently,aslateas1934,againsttalkofgeneraldemocracyin
theUSSR."ThereisatendencyamongourfriendsinParistodenytheproletariannatureof
theUSSR,todemandthattherebecompletedemocracyintheUSSR,includingthe
legalisationoftheMensheviks,etc....Weregardthistendencyastreasonwhichmustbe
foughtimplacably"[Writings,Supplement1934-40,p.538].Bytheendofthe1930sthere
wouldbeaverytellinginversion.TrotskywouldbecomeastridentcriticoftheStalinist
internalregimeandStalinistforeignpolicywhenheaddressedthegeneralpublic,andwrite
about"defenceoftheUSSR"almostexclusivelyintheintra-Trotskyistliterature.Atthe
sametime,after1930,whenStalinistindustrialisationseemedmiraculouslysuccessfuland
capitalismspiralledintothegreatslump,manyoftheSocialDemocraticcriticsof
BolshevismwouldmovetowardsafriendlyattitudetoStalinism-friendlier,asTrotsky
willnote,ironically,thantheyeverweretoBolshevism.Theleadingtheoreticianofthe
Austro-Marxistschool,OttoBauer,andMenshevikslikeFyodorDanwerecriticalof
Stalinismforitslackofdemocracy,butsawtheUSSRasrepresentingoneroadto
socialism,suitableforbackwardRussiabutnotforWesternEurope.Truetothedocile
philistinespiritofrationalisingfromhard"facts"andaccommodatingthemselvestopower,
theywereveryimpressedbytheUSSR'seconomicachievements.Thepeakperformancein
thisspirituallyandintellectuallyathleticjourneybytheSocialDemocratstoStalin's
MoscowwastheconversionofSydneyandBeatriceWebb-LordandLadyPassfield,
epitomesoftheBritishFabiantypedescribedbyFrederickEngelsas"middle-class
reformerswhothinksocialismistoogoodtobelefttotheworkers"-totheconclusionthat
theUSSRwas"ANewCivilisation".AstheexperienceofStalinismaccumulated,Trotsky
virtuallyswappedplaceswithmostofthesocial-democraticcriticsoftheUSSR.Bythe
mid-1930s,theonceimplacableandunrepentantdefenderoftheBolshevikregimeagainst
Social-Democraticandvulgar-democraticcriticswasscornfullycastigatingtheBauerites
andthe"Brandlerite"RightCommunists,forbeingapologistsandrationalisingdefence
lawyersforStalinandStalinism.Inhisroot-and-branchoppositiontoStalinismTrotsky
after1936wasclosetoKarlKautsky.Inhistheoreticalsummaries,however,Trotsky
remainedtiedtotheideathattheStalinistUSSRwasstillaworkers'stateofsomesort.
WhatfollowsisanattempttotracetheevolutionofTrotsky'sideasontheStalinistUSSR.
II."Abureaucraticeconomy"
By1933ithadbecomeclearthatStalin's"leftturn"of1929-30wasnomerezig-zagor
temporaryimprovisation.Theregimehadsurvivedtheconvulsivecrisisof1932-3.Ithad
givenanewshapetoUSSRsociety.Untilhisdeathin1940,Trotskywouldcontinuetocall
theUSSRa"workers'state"ofsorts.Yetthebasictrendofhisdetailed,concreteanalyses
oftheUSSR-andofmostofhispoliticalconclusions-was,inmyview,sharplyand
increasinglyatoddswiththatsummarydescription.Trotskygiveshisfirstcomprehensive
anatomyofStalinistsocietyinanarticleofApril1933,"TheTheoryofDegenerationand
theDegenerationofTheory".Trotskydiscussesthequestionofwhy,if,astheStalinistssay,
socialismhasbeenrealised,thestateisnot,asinMarxisttheoryitshouldbe,withering
away,becominglessandlessofasocialforce.Infactithasgrowntounprecedentedpower
anddominance.Helinksthestatewithadiscussionofinflationandmoney:likethestate,
moneyhasanecessarysocialfunction,asmeasureofvalueandmeansofexchange;likethe
state,itsrolewilldiminishwithsocialdevelopment.Ittoowillfinallywitheraway.As
withtwoflashlights,oneineachhand,playingfromdifferentanglesonsomethingobscured
anddarklyhidden,TrotskyexaminesthenatureofStalinistsocietyfromthetwosidesof
stateandeconomy.Helightsupapicturewhichdoesnotfiteasily-or,indeed,fitatallintothehistoricalandtheoreticalframeworkthatheinsistson.Thesocietyhedescribesand
anatomisesisunmistakablyanewformofclasssociety,neithercapitalismnorsocialism,or
intransitiontosocialism.Itiswhatwillattheendofthe30sbecalledbureaucratic
collectivism."Thesovietshavelostthelastremnantsofindependentsignificanceandhave
ceasedbeingsoviets.Thepartydoesnotexist".Insistingthat"therelativeindependenceof
thetradeunionsisanecessaryandimportantcorrectiveinthesystemofthesovietstate...
theworkersmustdefendthemselves,eveninaworkers'state,throughtheirtrade-union
organisations",Trotskyobservesthat"thetradeunionsarecompletelycrushed...underthe
coverofthestrugglewiththerightdeviation".[Tomsky,themaintrade-unionleader,had
beenaprominentBukharinite]."Thestatenotonlydoesnotwitheraway...but...becomes
evermoreopenlytheinstrumentofbureaucraticcoercion...Theapparatusofthetrade
unionsthemselveshasbecometheweaponofanever-growingpressureontheworkers".
Referringtothe"regimeofterroragainstthepartyandtheproletariat",Trotskyasks:
"Wheredoessuchaterrible,monstrous,unbearableexerciseofthepoliticalregimecome
from?".Hefinallyanswers:"Theintensificationofrepressionisnecessaryforthedefence
oftheprivilegedpositionsofthebureaucracy".Henowdrawsout"ananalogybetweenthe
roleofmoneyandtheroleofthestateinthetransitionalepoch".Money,Trotskysays,"a
directheritageofcapitalism",cannotsimplybeabolished.Itwillwitherawayasits
functionsasmeasureofvalueandmeansofexchangedeclineinasocietyofabundance.In
thefirstperiodofworking-classruleitsrolewillgrowratherthandiminish:itisan
essentialtoolofrealplanningandofrealsocialknowledge.Therewillbean"extreme
expansion"intheturnoverofgoodsinthetransitionperiod.Allbranchesofagrowing
economy"mustdeterminetheirrelationtoeachotherqualitativelyandquantitatively".
"Moneyasthemeansofaccountingevolvedbycapitalismisnotthrownasidebut
socialised.Socialistconstructionisunthinkablewithouttheinclusionintheplannedsystem
ofthepersonalinterestoftheproducerandconsumer.Andthisinterestcanactivelymanifest
itselfonlywhenithasatitsdisposalatrustfulandflexibleweapon:astablemonetary
system".Thatiswhathappensinaworkers'statedevelopingtowardssocialism.Andinthe
USSR?Trotskydescribestherealityofbureaucraticarbitrarinessandinflation."Money
regulatedbyadministrativepricesfixedforgoodslosesitsabilitytoregulateplans.Inthis
fieldasinothers,socialism'forthebureaucracyconsistsoffreeingitswillfromany
control:party,Soviet,tradeunionormoney...Economicplanningfreesitselffromvalue
controlasbureaucraticfancyfreesitselffrompoliticalcontrol.Therejectionofobjective
causes'...representsthetheoretical'ravingsofbureaucraticsubjectivism...TheSoviet
economytodayisneitheramonetarynoraplannedone.Itisanalmostpurelybureaucratic
economy.Tosupportunreliableanddisproportionatetempos,afurtherintensificationof
pressureontheproletariatbecameimperative.Industry,freedfromthematerialcontrolof
theproducer,tookonasupersocial,thatis,bureaucratic,character.Asaresultitlostthe
abilitytosatisfyhumanwantseventothedegreetowhichithadbeenaccomplishedbythe
less-developedcapitalistindustry..."Fromthisandfromthisalone...flowsthenecessityfor
theintroductionofcoercionintoallcellsofeconomiclife(strengtheningofthepowerof
[factory]managers,lawsagainstabsentees,deathpenaltyforspoiliationofcollective-farm
propertybyitsmembers,warmeasuresinsowingcampaignsandharvestcollections...the
[internal]passportsystem,politicaldepartmentsinthevillages,etc.etc.)...Thedictatorship
oftheproletariatwithersawayintheformofbureaucraticinflation,thatis,intheextreme
swellingofcoercion,persecutions,andviolence.Thedictatorshipoftheproletariatisnot
dissolvedinaclasslesssociety,butdegeneratesintotheomnipotenceofbureaucracyover
society".BythetimeTrotskywriteshismajorstudyoftheUSSR,TheRevolutionBetrayed
(1935-6),theacutemonetaryinstabilityoftheearly1930shassubsided.The"bureaucratic
arbitrariness"-theregulationofeconomicandsociallifebythearbitraryexerciseof
unbridledstatepowermorethananybeforeknown-hasnot.Stalinistautocracyhasnot.
Trotskyposestheproblem."Ifexploitationis"endedforever"...[astheStalinistsclaim]
thenthereremainsnothingforsocietytodobuttothrowoffatlastthestraitjacketofthe
state.Inplaceofthis-itishardeventograspthiscontrastwiththemind!-theSovietstate
hasacquiredatotalitarian-bureaucraticcharacter...Whatsocialcausestandsbehindthe
stubbornvirilityofthestateandespeciallybehinditspolicification?Theimportanceofthis
questionisobvious.Independenceupontheanswer,wemusteitherradicallyreviseour
traditionalviewsofthesocialistsocietyingeneral,orasradicallyrejecttheofficial
estimatesoftheSovietUnion".TheprogrammeoftheBolshevikswas:"Astrongstate,but
withoutmandarins;armedpower,butwithouttheSamurai!Thepartyprogrammedemandsa
replacementofthestandingarmybyanarmedpeople.Theregimeofproletarian
dictatorshipfromitsverybeginningthusceasestobeastate'intheoldsenseoftheword-a
specialapparatus,thatis,forholdinginsubjectionthemajorityofthepeople.Thematerial
power,togetherwiththeweapons,goesoverdirectlyandimmediatelyintothehandsofthe
workers'organisationssuchasthesoviets.Thestateasabureaucraticapparatusbeginsto
dieawayonthefirstdayoftheproletariandictatorship.Suchisthevoiceoftheparty
program...Strange:itsoundslikeaspectralvoicefromthemausoleum.".TheUSSRregime
hasnotbegunto"dieaway"but"hasgrownintoahithertounheardofapparatusof
compulsion.Thebureaucracy...hasturnedintoanuncontrolledforcedominatingthemasses.
Thearmy...hasgivenbirthtoaprivilegedofficers'caste,crownedwithmarshals,whilethe
people,thearmedbearersofthedictatorship',arenowforbiddenintheSovietUnionto
carryevennonexplosiveweapons.".TrotskystarklysumsupthecontrastbetweentheUSSR
andtheworkers'state:"Withtheutmoststretchoffancyitwouldbedifficulttoimaginea
contrastmorestrikingthanthatwhichexistsbetweentheschemeoftheworkers'state
accordingtoMarx,EngelsandLenin,andtheactualstatenowheadedbyStalin"."The
regimebecametotalitarian'incharacterseveralyearsbeforethiswordarrivedfrom
Germany"."Fromthefirstdaysofthesovietregimethecounterweighttobureaucratismwas
theparty.Ifthebureaucracymanagedthestate,stillthepartycontrolledthebureaucracy.
Keenlyvigilantlestinequalitytranscendthelimitsofwhatwasnecessary,thepartywas
alwaysinastateofopenordisguisedstrugglewiththebureaucracy.Thehistoricroleof
Stalin'sfactionwastodestroythisduplication,subjectingthepartytoitsownofficialdom
andmergingthelatterintheofficialdomofthestate.Thuswascreatedthepresent
totalitarianregime".
III.Statepropertyandsocialism
Statepropertyundersucharegimecannotbesocialist."Thenewconstitution[of1936]whollyfounded,asweshallsee,uponanidentificationofthebureaucracywiththestate,
andthestatewiththepeople-says:...thestateproperty-thatis,thepossessionsofthe
wholepeople.'Thisidentificationisthefundamentalsophismoftheofficialdoctrine.Itis
perfectlytruethatMarxists,beginningwithMarxhimself,haveemployedinrelationtothe
workers'statethetermsstate,nationalandsocialistpropertyassimplesynonyms.Ona
largehistoricscale,suchamodeofspeechinvolvesnospecialinconveniences.Butit
becomesthesourceofcrudemistakes,andofdownrightdeceit,whenappliedtothefirst
andstillunassuredstagesofthedevelopmentofanewsociety,andonemoreoverisolated
andeconomicallylaggingbehindthecapitalistcountries.Inordertobecomesocial,private
propertymustasinevitablypassthroughthestatestageasthecaterpillarinordertobecome
abutterflymustpassthroughthepupalstage.Butthepupaisnotabutterfly...Stateproperty
becomesthepropertyofthewholepeople'onlytothedegreethatsocialprivilegeand
differentiationdisappear,andtherewiththenecessityofthestate.Inotherwords:state
propertyisconvertedintosocialistpropertyinproportionasitceasestobestateproperty.
Andthecontraryistrue:thehigherthesovietstaterisesabovethepeople...themore
obviouslydoesittestifyagainstthesocialistcharacterofthisstateproperty."."Thetransfer
ofthefactoriestothestatechangedthesituationoftheworkeronlyjuridically.Inreality,he
iscompelledtoliveinwantandworkadefinitenumberofhoursforadefinitewage...the
newstateresortedtotheoldmethodsofpressureuponthemusclesandnervesofthe
worker.Theregrewupacorpsofslavedrivers.Themanagementofindustrybecame
superbureaucratic.Theworkerslostallinfluencewhateveruponthemanagementofthe
factory.Withpieceworkpayment,hardconditionsofmaterialexistence,lackoffree
movement,withterriblepolicerepressionpenetratingthelifeofeveryfactory,itishard
indeedfortheworkertofeelhimselfafreeworkman.'Inthebureaucracyheseesthe
manager,inthestate,theemployer."
IV.Catchingupwithcapitalism
Trotskyrecallsthatin1846KarlMarxdefinedthedevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesas
theprerequisiteofcommunism."Withoutitwantisgeneralised,andwithwantthestruggle
fornecessitiesbeginsagain,andthatmeansthatalltheoldcrapmustrevive."IntheUSSR
the"strugglefornecessities"hasgivenrisetoamonstrousautocracy.Asystembuiltfor
forced-marchindustrialisationinanisolatedandbackwardeconomycanbedefinedas
socialismonlybydisregardingthemostbasicideasofMarxism.BysocialismMarxmeant:
"asocietywhichfromtheverybeginningstandshigherinitseconomicdevelopmentthanthe
mostadvancedcapitalism...onaworldscalecommunism,eveninitsfirstincipientstage,
meansahigherlevelofdevelopmentthatthatofbourgeoissociety...Russiawasnotthe
strongest,buttheweakestlinkinthechainofcapitalism.ThepresentSovietUniondoesnot
standabovetheworldlevelofeconomy,butisonlytryingtocatchuptothecapitalist
countries.IfMarxcalledthatsocietywhichwastobeformeduponthebasisofa
socialisationoftheproductiveforcesofthemostadvancedcapitalismofitsepochthe
loweststageofcommunism,thenthisdesignationobviouslydoesnotapplytotheSoviet
Union,whichisstilltodayconsiderablypoorerintechnique,cultureandthegoodthingsof
lifethanthecapitalistcountries...Thesovietregimeispassingthroughapreparatorystage,
importing,borrowingandappropriatingthetechnicalandculturalconquestsoftheWest...
thispreparatorystageisfarfromfinished.Evenundertheimprobableconditionofa
continuingcompletecapitaliststandstillitmuststilloccupyawholehistoricperiod".
"Socialism,ortheloweststageofcommunism...assumes...morehumaneformsofcontrol
thanthoseinventedbytheexploitativegeniusofcapital.IntheSovietUnion,however,there
isnowtakingplacearuthlesslyseverefittinginofbackwardhumanmaterialtothe
techniqueborrowedfromcapitalism...stateownershipofthemeansofproductiondoesnot
turnmanureintogold,anddoesnotsurroundwithahaloofsanctitythesweatshop
system...".Trotskyindictstheautocracy'suseof"theclassicmethodsofexploitation...in
suchnakedandcrudeformsaswouldnotbepermittedevenbyreformisttradeunionsin
bourgeoiscountries".Intheinteractionbetweenbossesandworkers-butnotonlythere"Therelationsbetweenmen...havenotonlynotyetrisentosocialism,butinmanyrespects
arestilllaggingbehindaculturedcapitalism".Andwhy?TheprogrammeoftheBolshevik
Revolution"wasbasedwhollyuponaninternationalperspective.TheOctoberrevolutionin
Russiahasrealisedthedictatorshipoftheproletariat....Theeraofworldproletarian
communistrevolutionhasbegun.'Theseweretheintroductorylinesoftheprogram."The
Bolshevikscouldnotthenimagineoranalyse"whatcharactertheSovietstatewould
assume,ifcompelledforaslongastwodecadestosolveinisolationthoseeconomicand
culturalproblemswhichadvancedcapitalismhadsolvedsolongago."Thathasledto"the
ultra-bureaucraticcharacterofitsstate";thedelayofinternationalrevolutionhasalso"led
inthecapitalistcountriestofascismorthepre-fascistreaction"."Inthelastanalysis,Soviet
Bonapartismowesitsbirthtothebelatednessoftheworldrevolution.Butinthecapitalist
countriesthesamecausegaverisetofascism...thecrushingofsovietdemocracybyanallpowerfulbureaucracyandtheexterminationofbourgeoisdemocracybyfascismwere
producedbyoneandthesamecause:thedilatorinessoftheworldproletariatinsolvingthe
problemssetforitbyhistory.Stalinismandfascism,inspiteofadeepdifferenceinsocial
foundations,aresymmetricalphenomena.Inmanyoftheirfeaturestheyshowadeadly
similarity."
V.ThenatureoftheStalinistautocracy
In"theses"on"TheFourthInternationalandtheSovietUnion",writteninJuly1936ashe
finishesTheRevolutionBetrayed,Trotskydeclaresthattheeconomicsuccessesofthe
USSR"arealreadyprovingadequatefortheemergenceofabroadprivilegedstratum".
Socialantagonismsare"enormouslyaccentuated".Inequality"isgrowingbyleapsand
bounds"."Thesovietbureaucracyhasacquiredanactualindependencefromthetoilers";it
is"themostprivilegedofalltheprivilegedstrata".Foritspeoplesovietsociety"presents
anenormoushierarchy:fromvagabondchildren,prostitutes,slumproletarians-totheruling
tenthousand'wholeadthelifeofWesternEuropeanmagnatesofcapital".Thebureaucracy
isthus,soTrotskywrites,"somethingmorethanabureaucracy"."Initsintermediaryand
regulatingfunction,itsconcerntomaintainsocialranks,anditsexploitationofthestate
apparatusforpersonalgoals,theSovietbureaucracyissimilartoeveryotherbureaucracy,
especiallythefascist.Butitisalsoinavastwaydifferent.Innootherregimehasa
bureaucracyeverachievedsuchadegreeofindependencefromthedominatingclass".By
"thedominatingclass"Trotskyheremeanstheworkingclass.Why,andinwhatsense,
Trotskybelievesthatit"dominates",weshallseelater.Theessentialpointhereisthe
contrastwiththebureaucracyincapitalistsociety,representingtheinterestsof"a
possessingandeducatedclass"having"innumerablemeansofeverydaycontrolover"the
bureaucracy.Thefascistbureaucracyinpowerintertwineswiththebigbourgeoisie,but"the
sovietbureaucracytakesonbourgeoiscustomswithouthavingbesideitanational
bourgeoisie.Inthissensewecannotdenythatitissomethingmorethanabureaucracy.Itis
inthefullsenseofthewordthesoleprivilegedandcommandingstratumintheSoviet
society"."Theveryfactofitsappropriationofpoliticalpowerinacountrywherethe
principalmeansofproductionareinthehandsofthestate,createsanewandhitherto
unknownrelationbetweenthebureaucracyandtherichesofthenation.Themeansof
productionbelongtothestate.Butthestate,sotospeak,belongs'tothebureaucracy...If
theseasyetwhollynewrelationsshouldsolidify,becomethenormandbelegalised,
whetherwithorwithoutresistancefromtheworkers,theywould,inthelongrun,leadtoa
completeliquidationofthesocialconquestsoftheproletarianrevolution".[emphasis
added]Here,Trotskyfallsintopresentingtherelationsbetweenpeopleasrelations
betweenthebureaucracyononesideandthings("therichesofthenation"),notpeople,on
theother.And,asweshallsee,Trotskywilllatermakegreatplaywiththequalification"so
tospeak"-"thestate,sotospeak,belongstothebureaucracy".Butthesociologicalpicture
ofStalinistsocietywhichTrotskypaintsisclearandfullinitsoutlines.Thestraightforward
implicationisthatthebureaucracyistherulingclass.Itorganisesproductioninaway
uniquetoitself.Itappropriatesthesocialsurplusproductonthebasisofcontrollingthe
meansoflife.Thereisnootherprivilegedelite.Theentirepopulationisatitsdisposal.
Manyaspectsofthissocietyandthisrulingclassarenew,mysteriousandstillunfolding,
anditsstabilityisnottobeassumed,butthebasicsocio-economicrelationsfitthepattern
ofallpreviousclasssocieties.Trotskyhasdescribedallthis,explainedthebasicreasons
forit,andconnectedituptothewholehistoryofclasssociety.Iftherelationsarenot
"solidified",normalised,andlegalised,theydocertainlyexist.Theyarethepatternof
Stalinistsocietyasithasfunctionedthroughitsindustrialrevolutionofthelastseveral
years.Infacthistorywillshowthoserelationstobe"solidified"enoughthattheysurvive
theWorldWarandexpandandreproduceforoverfiftyyearsafter1936.
VI."ThesystemofBonapartistgangsterism"
TheGreatTerrorbeganinlate1934androsetoafrenzyofunparalleledslaughterafter
August1936,whenStalinorganisedthefirstofthethreeMoscowTrialsinwhichalmostall
thesurvivingleadersofthe1917revolutionwereforcedtoconfesstohavingbeen"counterrevolutionaries"evenwhileleadingtheOctoberRevolutionandthenkilled.On1May1939
Trotskywrote"TheBonapartistPhilosophyoftheState"(itappearedinNewInternational,
June1939).JustfourmonthsbeforethegreatpoliticaldisputeintheTrotskyistmovement,in
whichhewouldinsistonthedescription"workers'state",thisarticlepresentsastark
pictureofadistinctsocio-economicformation,notofanypossiblesortofworkers'state.
TrotskydepictsStalinismasasystemmoreakintoDarkAgefeudalismortotherigidifying
RomanEmpireofabout300ADthantoeithersocialismorcapitalism,oranythingin
between.BynowTrotsky'sanalysisanddescriptionsoftheUSSRareinflatcontradiction
tohistheoreticalframework-itisa"degeneratedworkers'state"-andtwodistinct
TrotskyismsexistinTrotskyhimself.Theywillseparatein1939-40.Articleslikethisare
educatingthosewho,likeShachtman,willsooncomeoutagainstTrotksy'spolitical
conclusionandthenagainsthisossifiedtheoreticalparadigm."Therealitiesofsovietlife
todaycanindeedbehardlyreconciledevenwiththeshredsofoldtheory.Workersare
boundtothefactories;peasantsareboundtothecollectivefarms.[Internal]Passportshave
beenintroduced.Freedomofmovementhasbeencompletelyrestricted.Itisacapitalcrime
tocomelatetowork.PunishableastreasonisnotonlyanycriticismofStalinbuteventhe
merefailuretofulfilthenaturaldutytogetdownonallfoursbeforetheLeader'.The
frontiersareguardedbyanimpenetrablewallofborderpatrolsandpolicedogsonascale
heretoforeunknownanywhere.Toallintentsandpurposesnoonecanleaveandnoonemay
enter.Foreigners[infact,communists,andespeciallycommunistrefugeesfromcapitalist
policestates]whohadpreviouslymanagedtogetintothecountryarebeingsystematically
exterminated."The...sovietconstitution,themostdemocraticintheworld',amountstothis,
thateverycitizenisrequiredatanappointedtimetocasthisballotfortheoneandonly
candidatehandpickedbyStalinorhisagents.Thepress,theradio,alltheorgansof
propaganda,agitationandnationaleducationarecompletelyinthehandsoftheruling
clique...Howmanyhavebeenshot,thrownintojailsandconcentrationcamps,orexiledto
Siberia,wedonotdefinitelyknow.Butundoubtedlyhundredsofthousandsofparty
membershavesharedthefateofmillionsofnon-partypeople".Thoughthe"officialedict"
isthat"socialismhasbeenrealised",Stalinismhas"broughtthestatetoapitchofwild
intensityunprecedentedinthehistoryofmankind".Inthis"totalitarianstate","theparty,the
government,thearmyandthediplomaticcorpshavebeenbledwhiteandbeheaded"."The
growthandstrengtheningofthemilitaryandcivilcastesignifiesthatsocietyismovingnot
towardsbutawayfromthesocialistideal".Thepurgesand"frame-ups""mustflowfromthe
verystructureofSovietsociety...Inequalityalwaysrequiresasafeguard;privilegesalways
demandprotection;andtheencroachmentsofthedisinheritedrequirepunishment..."Trotsky
picturesthelifeofthe"rulingcaste".Inadditiontopubliclyacknowledgedsalaries,"they
receivesecretsalariesfromthetreasuriesoftheCentralCommitteeorlocalcommittees;
theyhaveattheirdisposalautomobiles(thereevenexistspecialplantsfortheproductionof
finestautomobilesfortheuseofresponsibleworkers'),excellentapartments,summer
homes,sanatoria,andhospitals.Tosuittheirneedsortheirvanityallsortsofsoviet
palaces'areerected".Trotskyshowsthatthebureaucratscanpassontotheirchildren,ifnot
propertyinthemeansofproduction,thenstatusandfuturemembershipintheelite:the
rulingcaste"almostmonopolisethehighestinstitutionsoflearning".Trotskysummarises:
"TheBonapartistapparatusofthestateisthusanorganfordefendingthebureaucratic
thievesandplunderersofnationalwealth".Inhiscapacityasthepontiffoflies,thatis,chief
liarinthestate,andasthechiefstateterrorist,Stalinis"thespokesmanofprivileged
parasites.Inthelandthathasgonethroughtheproletarianrevolution,itisimpossibleto
fosterinequality,createanaristocracy,andaccumulateprivilegessavebybringingdownon
themassesfloodsofliesandevermoremonstrousrepressions".Isthisstrangesocial
system,inwhich170millionsofpeoplelive,whichisneithercapitalistnorsocialist,anew
formofsociety?Indisputably,thissocietyexists,andthereforeitisanewformofsociety.
Trotsky,confininghimselftoanalysisanddescription,heresaysnothingofthis.Hedoesnot
believeithasreachedstability.Hestresses,asanexplanationforthesocialconvulsions,
thatthebureaucrats'incomeisinlargepartsanctionedneitherby"theprinciplesof
socialism"norby"thelawsofthecountry"."Embezzlementandtheft,thebureaucracy's
mainsourcesofincome,donotconstituteasystemofexploitationinthescientificsenseof
theterm.Butfromthestandpointoftheinterestsandpositionofthepopularmasses,itis
infinitelyworsethananyorganic'exploitation.Thebureaucracyisnotapossessingclass,in
thescientificsenseoftheterm.Butitcontainswithinitselftoatenfolddegreeallthevices
ofapossessingclass.Itispreciselytheabsenceofcrystallisedclassrelationsandtheir
veryimpossibilityonthesocialfoundationsoftheOctoberRevolutionthatinvestthe
workingsofthestatemachinewithsuchaconvulsivecharacter.Toperpetuatethe
systematictheftofthebureaucracy,itsapparatusiscompelledtoresorttosystematicactsof
banditry.ThesumtotalofallthesethingsconstitutesthesystemofBonapartistgangsterism".
VII.Gangsterstateandworkers'state?
ForTrotsky,aswehaveseen,theStalinistUSSR,simultaneouslywithbeinga"systemof
Bonapartistgangsterism",wasalsoa"degeneratedworkers'state".InTrotsky'smindthis
bizarrecontradictionwaspossibleonlybecausetheStalinistUSSRwasamomentary
concatenationofopposites,afreaksocio-economicformation.Orsohethought.Infacthe
wasfacedwithanalysingandunderstandingandintegratingintoMarxisttheorysomething
entirelynewinhistory.Thisnewstateandsocietywerenotworking-classinanypreviously
understoodsense-asTrotskyhimselfputit,"therealitiesofsovietlife[could]behardly
reconciledevenwiththeshredsofoldtheory"-andnotcapitalisteither.Almosttothevery
end-andthen,inSeptember-October1939,hemadeonlytentativemovestoarectification
-Trotskywaslikeamantryingtofindhiswayinunknownterritory,usingamapofanother,
radicallydifferent,terrain.HesawStalinismasintransitioneithertocapitalismlikethatin,
say,China,orTurkey,ortoaregeneratedworkers'state-butnotasadistinctsystemviable,
beyondmaybeafewyears,initsexistingform.Herefusedtogiveitastatic'label-or
identifyitasadistinctsocio-economicformation.Hedescribedthe"systemofBonapartist
gangsterism"anddevelopedaworking-classprogrammetofightitsrulers,butonthelevel
oftheoryhadnot,sotospeak,recogniseditsdistinctcharacter.Therupturingoftheformsof
nationalisedeconomywouldleadtothefirstalternative,capitalism;therupturingofthe
politicalform,bureaucraticrule,tothesecond,regenerationoftheworkers'state.Stalinism
intheSovietUnionwouldlastsixandahalfdecades.Trotsky'sworkcovereditsfirst
decadeandahalf.Itisnotsurprisingthathelefttheworkofanalysinganewand
unexpectedsocio-economicformationuncompletedathisdeath.ContrastTrotsky'ssituation
asheanalysedStalinismwithMarx'sasheanalysedcapitalism90yearsbefore.When
Marxbegantoanalysecapitalistsocietyinthe1840s,capitalismhadexistedinvarying
formsandphasesandindifferentcountriesforperhaps400years(Marx'sowndating,in
Capital).Industrialcapitalismwas70yearsold.Capitalismhadproduceditsown
revolutioninHolland(16thcentury),England(17thcentury),AmericaandFrance(18th
century).Theclassstruggleswithincapitalismhadalonghistory.Capitalismhadalarge
bodyofpolitical,socialandeconomictheory;theworkingclasshadalreadycreateditsfirst
massmovement(Chartism,inBritainattheendofthe1830sandinthe1840s).In1831the
silk-workersseizedthecityofLyons,inFrance,andhelditforawhile.Trotsky,however,
facedaStalinistsystemwhichcameintobeinganddevelopedinashorttime-inallits
unexpectedness,andoperatingbyitsadaptationtoitsownpurposesofoldwaysandbythe
transmutationintotheiroppositesofoldforms,somebearingaformalresemblancetowhat
theOctoberRevolutionhadcreated.Ithadarisenwithintheworking-classstateofthe
OctoberRevolution,heavilydisguisedandbearingitsownformofnationalisedeconomy
whichitestablishedbywayofconquestoftheeconomicformssetupbytherevolution.
Scrupulouslyrecordingthefactsofbureaucraticrule,Trotskyspent17yearsuntilhisdeath
wrestlingwiththecontradictionsbetweenthosefactsandsocialistnormsandthe
perspectivesoftheOctoberRevolution.
VIII:Programmeandanalysis
TrotskydenouncedStalinismwithunequalledacuteness.Hedevelopedanadequate
working-classprogrammeofactionagainstit.Whyshouldthegeneraltheoreticaldefinition
-"degeneratedworkers'state"orotherwise-matter?CentraltothepoweroftheRussian
bureaucracyinitsinternationalpoliticaloperationwasitscredibilityastheleadershipofa
still-aliveRussianworkers'Revolution.ThereforeanalysisofRussia,asitevolvedand
mutatedinthe1920sand'30s,wascentraltotheworkofmarginalisedBolshevismin
rebuildingamassrevolutionaryinternational.SolongastheUSSR's"communist"
credentialsremainedgoodwiththerevolutionaryworkers,theTrotskyistswouldnotbea
forceinthelabourmovement.Theirfailuretograspearlythefactthatanewclassruledthatdespiteappearancesanddespitethenationalisedproperty,theUSSRhadnothingtodo
withworking-classrule-wasanimmenseweakness.Itledtowholesaledesertionfromthe
ranksoftheRussianLeftOppositionin1928-30,anditwouldmakecompetitionforthe
allegianceofrevolutionaryworkersextraordinarilydifficultforaTrotskyistmovement
whichbelievedthatdespiteeverythingithadavastcommongroundwiththeStalinistsin
defenceoftheSovietUnion.OntheeveofTrotsky'sdeathanewtwist,inresponsetoanew
stageofself-assertionbythenewStalinistrulingclass-thebeginningofRussian
imperialistexpansion,atfirstinalliancewithHitler'sGermany-wouldripapartthe
Trotskyistmovement,andsetinmotionaprocessthatwouldchangethemeaningofwords
andsymbolsinawaythatparalleledthechangesthatStalinismhadwroughtinthe
vocabularyandperspectivesofthe1917revolution.RevolutionaryMarxismismorethana
socialistprogramme:itisaseriesofbroadhistoricalperspectivesbasedonanalysisand
research.Ontheaccuracyofthoseanalysesultimatelydependstheintellectualvalidityof
therevolutionarysocialistprogramme.WithoutMarx'sanalysisofcapitalism,inwhichhe
uncoveredthemechanismsofexploitationwithinrelationsoflegalequalitybetween
capitalistandworker,socialismwouldstillbeonlyaninchoateyearningforabetterworld.
Stalin's"secondrevolution"of1928-30shapedtheUSSRforthenext60years.Trotsky
interpreteditasacontinuationanddevelopmentof1917.Thisenormouserrorgenerated
overadecade,andafterTrotsky'sdeathfivedecades,oftheoreticaldisorientationand
historicalmisunderstanding.Muchofitpersists,longafterthecollapseoftheUSSR.Itled
toanirresolublecontradictionbetweenTrotsky'saccurateandprobingconcrete
descriptionsoftheUSSRandhistheoreticalparadigmthattheUSSRwasadegenerated
workers'state.Fromthe1920stolongafterTrotsky'sdeath,thosewhosharedhisviewthat
theStalinregimepreservedthe"gains"or"remains"ofOctoberfoundthemselves
ambivalenttowardsStalinism.AtrootthiswasbecauseofthenatureofStalinismitself.It
wasanti-capitalist:attheendofthe1920sitannihilatedthepro-capitalistforces.Inthe
1940sand1950sitwipedoutcapitalisminmanycountries.Stalinism'sTrotskyistcritics
weredrivenintoembodyingtwoincongruouspoliticalpersonalities-thatoftheadvocate
anddefenderoftheexistingworkingclass,intheUSSRandoutside,andthatofthe
proponentofabroadhistoricalperspectiveofanti-capitalistrevolution,inwhichthe
StalinistrulerswerefornowthecustodiansoftheOctoberRevolution,andlaterofother
revolutionswhichcreatedasmuchaswassaidto"remain"ofOctober.TheStalinistrulers,
whosavagelyoppressedandexploitedtheworkers,werenonetheless,intheirroleof
custodiansorcreatorsofnationalisedproperty,partoftheworldrevolution.Untilthe
workersgotridofthem,eventheyhadtobe"defended"againstcapitalism.Trotskysawthe
nationalisedpropertyaspost-capitalistinform,lessthanadvanced-capitalistincontent,and
shackledbythebureaucracy.Attheheartofthiscontradictorysystemstoodanineradicable
antagonismbetweenthebureaucracyandtheproletariat.Becauseofthiscontradiction,
planningwasvitiated.Thebureaucratsruledandplanned"withallthelightsout",ina
systemdeprivedofdemocraticself-monitoringandself-rule.TheStalinistterrorfunctioned
asacrudesubstituteinstrumentofcontrol,dynamismandmonitoring.Itwasnotenoughto
haveaprogrammeofactionagainstthebureaucracy:thesystemneededtobeexplained,to
haveitsrealrelationshiptobothcapitalismandsocialism,tothebourgeoisieandtothe
proletariat,anditsplaceinhistoricalevolutionworkedoutandestablished.Nothingwas
whatitwasproclaimedtobe.TheStalinistsystemdressedupastheRussianworkers'
revolutiondepartedmostfromthegoalsandpurposesofoldsocialismwhereitseemed
mosttorealisethemethodsandtechniques-nationalisationforexample-thatsocialismhad
advocated.RealMarxismneededtobestarklyseparatedfromthe"Marxism"withwhich,
confusingly,itseemedtosharesomuch-the"officialMarxism"ofobfuscationsand
scholasticismpurveyedbyStalinism.TheStalinistlies,andtheirsystematicreversalofthe
meaningofallthetermsinrealMarxism,neededtobedissectedandanalysed.Theprecise
pointsatwhichStalinismpartedcompanywithunfalsifiedMarxismhadtobeclearly
established;thejointsatwhichinterestsalientotheworkingclasshadbeengraftedonto
oldMarxistanti-capitalistconceptslocated.MuchoftheworkofMarxismwasamatterof
uncoveringliesandfalsificationsandestablishingonthelevelofplainfacttherealityofthe
USSR,measuredagainstMarxisttheory,working-classprogrammeandsocialistpurpose.
Thesecretofhowoutof"commonownership"therecamenotsocialismbutthissystemof
statetyrannyhadtobeuncovered.Trotskywasclosetotheendofhislifebeforethe
problemasposedbyhistory-theStalinistUSSRasadistinctsysteminitsownright-was
posedbyhimclearly:almostallhistheoreticalworkontheSovietUniontookforgranted
theframeworkinwhichregressiontocapitalismwasseenasthealternativetoanew
socialistrevolution.Hedidnotadequatelydefineandcharacterisethesocialmutationthat
actuallyexisted.FacedwithanewsocialsystemintheUSSRTrotskypicturedit,explored
itsoppressionsanditsrealmeaningforworkingpeopleintheirday-to-daylives.He
opposedtoStalin'ssystemaworking-classprogramme:essentially,the1917programmeof
theBolsheviks.Heputdowntheelementsofananalysislikepin-pointsonaboard,butdid
notdrawthelinesbetweenthepointsthatwouldmakeanadequatetheoreticaloutlineofthe
Stalinistsystem.Infact,inarticleslike"TheTheoryofDegeneration"and"TheBonapartist
Philosophy",andinhisbookTheRevolutionBetrayed,heportrayedtheStalinistUSSR
clearlyasthenewsystemitwas;buthenever,untiltheeveofhisdeathandthenonly
hypothetically,defineditassuch.[InTheUSSRinWar(September1939)andAgainand
oncemore...(October1939)].In1936hedepictedtherealrelationshipbetweenthe"legal"
ownersofstateproperty,theworkers,anditspolitical"owners",thebureaucratswho
"owned"thestate.Buthedrewbackfromtheconclusionplainlyindicatedbywhathe
wrote.Hewasnotallowedtolivelongenoughtodrawthatconclusion,thoughhe
unmistakablymovedtowardsit.AttheendofhislifehestillsawStalinismintermsofother
socialformations-capitalism,socialism-andonlytentatively,andasifthroughashifting
mist,aswhatitreallywas,somethingdistinctbothfromcapitalismandfromsocialism:
distinctfromcapitalism,althoughthebureaucracywasexploitative;anddistinctfrom
working-classsocialism,althoughitwasanti-capitalistand,initsownbureaucraticway,
collectivist.MuchofTrotskyattheendisunclearandself-contradictory.Thisledtoasplit
thatwoulddefinetwoverydifferent"Trotskyisms"intheyearsafterTrotsky'sdeath.The
rootsofthatsplitlayintheconflictingelementsthathadaccumulatedtothepointof
unmanageablecontradictioninTrotsky'sviewoftheUSSR.Russia'sroleattheoutbreakof
theSecondWorldWarbroughtittoahead.Trotsky'sheirs,afterhisassassinationinAugust
1940,inheritedtheoreticalchaosinaworldundergoingchangesthatwouldshapeittothe
endofthetwentiethcentury.OnereasonwhyTrotskyattheendis"difficult"andconfusing
onthisquestionis,Ithink,thathesometimeshiftsfromoneframeworktoanother,anddoes
notalwaysmakeitplain-ifitwasalwayscleartohim-whatframeworkheisusing.He
hadchangedhisframeworkforviewingtheUSSRsubstantiallyseveraltimes-around
1929-30;around1933;around1936-andattheendwastentativelyproposingyetanother
framework.Trotskyhadrespondedtoeachnewstage,eachnewevent,eachnewhorrorand
outrage,withprotests,analysis,proposalsforlabourmovementaction.Headvocated
revolution.ButuntiltheStaliniststatusquowasdisruptedbybourgeoiscounter-revolution
oranewworkers'"political"revolution-untilthen,theUSSRremainedadegenerated
workers'state.EvenwhenTrotskybelievedtheautocracyhadbecomeanabsolutebrakeon
theeconomy,itremainedthesupervisorofthemilitarydefenceoftheUSSR,foritsown
self-interestedreasonsandinitsownway,andinthatsenseitremainedrelatively
progressiveagainstanycapitalistforces.Timeaftertimeinthe1930s,Trotskyexpectedthat
theStalinistsystemsimplycouldnotgoon.Thesystemwasnot-and,hethought,couldnot
be-stable.WeknownowthatitwouldsurviveTrotskyforhalfacentury,andspread
nationalisedpropertyinvariousways,orinspireitsspread,toafurtherone-sixthofthe
globe,andtovastlygreaterpopulationsthantheUSSR's.Trotsky'spositioncommittedthose
whoagreedwithhimto"defend"theUSSRasitbecameanexpansionaryimperialistpower
andtodefendtheregimesitsetupinEasternEurope,firstasajuniorpartnerofHitler
(August1939toJune1941);thenasalessjuniorpartnerofBritainandtheUSA(1941-45);
andfinally,afterthefallofHitler'sReich,asthegreatestpowerinEuropeandoneofthe
twogreatpowersoftheworld-apredatory,looting,savagelyrepressive,workerenslaving,backward,ultra-reactionaryempire.Infact,despiteallthathadchanged,itwas
anempirestrangelyliketheTsaristempire,asMarxhadknownandloathedit,inits
relationshiptoEurope.GivenTrotsky'sbaselinecriteriaforclassifyingtheUSSR,hewas
tiedtothat"workers'state",howeverdegenerated,reactionary,orimperialisticitmightbe.
Toputitcrudely,solongastheUSSRwasimperialistonthebasisofnationalisedproperty,
itwasnotimperialist-or,anyway,notquitelikereactionarycapitalistimperialism.Asthe
horrorspiledup,culminating,withtheHitler-Stalinpact,intheeruptionofStalin's
bureaucraticimperialism,theoutlinesofTrotsky'stheoryagainandagainwerestretchedout
ofshapetoaccommodatethedogmathatthis,whateveritwas,remainedaworkers'state,
andprogressivesolongasnationalisedpropertywaspreserved.Trotsky,ofcourse,didnot
thinkthatsystemcouldlast.Expecting,atpointafterpoint,therupturingoftheUSSR,
Trotskywasbytheenddisoriented-forexampleinhiscommentsontheStalinistinvasion
ofFinland-andhemusthaveknownandfeltit.Hisfollowers,inthemovementhefounded
tocontinuetheworkoftheearlyCommunistInternational,wouldbederailedbythe
survivaloftheStalinistsystem-anditsexpansionasarevolutionaryanti-capitalistforce.If
Trotsky'spositionontheUSSRwascorrect,then"orthodox"neo-Trotskyism-withits
ineradicabletendencytoassumetheroleofloyalliberalcritictovariousStalinistregimes-
followedlogicallyandnecessarily.WhosaysAandBandsoontothe19thletterofthe
alphabetmustthensaytherest-orchangethealphabet.Trotskywasbytheendreducedto
defendinghispositionwiththeargumentthatitwouldbe"ridiculous"toappendtothe
Stalinistbureaucracyandthesysteminwhichitruledthedesignationofanewclasssociety
justafewyearsormonthsbeforeitscollapse.Butthesystemdidlast,anditdidexpand.
The"orthodox"neo-Trotskyistsarrivedreluctantly-thosewhosurvivedtheideological
rocksandrapidsofthestrangevoyage-atabsurditiesandideologicalinversionsthat
sometimescompoundedtheabsurditiesofStalinismitselfand,anyway,paralleledand
"Trotskyised"them.Theyarrivedattheideaof-"fornow"-progressiveStalinism.When
historyprovidedneithercapitalistcounter-revolutionnorworking-class"political"
revolution,theonlywayoutofthisreductioadabsurdum,andthedestructionby
accommodationtoStalinismofthenormsandparametersofsocialism,wastofindthe
originalerrorinthecalculationsandtogobackandlearntoseetheStalinistsystemfor
whatitwas,auniquesocio-economicformation-toreconceptualisetheUSSR.
IX.Dissolvingbeingintobecoming
Trotsky'sfirstdetailedattempttosquarethefactoftheUSSRasabureaucratictyrannywith
theconceptofitasaworkers'statewasinanarticleofOctober1933,"TheClassNatureof
theSovietState".Inithecodifiedanddevelopedallthemainideasthatwouldinformhis
polemicsonthisissueuptohisdeath;though,overthenextsixorsevenyears,hewould
radicallyshiftthebalanceandmeaningofmanyofthetermsofthetheory.Attheendthe
contentofwhathesaidwouldberadicallydifferent,thoughthetermsremainedthesame.
Throughthe1930s,Trotskystretchedthemeaningoftheoldtermsagainandagainuntilby
theendhistheorywasverydifficulttounderstand.Hemaintainedanincreasinglyfictitious
continuitybyamethodwhichresembledthemedievalartofpalimpsestry-writingnew
contentintoanoldtext.Trotsky'sstarting-pointintheOctober1933articleisthefactthat,
sincetheGermanCommunistParty'scollapsewithoutafightafterHitler'scomingtopower
inJanuary1933,hebelievesthattheCommunistInternationalmustnowbewrittenoffasa
potentiallyrevolutionaryworking-classforce.ThegenuineBolsheviksmustseektobuild
newparties.ButthesameStalinistapparatusrulesboththeInternationalandtheUSSR.Itis
"equallyruinous"intheUSSRandintheCommunistInternational."Isn'titthennecessaryto
recognisethesimultaneouscollapseoftheCommunistInternationalandtheliquidationof
theproletariandictatorshipintheUSSR?".RecallthatTrotskyhaswrittenonlyafew
monthsbeforethattheUSSR"isanalmostpurelybureaucraticeconomy"inwhichindustry
has"losttheabilitytosatisfyhumanwantseventothedegreetowhichithadbeen
accomplishedbytheless-developedcapitalistindustry...".AndwhenintheOctober1933
articleTrotskydiscussestheideathatStalinismiswhatwouldbecalled"bureaucratic
collectivism",hedoesnottrytoshowanyimmediatefactualdifferencesbetweenthe
StalinistUSSRasitisfrom"bureaucraticcollectivism".TheviewoftheSocialDemocrat
andex-CommunistLucienLauratthattheUSSRis"neitherproletariannorbourgeois"but
"representsanabsolutelynewtypeofclassorganisation,becausethebureaucracynotonly
rulesovertheproletariatpoliticallybutalsoexploitsiteconomically,devouringthat
surplusvaluethathithertofelltothelotofthebourgeoisie"is,saysTrotsky,a"superficial
andpurelydescriptivesociology'".Hedoesnotdenythatitisanaccuratedescription.
Contemptuously,TrotskyequatestheSocialDemocratic"compilator"Lauratwith"the
Russo-PolishrevolutionistMakhaisky"who"withmuchmorefireandsplendour"hadover
30yearspreviously"define[d]thedictatorshipoftheproletariat'asascaffoldforthe
commandingpostsofanexploitingbureaucracy".Makhaisky"onlydeepened'sociologically
andeconomicallytheanarchisticprejudicesagainststatesocialism".Trotskydoesnothere
distinguishbetweentheUSSRunder
Stalinandtheso-called"statesocialism"-theregimeofaprofoundlydemocraticworkers'
state-whichisthesubstanceofthedisputebetweenMarxistsandanarchists.Theindustrial
growthhasproducedan"economicandculturalupliftofthelabouringmasses"-thisisin
factnottrue-andthat"musttendtounderminetheverybasesofbureaucraticdomination".
"Inthelightofthisfortunatehistoricalvariant,thebureaucracyturnsouttobeonlythe
instrument-abadandexpensiveinstrument-ofthesocialiststate".Trotskydoesnotthink
thiswillhappengradually.Thebureaucracymustbetamedbyworking-classforce,andthe
USSRworkingclasswillassemblethenecessaryforceonlyundertheimpulseofworkingclassrevolutionintheWest.Andinthemeantime,thebureaucracyretardstheeconomicand
culturalgrowthofthecountry."Thefurtheruninhibitedgrowthofbureaucratismmustlead
inevitablytothecessationofeconomicandculturalgrowth,toaterriblesocialcrisisand
thedownwardplungeoftheentiresociety".Butbureaucraticdominationwouldendwith
thiscollapse."Inplaceoftheworkers'statewouldcomenotsocialbureaucratic'but
capitalistrelations".InthiswayTrotskydefinesawaytheproblemoftheUSSRasitexists
intheyear1933,conjuringitoutofexistencebylogic-choppingwithperspectives.
Fundamentally,theUSSRisaworkers'statebecauseitwasonein1917-21;ithasnotyet
revertedtocapitalism,andTrotskyisnotyetreadytoconcedetheexistenceinthemodern
eraofasocietyoutsidethetwomainalternatives,bourgeoisorworkers'rule."Whetherwe
takethevariantoffurthersuccessesfortheSovietregimeor,contrariwise,thevariantofits
collapse,thebureaucracyineithercaseturnsoutnottobeanindependentclassbutan
excrescenceupontheproletariat".TheideaoftheUSSRasaproductofdevelopmentand
degenerationfrom1917,andasheadingforeitherbourgeoiscounter-revolutionorworkingclassregeneration,hasreplacedanydefinitionofwhatitis.Thiswillremainacentral
characteristicofTrotsky'sthinkingtotheveryend.AlthoughinrealitytheUSSRisalready
initsessentialsastableentityforameaningfulperiodbythescaleofhumanlife,in
Trotsky'stheoryitisameremomentofever-changinghistoricalflux.Itisasifthemoving
filmiscounterposedtothe"snapshots"thatmakeitup;Trotskyreplacesanalysisofbeing
byconsiderationsofbecomingandpassingoutofexistence.TrotskyargueswithLauratnot
aboutfacts,butabouttheinterpretationofagreedfactsandofanagreedpictureofthe
USSR.Laurat'sargumentaboutthebureaucracy's"uncontrolledappropriationofan
absolutelydisproportionatepartofthenationalincome"isbasedon"undubitablefacts"but
it"doesnot...changethesocialphysiognomyofthebureaucracy".DecisiveinTrotsky's
viewistheideathat"thebureaucracyderivesitsprivilegesnotfromanyspecialproperty
relationspeculiartoitasaclass',butfromthosepropertyrelationsthathavebeencreated
bytheOctoberRevolutionandthatarefundamentallyadequateforthedictatorshipofthe
proletariat".Thebureaucracypractises"not...classexploitation,inthescientificsenseof
theword,but...socialparasitism".The"necessity"orotherwiseofthebureaucracy'srolein
theeconomyshouldbederivedfromanaccountofthesocietyasitis;butTrotskyderivesit
fromthegeneraltheoryofprevioussocieties,usingthatgeneraltheoryagainstthefactsof
theUSSRhehimselfhasrecorded.
X."Thegatekeeperofthesocialconquests"
Iffirstlyandirreplaceablyproletariandictatorshipmeansthepoliticalruleoftheworkers,
thenTrotsky'swriting-offoftheCommunistInternationalandhispictureoftherealitiesof
theUSSRmusttellhimthattheUSSRisnolongeraworkers'state.Hearrivesatthe
oppositeanswerbychangingthemeaningofthetermsandbypostulating,onthebasisofthe
experienceoftheUSSR,thatthequestionofworking-classpoliticsisposedaftera
successfulrevolutionaltogetherdifferentlyfromthewayitisposedintheclassstruggle
undercapitalistrule.TheCommunistPartiesoftheWest,hewrites,havenothingbut
themselves,"noinheritedcapital";bycontrast,"thesovietgovernmentrepresentsan
instrumentforthepreservationofconquestsofanalreadyaccomplishedoverturn...NinetenthsofthestrengthoftheStalinistapparatusliesnotinitselfbutinthesocialchanges
wroughtbythevictoriousrevolution".ThisexplainshowtheStalinistapparatuscouldstill
"preserveapartofitsprogressivemeaningasthegatekeeperofthesocialconquestsofthe
proletarianrevolution".By"socialconquests"hemeansnationalisedproperty.Essentially
Trotsky'spositionnowisthattheworkers'revolutionis,sotospeak,congealedinthe
economicformswhichTrotskyseesasitsproduct,ratheraslivinglabouriscongealedin
capital.Why?TrotskyknewtheargumentsoftheMarxistclassicsagainstidentifying
nationalisedeconomywithsocialismorworking-classrule.Forexample,Antonio
Labriola:"Itisbettertousetheexpressiondemocraticsocialisationofthemeansof
production'thanthatofcollectiveproperty'becausethelatterimpliesacertaintheoretical
errorinthat,tobeginwith,itsubstitutesfortherealeconomicfactajuridicalexpression
andmoreoverinthemindofmorethanoneitisconfusedwiththeincreaseofmonopolies,
withtheincreasingstatisationofpublicutilitiesandwithalltheotherfantasmagoriaofthe
ever-recurringStatesocialism,thewholeeffectofwhichistoincreasetheeconomicmeans
ofoppressioninthehandsoftheoppressingclass"[InMemoryoftheCommunist
Manifesto,1895].
OrJamesConnolly:"Stateownershipandcontrolisnotnecessarilysocialist-ifitwere
thenthearmyandthenavy,thepolice,thejudges,thegaolers,theinformersandthehangmen
wouldallbesocialistfunctionaries,astheyareallstateofficials-buttheownershipbythe
stateofallthelandsandmaterialforlabour,combinedwiththeco-operativecontrolbythe
workersofsuchlandandmaterials,wouldbesocialist...Tothecryofthemiddle-class
reformers,Makethisorthatthepropertyofthegovernment',wereply-Yes,inproportion
astheworkersarereadytomakethegovernmenttheirproperty'.".Thiswascommonplace
Marxism.OrKarlKautsky:"Theeconomicactivityofthemodernstateisthenaturalstarting
pointofthedevelopmentthatleadstotheCo-operativeCommonwealth.Itdoesnot,
however,followthateverynationalisationofaneconimicfunctionoranindustryisastep
towardstheCo-operativeCommonwealth,andthatthelattercouldbetheresultofageneral
nationalisationofallindustrieswithoutanychangeinthecharacterofthestate.Thetheory
thatthiscouldbethecaseisthatofthestateSocialists.Itarisesfromamisunderstandingof
thestateitself...Asanexploiteroflabour,thestateissuperiorto(i.e.worsethan)any
privatecapitalist.Besidestheeconomicpowerofthecapitalists,itcanalsobringtobear
upontheexploitedclassesthepoliticalpowerwhichitalreadywields...Thestatewillnot
ceasetobeacapitalistinstitutionuntiltheproletariat,theworkingclass,hasbecomethe
rulingclass;notuntilthenwillitbecomepossibletoturnitintoaCo-operative
Commonwealth"[CommentaryontheErfurtPrograsmme,1891].
Atfirst,after1928,TrotskyhasseenStalin'snewcommandeconomyasaforedoomed
desperateadministrativeattempttofloutthelawsofeconomicsandsociety,certainto
collapsequickly.Ithasnotcollapsed.Industryhasgrown.Atthesametime,western
capitalismhasspiralledintoslump.Insteadofidentifyingthecreationofthetotalitarian
commandeconomyasthefullsocial,aswellaspolitical,bureaucraticcounter-revolutionit
was,Trotsky,extrapolatingthelogicofhisviewin1923-8thattheneo-bourgeoisiewasthe
mainthreat,andtheStalinist"centre"dangerousprimarilybecauseofitsinadequate
responsetothatthreat,choosestointerprettheindustrialgrowthoftheUSSRasan
expressionoftheimmanentforceofthenationalisedeconomy.Heseparatesagencyfrom
meansandbeginstofetishisemeans,inaprocessthatwillendforTrotskyisminconfusing
meanswithends.Trotskyisswayedbytheweightofthefactthat,ashewillwriteinThe
RevolutionBetrayed,"Thefirstconcentrationofthemeansofproductioninthehandsofthe
statetooccurinhistorywasachievedbytheproletariatwiththemethodofsocial
revolution,andnotbycapitalistswiththemethodofstatetrustification".Thisnationalised
economyisaworking-classconquest,allowinguniqueprogress.Ifthestateispreserving
thatnationalisedeconomy,howeverbadlyandwithwhateveroverheadcosts,itisa
workers'state.Forhisbottom-lineargumentTrotskyisreducedtovicariousboastingabout
Stalin'seconomicachievements,whichheattributesto"October".Butthispicturedepends
onnotgivingdueweightintheanalysistothepartplayedbythe"corpsofslave-drivers"
[Trotsky:TheRevolutionBetrayed]andbythedrivingdownoftheUSSRworkers'shareof
socialproducetothesubsistencelevelofancientserfsandslaves,and,fortheenslaved
manymillions,belowthatlevel.ItalsodependsonforgettingordownplayingwhatTrotsky
himselfhaswritten:thattheUSSR'sindustrialprogressislimitedtocatchingupwiththe
advancedcapitalistcountries-or,rather,reducingthedistancebywhichitlagsbehind
them.
XI.Theendofcapitalistprogress?
Trotsky's"overestimation"oftheformsofnationalisedpropertyisunintelligibleunlessitis
understoodasinextricablylinkedwithanddependentonhisparallel"underestimation"of
capitalism.ForTrotskyinthe1930scapitalismwasacollapsingsystemattheendofits
historicalspan.Marx,incontrasttoprevioussocialists,sawsocialismnotjustasanegation
ofcapitalismbutalsoassomething"springingfromanexistingclassstruggle,froma
historicalmovementgoingonunderourveryeyes"[Marx:TheCommunistManifesto].The
workingclass,hewrote,"havenoidealstorealise,buttosetfreetheelementsofthenew
societywithwhicholdcollapsingbourgeoissocietyitselfispregnant"[Marx:TheCivil
WarinFrance].InMarx'sview,capitalismdidprogressivework,byproducingthe
elementsforsocialism-advancedtechnology,socialisedproduction,aneducatedworking
class,able,asarule,toorganise,evenifnotinfulllegality.AfterWorldWar1,the
communistmovementbelievedthatthoseelementsweresufficientlydevelopedtomake
socialismashort-termpossibility:capitalismhadenteredaperiodofdecay.Warandcrises
stoppeditadvancingandhadevenbeguntodestroysomeofitspreviousprogressive
achievements.Nevertheless,asLeninremarked,thereisnosituationwithoutawayoutfor
thebourgeoisie.Capitalismhadnotreachedadeadstop.Iftheworkersfailedtoseizethe
opportunitiestooverthrowcapitalism,then,eventually,outofblood,sufferingandchaos,
capitalismwouldrevive.Trotskyexplainedthisaslateas1928:"Theoretically,tobesure,
evenanewchapterofageneralcapitalistprogressinthemostpowerful,rulingandleading
countriesisnotexcluded.Butforthis,capitalismwouldfirsthavetoovercomeenormous
barriersofaclassaswellasofaninter-statecharacter.Itwouldhavetostranglethe
proletarianrevolutionforalongtime...Inthefinalanalysis,thisquestionwillbesettledin
thestruggleofinternationalforces."[StrategyandTacticsintheImperialistEpoch].
Inthe1930s,however,ablanket"negativism"inrelationtocapitalismbecamecentralto
Trotsky'spositiveappreciationofnationalisedeconomyintheUSSR.InTheTransitional
Programme(1938)hewouldwrite:"Theeconomicprerequisitefortheproletarian
revolutionhasalreadyingeneralachievedthehighestpointoffruitionthatcanbereached
undercapitalism.Mankind'sproductiveforcesstagnate...Thebourgeoisieitselfseesno
wayout".In"TheUSSRinWar"(September1939)hewouldassert:"Thedisintegrationof
capitalismhasreachedextremelimits,likewisethedisintegrationoftheoldrulingclass.
Thefurtherexistenceofthissystemisimpossible".TheclassicstudiesofLeninand
Bukharinonimperialismhadforeseenarapiddevelopmentofcapitalisminthelessdevelopedcountriesaccompanyingcrisesinthemoreadvancedcountries.Inthelongrun
theywereright,evenforthe1930s,wheresomeThirdWorldcountriesstartedsubstantial
"import-substitutionindustrialisation";butin1928theStalinistsmadeittheirofficial
doctrinethatimperialismforcedtotalstagnationonthoseless-developedcountries.Trotsky
nevertookissuewiththenewteaching.Ifinthe1930shehadseentheindustrialgrowthof
countriessuchasJapanandMexicoasindicatinganimportantandsubstantialpattern,
thoughlimitedandonthemarginsofworldcapital,thatwouldhaveputStalin'seconomic
successesintoamorebalancedandnuancedperspective;butheneverdid.Inhislast
period,thisvisionwouldpushTrotskyintoasortof"sectarian"anti-capitalism,andlater
hisneo-Trotskyistfollowersinto"unconditional"supportforanything-nevermindwhatthatwasanti-capitalist.
XII.A"locum"fortheworkingclass
TheUSSRmuststillbeaworkers'state,Trotskyargues,becauseitwasestablishedby
meansofa"politicaloverturn"andthreeyearsofcivilwar.Experienceshowsthatpeaceful
proletarianrevolutionisimpossible."How,inthatcase,istheimperceptible,gradual',
bourgeoiscounter-revolutionconceivable?...Hewhoassertsthatthesovietgovernmenthas
beengraduallychangedfromproletariantobourgeoisisonly,sotospeak,running
backwardsthefilmofreformism".AlthoughTrotskywillcontinuetousethisargumentto
theend,anditwillplayanimmenseroleinthepoliticsofneo-Trotskyism,heanswersit
himselfin"TheWorkers'State,Bonapartism,andtheQuestionofThermidor"(1935)."The
present-daydominationofStalininnowayresemblesthesovietruleduringtheinitialyears
oftherevolution.Thesubstitutionofoneregimefortheotheroccurrednotatasinglestroke
butthroughaseriesofmeasures,bymeansofanumberofminorcivilwarswagedbythe
bureaucracyagainsttheproletarianvanguard...".Trotskyasks:howcanthedictatorshipof
thebureaucracyovertheproletariatbeaformofthedictatorshipoftheproletariat?The
dictatorshipoftheproletariatisnotapristinenorm,butahistoricalreality,bornin
backwardRussiaandevolvinginhistorytowhatitis,inwhichcanbeseenelementsof
continuityandofrupture.Therearenoapriorirecipesforthedictatorshipoftheproletariat.
Itisrootedinitsownhistory.Trotskydeclaresthatthedictatorshipofaclass"doesnot
meanbyalongshotthatitsentiremassalwaysparticipatesinthemanagementofthestate".
Hemakesanalogieswiththeruleofpropertiedclasses-noblesrulingthroughmonarchies,
bourgeoisrulingthroughpoliticaldictatorships,likefascism,thatdisenfranchisethe
bourgeoisclass.Heanticipatestheargumentthat"thebourgeoisie,asanexploitingminority,
canalsopreserveitshegemonybymeansofafascistdictatorship,theproletariatbuildinga
socialistsocietymustmanageitsgovernmentitself,directlydrawingever-widermassesof
thepeopleintothetaskofgovernment.Initsgeneralformthisargumentisundeniable".But
here,hesays,itmeansonly"thepresentsovietdictatorshipisasickdictatorship...the
bureaucracyhasexpropriatedtheproletariatpoliticallyinordertoguarditssocial
conquestswithitsownmethods.Theanatomyofsocietyisdeterminedbyitseconomic
relations.SolongastheformsofpropertythathavebeencreatedbytheOctoberRevolution
arenotoverthrown,theproletariatremainstherulingclass".Infacttheissueisnot,as
Trotskystatesit,onlyoneofinvolvementoflargeorsmallnumbersingovernment.Itis
fundamentallywhetherwiththeexistingbureaucraticregime,andtheactualplaceofthe
workingclassinthesystem,theworkerscanruleatall.Or,toputitanotherway,whether
the"formsofproperty"actuallydefinetheeconomicrelations,orwhetherneweconomic
relations,shapedbythenatureofthepoliticalpowerthatcontrolsthesocio-economicand
politicalrelations,havebeencreatedwithintheformalitiesofnationalisedproperty.The
Bolsheviks'ideain1921thattheymustactasa"gatekeeper","watchman"or"locum"for
theenfeebledworkingclass,entwinedwiththenew"norms"createdwhentheBolsheviks
madevirtueoutoftheexigenciesofthecivilwarandtheeconomiccollapsein1921,still
gripsanddistortsTrotsky'svisionevennowthat,onhisownaccount:"Thepartydoesnot
exist"andanti-workingclasscareeristsandpoliticalturncoatsrule.Hedismisses
"dissertationsuponthedictatorshipofthebureaucracyovertheproletariat'[which]without
amuchdeeperanalysis,thatis,withoutaclearexplanationofthesocialrootsandtheclass
limitsofbureaucraticdomination,boildownmerelytohigh-falutingdemocraticphrasesso
extremelypopularamongtheMensheviks".Hegoesontoassertthatsovietworkers,though
theyhatethebureaucracy,failtoresorttoviolentmassactionnotsimplybecauseof
repression:"Theworkersfearthattheywillclearthefieldfortheclassenemyifthey
overthrowthebureaucracy".SolongasrevolutiondoesnotcomeintheWest,"the
proletariatwithclenchedteethbears(tolerates')thebureaucracyand,inthissense,
recognisesitasthebeareroftheproletariandictatorship...Nosovietworkerwouldbe
sparingofstrongwordsaddressedtotheStalinistbureaucracy.Butnotasingleoneofthem
[!]wouldadmitthatthecounter-revolutionhasalreadytakenplace.Theproletariatisthe
spineofthesovietstate.."Here,quitefantastically,hearguesfromareluctantacquiescence
bytheworkerstoStalinismwhichisunknowabletohim;whichmustseemhighlyspurious
tous;andwhichanywayisnotdecisive.Manybourgeois-democraticregimeshavebeen
grudginglytolerated,orevenpositivelysupported,bythemajorityofworkers-without
beingworkers'states.Trotsky'sargumentgrosslyandstrangelyminimisesthepowerofthe
fierceStalinistrepression,undervaluesthepowerofthestate,andtakesawaythe
significanceoftheatomisationoftheworkingclass-sansparty,sanssoviets,sansunionsallofwhichhehimselfalreadyrecords.Trotskywillusethisideaofthebureaucracy
restingontheworkers,andideasofworking-classopinionbeingaforceintheSoviet
Union,farintothe1930s,astheStalinistsystemrevealsitsmostterriblefeaturesinpurges
andNazi-likemassterror.Itwilladdanelementofideologicalconsolation,givinga
flickeringaureoletohisbedrock,all-else-stripped-awaydefinitionoftheworkers'state:
nationalisedproperty,plan,andmonopolyofforeigntrade,allegedlyrootedintheOctober
RevolutionbutinitspresentformthecreationofStalin's"secondrevolution"after1928.In
July1936("TheFourthInternationalandtheSovietUnion")hewillwritethat"thesoviet
bureaucracyhasacquiredanactualindependencefromthetoilers...thenewconstitution
liquidatesdejuretherulingpositionoftheproletariatinthestate,apositionwhich,de
facto,haslongbeenliquidated";yetinTheRevolutionBetrayed,writtenaroundthesame
time,heassertsthat"thebureaucracy...continuestopreservestatepropertyonlytothe
extentthatitfearstheproletariat".[Inparttheflatmeaning-of-wordscontradictionhereis
onlyapparent.Trotskyfrequentlytalksoftherelationoftheautocracytothenationalised
propertyasitsrelationtotheproletariat.Theautocracycanbeutterlyindependentfromthe
actuallivingworkersandsimultaneouslysubordinatedtotheproletariatasahistorical
conceptbecauseitistiedto"proletarian"nationalisedproperty].Aslateas1938hewill
writeabouthow"thediscontentofthemassesproducesdifferentcurrentseveninthe
bureaucracy...thepressureofthemassesproducesdisintegrationintherulingcaste"
[Writings1937-8,p.303];evenin1940hewilldiscussthepoliticsoftheUSSR'sinvasion
ofFinlandintermsofthemajorityofthepopulationdisapprovingoftheinvasionbut
"understanding"oratleast"feeling"that"behindtheFinnishquestion...standstheproblem
oftheexistenceoftheUSSR",whichtheywouldwanttodefend.In1933,Trotskyinsists
thattheautocracyisabadlocumfortheworkingclass."Thebureaucracyinallits
manifestationsispullingapartthemoraltie-rodsofsovietsociety".IftheMarxistparty
wereinpower,"itwouldrenovatetheentirepoliticalregime;itwouldshuffleandpurgethe
bureaucracyandplaceitunderthecontrolofthemasses;itwouldtransformallofthe
administrativepracticesandinaugurateaseriesofcapitalreformsinthemanagementof
economy;butinnocasewouldithavetoundertakeanoverturninthepropertyrelations,
i.e.,anewsocialrevolution".Consideringthescopeoftherectification,whosescalewill
havetobecommensuratewiththeabusesTrotskyhasrepeatedlydescribed,thequestionof
whetherthe"propertyrelations"wouldbethesameafterwardsarises.Trotskymeansthe
formsofproperty:nationalisedorprivate.Thepointisthattheclasscontentofnationalised
propertywouldchangewiththechangesheproposes.ButTrotskydefusestheconcrete
questionsconcerningwhatisbydiscussingwhatwillbe.Hewilldoitagainandagain
throughoutthe1930s.Trotskyassertsthat"thefurtherdevelopmentofthebureaucratic
regimecanleadtotheinceptionofanewrulingclass;notorganically,throughdegeneration,
butthroughcounter-revolution".Thiswillbehisperspectivetotheendofthe1930s,when
hewillexpecttheculminationofStalin'sbloodyworktobethe"guillotining"ofStalinby
thebourgeoiscounter-revolutionhehasincubated."Today,whenthereisnolongera
Marxistleadership,andnoneforthcomingasyet",theStalinistbureaucracy"defendsthe
proletariandictatorshipwithitsownmethods;butthesemethodsaresuchastofacilitatethe
victoryoftheenemytomorrow".TheStalinistbureaucraticcentreisavileanddestructive
locumfortheworkingclass,butalocumitisandwillremainsolongasitpreserves
nationalisedpropertyandtheworkingclasshasnotoverthrownit.
XIII.Propertyformsandsocialistnorms
Onecentralargumentinthe1933article-about"norms"-isdevelopedmorevigorouslyin
"TheWorkers'State,BonapartismandtheQuestionofThermidor"(1935).There,Trotsky
concedes:"ThereisnodoubtthattheUSSRtodaybearsverylittleresemblancetothattype
ofsovietrepublicthatLenindepictedin1917...Thedominationofthebureaucracyoverthe
country,aswellasStalin'sdominationoverthebureaucracy,havewell-nighattainedtheir
absoluteconsummation".Somesay"thatsincetheactualstatethathasemergedfromthe
proletarianrevolutiondoesnotcorrespondtoidealapriorinorms,thereforetheyturntheir
backsonit.Thisispoliticalsnobbery,commontopacifist-democratic,libertarian,anarchosyndicalistand,generally,ultra-leftcirclesofthepetty-bourgeoisintelligentsia".Their
mirror-images,Trotskyadds,considercriticismofthestatecomingoutoftherevolutionto
be"sacrilegeandcounter-revolution";thesearethehypocrites.Whycanonlyaslavetoa
priorinorms,orasniffyhistoricalsnob,baulkatacceptingasaworkers'statethisUSSRin
whichonTrotsky'sownaccounttheworkingclassisinaconditionclosetoserfdom?
Trotskyhimselfholdstothe"norms"andwillbasehispoliticalconclusionsonthem.What
ishedoing?Asonthisentirequestion,Trotskycombinesimmenselucidityinclose-upand
detailwithdarkobfuscationinthebroadpicture.HeisteachingtolaterTrotskyistsa
philistinespiritofaccomodationtoStalinismandothermalignsocialforms,whichhe
himselfdoesnothave-becausehehasanimmensebackgroundofexperienceandpolitical
culture,andbecause,asweshallsee,heinterpretstheUSSRnotasacoherentsystem,still
lessinlaterneo-Trotskyisttermsasintransitiontosocialism,butasafreakishcombination
ofelementsinrapidflux.Thecondemnationof"norms"will,alas,beamajorelementin
whathebequeathstofollowerswhowillhavetodefinethemselvespoliticallyinrelationto
asolidandexpandingStalinistsystemandwhothusneedthenormsasamandrowningina
ragingtideneedsalifebelt,andtowhomhecanbequeathneitherhisownbreadthofvision
andknowledgenorhisskillatdialecticaltightrope-walking.Trotskythinksheisteaching
historicalperspectiveandobjectivityanddialectics;hecannotconceiveoftheStalinist
realitythathiscomradesafter1940willencounter,becausehecannotconceiveofStalinism
survivingfordecades.Inhisdenunciationsof"normative"thinking,Trotskybegsthecentral
question.IsittruethatthisUSSRconcretelyexpressestheessencewhichtheoldabstract
socialistnormssoughttodescribe?Doesitrendertheoldnormsmorereal,moreprecise
andmoreconcretetoanydegreeatall,ordoesitshatterthemandnegatethemandestablish
othernorms?OnTrotsky'sownaccount,"therealitiesofsovietlife[can]behardly
reconciledevenwiththeshredsofoldtheory".Thesocialrelations-inthepropersense,
thatis,therelationsbetweenpeople-"inmanyrespectsarestilllaggingbehindacultured
capitalism".Theoldsocialistnormsarefullyroundedsocialnorms,normsofculture,
manners,morals,intellect.Theyembodytheachievementsofcivilisationandthehistorical
contributionofcapitalism,andnotonlyeconomics.Trotskyherereducestheessential
"norm"ofaworkers'statetothepurelyeconomic,andwithinthattoaridlyabstractformsof
property.HewillshowinTheRevolutionBetrayedthattheconcreteeconomicrelations
withinthoseabstractformsare"aruthlesslyseverefittinginofbackwardhumanmaterialto
thetechniqueborrowedfromcapitalism"and"theclassicmethodsofexploitation...insuch
nakedandcrudeformsaswouldnotbepermittedevenbyreformisttradeunionsin
bourgeoiscountries".TheonlypossiblepointofcontactbetweenMarxiansocialistnorms
andUSSRrealityisthenationalisedpropertyforms.ButintheStalinistUSSRthoseforms
donotariseorganicallyfromcapitalistdevelopment-astheyshould,iftheyaretoplaythe
roleascribedtotheminpreviousMarxisttheory.Withtheexceptionofthe1917-18
takeoverofbigindustry-whichtheBolshevikswerepushedintobyworking-classdirect
actionwhentheoldownerssabotagedproductionorsimplyquit-theyarisefromthedrive
oftheautocracytograbthewholeofthesurplusproductofsociety.Inthe1933article
Trotsky"asks"-andtheproper"answer"isclear;itcanbereadofffromthemostobvious
surfacefacts-whetherthe"distortions"fromtheprogrammaticnorms"haveextendedtothe
economicfoundation".By"economicfoundation"hemeansonlytheformsofnationalised
property,consideredinabstractionfromtherelationswithinthem.HereTrotskyhas
elevatedacaricatureofoneoftheoldsocialistnorms,nationalisedproperty,outofthe
wholecomplexofothernormsthatgiveititssignificanceinMarxisttheory.Theresultis
notareplacementofabstractandnormativetheorisingbyamoreconcreteapproach.Itis
theopposite.Inhispolemics,Trotskyestablishesanewnorm-nationalisedproperty-and
argues"normatively"fromthat.Heextrapolatesthenewnormfromtheexperienceofthe
USSR.Thereisheretoo,asonthequestionoftheparty,adualisminTrotsky.Forheholds
theseideasabouttheUSSRinparalleltotheoldersocialistideasabouttherestofthe
world.Thequestioniswhatithastodowithsocialism.Trotskycomplainsthatthe
"normative"thinkerswanttoturntheirbacksonrealityandproceedaccordingtoideal
schemesintheirheads.ButTrotsky,too,wantstoescapetherealityand"beginagain"beginwiththefictionthatthereissomethingofworkers'ruleleftintheUSSR,thatthe
unspeakabletyrannyisreallysomethingelsedeepdown,intheformofitsbureaucratic
economy.Trotskycanonlyrelatetotherealitybywayofconstructinganidealparallelofit
inhishead,andthendefiningtherealityasamore-and-moredistortedversionofthatideal.
ThoughTrotskystillwritesaboutthe"roots"ofthebureaucracyamongthesovietworkers,
hehasbynowelaboratedabaselinemethodofassessingtheclasscharacteroftheUSSR
thatcanonlybecalled"totalitarianeconomism".One"factor",thenationalisationofthe
meansofproduction,isvaluedforits"achievements",itsprogressivepotentialandits
ascribedplaceinhistory,inabstractionfromallthatinMarxist,socialistorBolshevik
theoryhadsofarbeenunderstoodtodeterminetheclasscharacterofastate-thepolitical
regimeandthesocialrelationserectedonthenationalisedmeansofproduction.Asa
working-classpolitician,Trotskyisconcernedwiththerealsocio-economicrelationsinhis
concreteprogramme.Hepaintspainfullyclearandtruepicturesofwhattheyareinthe
USSR.Whenhemakeshistheoreticalsummaries,however,heleavesthemaside.Thetwo
partsofthepicturedonotmatch.Hethinkstheywillmatchupinthefluxofevents,inthe
nearfuture.HistheorythusrestsheavilyontheideathattheUSSRinthe1930sisnotany
sortofcoherentsystem,butonlyatemporaryconcatenationofconflictingelementsmoving
rapidlyindifferentdirections.Inthe1933articleTrotskyalsoerectsadualconceptionof
working-classpolitics,destroyingpreviousMarxistnormsonthisquestion.Forthetaskof
makingaworking-classrevolutionagainstcapitalism,clearideasandapartyorganised
aroundthoseideasareessential.Theproletariatdoesnotgainpower,property,wealthand
culturebitbybit-asthebourgeoisiedidinfeudalsociety-butremainsthebasicslave
class,theprimesourceofthesocialsurplusproduct,ofthesocietyitmustoverturn.The
proletarianrevolutionisnotamechanicalreflexoroutgrowthofeventheconditionsmost
ripeforit.Thatiswhyideas,consciousness,programme,politicsandvoluntary
organisationaredecisivefortheworking-classrevolution,andareattheheartof
Bolshevik-Marxistpolitics.ThisisthekeynoteideaofLenin'sandTrotsky'sCommunist
InternationalandtheguidetoeverythingTrotskydidinthe1930storebuildarevolutionary
movement.But-soTrotskynowargues-havingoncetakenpower,theworkingclasscan
losedirectpoliticalpower,andyetretainsocialpower.Ifthe"socialconquests"ofthe
revolutionsurvive,thentheworkingclassrulesinthebroadhistoricalsense,evenwhenthe
livingandproducingworkingclassisinthraldomtoadictatorshipofparasitic,privileged
andslave-drivingbureaucrats.Inthisargumentistheseedofthelaterneo-Trotskyistidea
that"working-class"revolutionscouldbemadeinChinaorEasternEuropebybrutallyantiworking-classforces.
XIV."Politicalrevolution":firstapproximation
Tryingtokeepabalancebetweenhisrecognitionofthebureaucracyasa"locum"forthe
workingclass,andhiscondemnationofitstyrannyand"parasitism",Trotskyspellsoutthe
politicalconclusions."Isitpossibletoremovethebureaucracypeacefully'?...Afterthe
experienceofthelastfewyearsitwouldbechildishtosupposethattheStalinbureaucracy
canberemovedbymeansofaPartyorsovietcongress".Thelastrealcongressofthe
Bolshevikparty,Trotskywrites,wasthe12thatthebeginningof1923;bysayingso,he
seemstoconcedethatwithhindsighthispresentconclusionsareoverdueandshouldhave
beendrawnsoonafter1923.Nonormalconstitutional'waystoremovetherulingclique
remain.Thebureaucracycanbecompelledtoyieldpowerintothehandsoftheproletarian
vanguardonlybyforce".Trotskyrecallsthatin1927Stalinhadsaidthathis"cadres"could
beremovedonlybycivilwar."Havingconcentratedalltheleversinitshands,the
bureaucracyproclaimedopenlythatitwouldnotpermittheproletariattoraiseitsheadany
longer".But"thequestionofseizingpowerwillariseasapracticalquestionfor[the
Opposition]onlywhenitwillhaveconsolidatedarounditselfthemajorityoftheworking
class".Andthenewrevolution-Trotskydoesnotyetusetheword"revolution"-willbe
"notanarmedinsurrectionagainstthedictatorshipoftheproletariatbuttheremovalofa
malignantgrowthuponit.ArealcivilwarcoulddevelopnotbetweentheStalinist
bureaucracyandtheresurgentproletariatbutbetweentheproletariatandtheactiveforcesof
thecounter-revolution.Intheeventofanopenclashbetweenthetwomasscamps,there
cannotevenbetalkofthebureaucracyplayinganindependentrole.Itspolarflankswould
beflungtothedifferentsidesofthebarricade".AnewBolshevikpartyistheessential
conditionforworking-classvictory.Thisperspective,saturatedwiththeideaofthe
bureaucracyasaninsubstantialforce,ofnorealsubstanceincomparisontothe"twomass
camps"ofbourgeois(peasant-based)counter-revolutionandworking-classrevolution,is
notverydifferentfromTrotsky'soutlookwhenhestatedhisaimasreform.Thenthere
wouldbecrisisandarecompositionoftheBolshevikparty,withthe"return"ofthe
Opposition;now,theOppositionistobeaseparateparty.AllavenuesviareformorselfrecompositionofthedispersedandfragmentedBolshevikpartyareclosed.Butitstillfears
"spontaneity".Strugglewilldecidewhetheranewpartycanbebuiltintimetoavert
collapsebroughtonbythebureaucraticburrowingand"sapping"atthefoundationsofthe
regime.Ifthereisafurtherdeclineoftheworldproletarianmovementandfurtherextension
offascistdomination,"itisnotpossibletomaintainthesovietpowerforanylengthoftime
bymeansoftheinternalforcesalone.Thefundamentalconditionfortheonlyrock-bottom
reformofthesovietstateisthevictoriousspreadoftheworldrevolution".Atthispoint,in
1933,TrotskybelievesthattheconditionsoutsidetheUSSRareripeforalarge-scale
regroupmentofrevolutionaryforcesinaFourthInternational.Theideaofthesmallforces
ofTrotskyismjustproceedingtosetuptheFourthInternationalbythemselvesheseesnow
asabsurd.HewarnsthatnoregenerationoftheUSSRwillcomefrominternal
developmentsalone,withoutabigFourthInternationalbeingbuiltintheWest.Recallingthe
evidenceintheRussianStalinistpressofLeftOppositionactivitiesthere,Trotskywarns:
"Illusionswouldbeoutofplacehere;thepartyofrevolutionaryinternationalismwillbe
abletofreetheworkersfromthedecomposinginfluenceofthenationalbureaucracyonlyin
theeventthattheinternationalproletarianvanguardwillonceagainappearasafighting
forceontheworldarena".TheRussianBolshevik-Leninistscannotleadthisrevival."The
extremelydifficultconditionsunderwhichtheRussianBolshevik-Leninistsworkexclude
themfromthepossibilityofplayingtheleadingroleonaninternationalscale.Morethan
this,theLeftOppositiongroupintheUSSRcandevelopintoanewpartyonlyasaresultof
thesuccessfulformationandgrowthofthenewInternational.Therevolutionarycentreof
gravityhasshifteddefinitivelytotheWest,wheretheimmediatepossibilitiesofbuilding
partiesareimmeasurablygreater".
XV.TheunitedfrontwithStalin
WhatifnobigFourthInternationalisbuilt?Inthatcase,Trotskywrites,working-class
actionsintheUSSR-massstrikes-arelikelytoleadtocounter-revolutionratherthan
regeneration."Undertheconditionsofthetransitionalepoch,thepoliticalsuperstructure"eventheStalinistlocumofthe1920sBolsheviklocum-"playsadecisiverole.A
developedandstabledictatorshipoftheproletariatpresupposesthatthepartyfunctionsin
theleadingroleasaself-actingvanguard,thattheproletariatisweldedtogetherbymeans
oftradeunions,thatthetoilersareindissolublyboundupwiththestatethroughthesystemof
sovietsand,finally,thattheworkers'stateisalignedthroughtheInternationalintoafighting
unitwiththeworldproletariat.Inthemeantime,thebureaucracyhasstrangledthepartyand
thetradeunionsandthesovietsandtheCommunistInternational...Thestrangulationofthe
party,thesovietsandthetradeunionsimpliesthepoliticalatomisationoftheproletariat...
"Thefirstsocialshock,externalorinternal,maythrowtheatomisedsovietsocietyintocivil
war.Theworkers,havinglostcontroloverthestateandeconomy(emphasisadded),may
resorttomassstrikesasweaponsofself-defence.Thedisciplineofthedictatorshipwould
bebroken.Undertheonslaughtoftheworkersandbecauseofthepressureofeconomic
difficulties,thetrustswouldbeforcedtodisrupttheplannedbeginningsandenterinto
competitionwithoneanother...Thesocialiststatewouldcollapse,givingplacetothe
capitalistregimeor,morecorrectly,tocapitalistchaos".Theproletariat,whichcanrule
underStalin,cannottakebackfullpowerwithoutaproperBolshevikParty...Trotskyis
cautious.Justastherewasmuchof"revolution"inTrotsky'scallsfor"reform"oftheUSSR,
sotoonowthatheisforanewpartyintheUSSRandadvocatesanearlyversionof
"politicalrevolution"(thoughthenameisthreeyearsinthefuture),therearestilllarge
elementsoftheold"reformism":"Todaytheruptureofthebureaucraticequilibriuminthe
USSRwouldalmostsurelyserveinfavourofthecounter-revolutionaryforces.However,
givenagenuinerevolutionaryInternational,theinevitablecrisisoftheStalinistregime
wouldopenthepossibilityofrevivalintheUSSR.Thisisourbasiccourse".Thisvision,
commontoTrotsky's"reform"andtotheearly"politicalrevolution"periodspointsupthe
enormityoftheshiftwhenTrotskywillcallforaworkingclassonslaughtonthatapparatus
inconditionswhereitsreplacementisopen-endedandproblematic.Thiswillbeacallfor
full-scalerevolution,thename"politicalrevolution"notwithstanding."Correctevaluation
oftheworldsituation,includingtheclassnatureoftheSovietUnion"isessentialtothe
workofrebuildingtherevolutionarymovement.ThenewInternational,"beforeitwillbe
abletoreformthesovietstate...musttakeuponitselfitsdefence...thetragicpossibilityis
notexcludedthatthefirstworkers'state,weakenedbythebureaucracy,willfallunderthe
jointblowsofitsinternalandexternalenemies.Butintheeventofthisworstpossible
variant,atremendoussignificanceforthesubsequentcourseoftherevolutionarystruggle
willbebornebythequestion:wherearethoseguiltyforthecatastrophe?Nottheslightest
traceofguiltmustfallupontherevolutionaryinternationalists.Inthehourofmortaldanger,
theymustremainonthelastbarricade".In"theinevitablecrisisoftheStalinistregime...the
newInternationalwilldemonstratetotheRussianworkersnotinwordsbutinactionthatit,
anditalone,standsforthedefenceoftheworkers'state...ThepositionoftheBolshevikLeninistsinsidetheSovietUnionwillchangewithintwenty-fourhours.Thenew
InternationalwilloffertheStalinistbureaucracyaunitedfrontagainstthecommonfoe.And
ifourInternationalrepresentsaforce,thebureaucracywillbeunabletoevadetheunited
frontinthemomentofdanger.Whatthenwillremainofthemanyyears'encrustationoflies
andslander?".ExaminethefluxofTrotsky'sreasonings,thepatternsofhispolemical
swordplay,anditbecomesplainthatheisusingthemethodofprovisionalestimation,
empiricalcalculationmatched-orfornownotquitematched-totheory,dancingonthe
rolling,bobbinglogsintheflowofpoliticsandhistory.Hehasmorethanoneconcerninhis
head.Itisplainthatheseesandunderstandstheargumentsagainsthistheoretical
conclusions,thathisrebuttalsandrejectionsareprovisionalandconditional,subjectto
furtherexperienceandthetestofthepoliticalline.Hisfirstpreoccupationisalwayswith
livingpolitics,graspinglinksinachainofdevelopment,seekingopeningsandleverage
points.In1927,inthePolitburo,Trotskyhadproclaimedwhatbecameknownasthe
"Clemenceauthesis".(ThepatrioticFrenchimperialistGeorgesClemenceauhadbitterly
opposedtheFrenchGovernmentafter1914inordertowincontrolandprosecutethewar
moreeffectively,whichhedid.)Forthesocialistfatherland-Yes!FortheStalinistcourseNo!Rightuptohisdeath,avariantofthisperspectivewouldremainhisbasicpractical
conclusionfromthe"degeneratedworkers'state"theory.Overtheyearshewouldhugely
modifytheproportionsofdifferentelementsinthisperspective,andimplicitlyconcedethat
the1933version,of"themanyyears'encrustationofliesandslander"meltingawaywithin
twenty-fourhours,wasunreal;butthebasiclinewouldremain.Onewayoranotherwhetherbypalacecoups,invasion,peasantuprisings,orworkers'strikes-theUSSRwould
bethrownintoacrisis,facinginternalcounter-revolutionand,probably,foreignarmies.
Thebureaucracywouldfallapart.Anewleadership,formedbyallyingthepersecuted
Bolshevik-Leninistswithafractionoftheapparatus,wouldtaketheleadandsimultaneously
repelcounter-revolutionand,bybreakingtheoldbureaucraticencrustation,regeneratethe
sovietsandtheworkers'state,andrecomposetheinternationalcommunistmovement.The
politicallineof"defenceoftheworkers'state"wouldbeessentialbecauseotherwisethe
Bolshevik-Leninistswillbeleftonthesidelinesinthecrisis.Astheyearsgoon,Trotsky
wouldaccumulatedoubtsandqualificationsaboutthisperspective,butinsistthatitshould
notberenouncedunlessabsolutelyhardevidence-hethoughtthecomingworldwarwould,
onewayoranother,provideit-madethatnecessary;fortorenounceitwouldmeanthat
definitivelytheMarxistswerebackatthestageofbuildinganewmovementfromscratch
amongtheruinsoftheold.Fiveyearslater,whenhispictureoftheautocracyashavingmost
ofthefeaturesofarulingclasshadbecomeverymuchsharper,hewouldsumupthe
perspectiveinthefoundingprogrammeoftheFourthInternational(September1938)."From
thisperspective[ofapowerfulsectionofthebureaucracy,asTrotskysawit,desiring
bourgeoisrestoration],impellingconcretenessisimpartedtothequestionofthedefenceof
theUSSR'.Iftomorrowthebourgeois-fascistgrouping,the[fascistic]factionofButenko',so
tospeak,shouldattempttheconquestofpower,the[Trotskyist]factionofReiss'inevitably
wouldalignitselfontheoppositesideofthebarricades".Butenkowasabureaucratwho
haddefectedtofascistItaly;Reiss,aGPUofficerwhocameoutforTrotskyin1937and
wasverysoonafterwardsmurdered,inSwitzerland,bytheStalinists."Althoughit[the
"Reissfaction"]wouldfinditselftemporarilytheallyofStalin,itwouldnevertheless
defendnottheBonapartistcliquebutthesocialbaseoftheUSSR...Anyothercoursewould
beabetrayal...Itisthusimpermissibletodenyinadvancethepossibility,instrictlydefined
instances,ofaunitedfront'withtheThermidoriansectionofthebureaucracyagainstopen
attackbycapitalistcounter-revolution."(The"Thermidoriansection"heremeansthat
sectionofthebureaucracywithoriginsintheBolshevikpartyof1917,byanalogywiththe
"Thermidorians"intheFrenchRevolution,JacobinswhooverthrewRobespierreinJuly
1794andthenfoundthemselvesovertakenbyopenbig-bourgeoisreaction).HereTrotskyis
tryingtoprefigurementallyhowto"graspthelinksinthechain".Fromitwecangetapretty
firmindicationthatTrotskywouldnothavebeenan"orthodox"neo-Trotskyist-nota
platonicrevolutionaryspinning"workingclass"fantasiesaroundtheexpansionofStalinist
"revolution".But,nonetheless,theunitedfrontheproposeshereisinfactonebetweenthe
enslavingclassanditsvictims.ForTrotskyitisameansofreducingtheenslaversto
nothing;butwiththesurvivalofthebureaucracyandtheeruptionofStalinistimperialist
expansionin1939-40,asweshallsee,itbecameawayofreducingindependentworkingclasspoliticstonothing.
XVI.The"workers'state"theoryandpoliticalrevolution
In1936,fromhiscomprehensivedenunciationoftheStalinistregimeinTheRevolution
Betrayed,Trotskydeducesanequallycomprehensiveprogramme.Henowusestheterm
"politicalrevolution"."Bureaucraticautocracymustgiveplacetosovietdemocracy.A
restorationoftherightofcriticism,andagenuinefreedomofelections,arenecessary
conditionsforthefurtherdevelopmentofthecountry.Thisassumesarevivaloffreedomof
sovietparties,beginningwiththepartyofBolsheviks,andaresurrectionofthetradeunions.
Thebringingofdemocracyintoindustrymeansaradicalrevisionofplansintheinterestsof
thetoilers.Freediscussionofeconomicproblemswilldecreasetheoverheadexpenseof
bureaucraticmistakesandzig-zags.Expensiveplaythings-palacesofthesoviets,new
theatres,show-offsubways-willbecrowdedoutinfavourofworkers'dwellings.
Bourgeoisnormsofdistribution'willbeconfinedwithinthelimitsofstrictnecessity,and,
instepwiththegrowthofsocialwealth,willgivewaytosocialistequality.Rankswillbe
immediatelyabolished.Thetinselofdecorationswillgointothemeltingpot.Theyouth
willreceivetheopportunitytobreathefreely,criticise,makemistakes,andgrowup.
Scienceandartwillbefreedoftheirchains.And,finally,foreignpolicywillreturntothe
traditionsofrevolutionaryinternationalism."InsubstancehereTrotskyiscallingforfull
revolution.Bydoingsoheshows,surely,thatnationalisedpropertycharacterisesnotjust
onesocialandeconomicsystem,butatleasttwo-dependingonthesocial-politicalcontext
andonthepoliticalrulership.Therevolutionis"political"onlyinthesensethattherewill
becontinuityofnationalisedproperty-butwhichnationalisedproperty?EverythingTrotsky
proposessaysitwillnotbethesamenationalisedproperty.Moreover,Trotskyhimself
writesthat"abourgeoisrestorationwouldprobablyhavetocleanoutfewerpeoplethana
revolutionaryparty",whileintheJuly1936"theses"onTheFourthInternationalandthe
SovietUnionhehaswrittenthat"Thenewconstitution[of1936]sealsthedictatorshipof
theprivilegedstrataofsovietsocietyovertheproducingmasses...[it]opensupforthe
bureaucracylegal'roadsfortheeconomiccounter-revolution,thatis,therestorationof
capitalismbymeansofacoldstroke'.".MomentarilyTrotskyhasabandonedanargumenthe
makesmuchofbothearlierandlater:thattheideaofacold-strokerestorationofcapitalism
is"rollingthefilmofreformismbackwards".Inshort,the"politicalrevolution"he
advocatesisamuchmoredeep-goingaffairthanthe"socialcounter-revolution"hefears.
Trotsky'sstrengthherewasthatontheconcretepoliticalissueshewasadequate,theoretical
frameandnamesnotwithstanding.Toleft-wingcritics(andmaybetohimself)hecouldsay:
"whatdoyouwanttoadd,concretely?".Buttheprogrammaticadequacyalsodisarmed
Trotskyandhiscomrades.Itdisguisedthetheoreticalinadequacyand"fornow"seemedto
renderitlessthanpressinglyimportant.Theaccumulatingcontradictionsintherealmofthe
generaltheoryofthenatureoftheUSSRwouldintimetaketheirterriblepoliticaltoll.In
1935("TheQuestionofThermidor")Trotskyhadwritten:"theinevitablecollapseof
StalinistBonapartismwouldimmediatelycallintoquestionthecharacteroftheUSSRasa
workers'state.Asocialisteconomycannotbeconstructedwithoutasocialistpower...the
replacementofaworkers'governmentbyabourgeoisorpetty-bourgeoisgovernmentwould
inevitablyleadto...[bourgeois]restoration".ThenotionofStalin'sregimeasanysortof
"socialistpower"or"workers'government"hadbeenstrainedenoughthen.NowTrotsky
hasrecognised(in"TheFourthInternationalandtheSovietUnion",1936)that"Control
overallfieldsofeconomicandculturallife[is]inthehandsoftheStalinistparty',whichis
independentbothofthepeopleandofitsownmembersandwhichrepresentsapolitical
machineoftherulingcaste...Theconstitutionliquidatesdejuretherulingpositionofthe
proletariatinthestate,apositionwhich,defacto,haslongbeenliquidated".Howcouldthis
possiblybeaworkers'stateinanysenseatall?Trotsky'sanswers,inTheRevolution
Betrayed,areallindirect.Hearguesthatthebureaucracylacksessentialfeaturesofaruling
class;then,ifthebureaucracyisnottherulingclass,andbourgeoispowerhasnotbeen
restored,itmustfollowbyeliminationoftheotherpossibilitiesthattheworkersarestillthe
rulingclass."Thebureaucracyenjoysitsprivilegesundertheformofanabuseofpower...
It...pretendsthatasaspecialsocialgroupitdoesnotevenexist...Allthismakesthe
positionofthecommandingsovietstratuminthehighestdegreecontradictory,equivocal
andundignified,notwithstandingthecompletenessofitspowerandthesmokescreenof
flatterythatconcealsit".YetTrotskyhaswrittenthatthenewconstitutionformalisesthe
identificationofthebureaucracywiththestate."TheattempttorepresentthesSoviet
bureaucracyasaclassofstatecapitalists'willobviouslynotwithstandcriticism.The
bureaucracyhasneitherstocksnorbonds.Itisrecruited,supplementedandrenewedinthe
mannerofanadministrativehierarchy,independentlyofanyspecialpropertyrelationsofits
own...Theindividualbureaucratcannottransmittohisheirshisrightsintheexploitationof
thestateapparatus".Infact,thebureaucratscan,througheducation,contacts,accessto
"party"nepotism,etc.,transmitagreatdeal.Moreover,atanygiventimetheparasitic
autocracyasawhole,asacollective,confrontstheworkingclassasapolitical,social,
economic,moralandintellectualforcemonopolisingthesocialplaceofarulingclass,and
excludingtheworkingclassfromit.Bourgeoisideologistsarguethatundermodern
capitalismsocialmobility-andthereissocialmobility,thoughnotquiteastheysay-means
thereisnodistinctrulingclass.Individualsoftheproletariatcan"rise".Somedo;petty
bourgeoiscanrisehigher;somenewpeoplejointhebigbourgeoisie;andthereisa
downwardmovementtoo.Yetthebourgeoisie,atanygivenmoment,existsfortheworking
class.Evenifsocialmobilitywerefargreaterthaninfactitis,thatwouldnotnegatethe
fundamentalclassrelationsofcapitalism.Whywouldnotthesameprincipleapplytothe
Stalinistautocracy?
XVII.Nationalisedeconomyandflux
AllsuchargumentsofTrotsky's,however,aresecondarytothebasicideathatthe
bureaucracyhasno"specialpropertyrelationsofitsown"."Thenationalisationoftheland,
themeansofindustrialproduction,transportandexchange,togetherwiththemonopolyof
foreigntrade,constitutethebasisofthesovietsocialstructure.Throughtheserelations,
establishedbytheproletarianrevolution,thenatureoftheSovietUnionasaproletarian
stateisforusbasicallydefined".Undercapitalism,"ingeneraltheproductiveforces,upon
abasisofprivatepropertyandcompetition,havebeenworkingouttheirowndestiny.In
contrasttothis,thepropertyrelationswhichissuedfromthesocialistrevolutionare
indivisiblyboundupwiththenewstateastheirrepository".ButthisistheStaliniststate,
thestateinwhichthebureaucracyis"thesoleprivilegedandcommandingstratum"!Here
thenationalisedpropertydefinestheclasscharacterofthestate-andthestateinturngives
thenationalisedpropertyitsclasscharacter.Thisisaviciouscircle;nationalisedproperty
definestheclasscharacterofthestatewhichdefinestheclasscharacterofthenationalised
property...Trotsky'sanswertothisobjection,thatthesystemoriginatesintheOctober
Revolutionandcouldnothaveoriginatedotherwise,cannotwipeoutthesocialfactsof
bureaucraticrule;andinfactitisnottrue.BetweenOctoberandthesystemheisstudying
cametheStalinistrevolutionafter1928.Trotskyadmitsthat:"Themeansofproduction
belongtothestate.Butthestate,sotospeak,belongs'tothebureaucracy.Iftheseasyet
whollynewrelationsshouldsolidify,becomethenormandbelegalised,whetherwithor
withoutresistancefromtheworkers,theywould,inthelongrun,leadtoacomplete
liquidationofthesocialconquestsoftheproletarianrevolution".Thenhepullsback:"But
tospeakofthatnowisatleastpremature.Theproletariathasnotyetsaiditslastword.The
bureaucracyhasnotyetcreatedsocialsupportsforitsdominionintheformofspecialtypes
ofproperty.Itiscompelledtodefendstatepropertyasthesourceofitspowerandits
income.Inthisaspectofitsactivityitstillremainsaweaponofproletariandictatorship".
AttheendofthispassageTrotskycomesbacktohisstartingpoint:theUSSRisaworkers'
statebecauseitretainsnationalisedproperty.Buthehashadtogothroughtwostagestoget
there.Atfirst,whenhetalksaboutthe"whollynewrelations"solidifying,heseemstohave
inmindtheexistingcollectivisedproperty-statepropertywherethestate"sotospeak"
belongstothebureaucracy.Hethenimperceptiblyslipsintodiscussingnotthiscontinuing
systembutpossiblefuturedestinies.Inthelastsentence-whenTrotskytellsusthatbecause
thebureaucracydefendsstatepropertyitremains"aweaponofproletariandictatorship"werealisethatinthecourseoftheparagraphTrotskyhasslidintodiscussingsomething
else.Hewindsupofferingasreasonforseeingthesystemasproletariandictatorshipthat
samenationalisedpropertywhichatthebeginningoftheparagraphhelookedatinafresh
andnewway-andwhosecharacterispreciselytheproblemheisunravelling.The
movementiscircular.Wewindupbackwherewestarted.Trotskyposesaproblembureaucraticnationalisedeconomy-thensubstitutesanother-thedangerofbourgeois
restorationforit.Thefirstproblem-thefactthatanationalisedeconomyexistsandthatthe
bureaucracydefendsit-becomesthesolutiontotheproblemhehassubstitutedforit
(bourgeoisrestoration)!Hereagain,thetheorydependsondissolvingtheUSSRasitisinto
thefluxoftheprocess-fromworkers'revolutiontobourgeoisrestorationorsocialist
regeneration-itisdeemedtobepartof.
XVIII.Progressivetyranny?
ItisnotsurprisingthatsomeofTrotsky'scomrades-JosephCarterandJamesBurnhamin
theUSA-concludeafterTheRevolutionBetrayedthattheideathattheUSSRremainsa
workers'statemakesnosenseandshouldbeformallyrepudiated.YvanCraipeauinFrance
hadheldthatviewforsometimealready.On4November1937Trotskyrepliesto
Craipeau."Thisterminologicalradicalismdoesnotadvancethingsverymuch",hewrites.If
thebureaucracyisaclass"inthesenseofMarxistsociology",thenwe"haveanewformof
classsocietywhichisidenticalneitherwithfeudalsocietynorwithcapitalistsociety,and
whichneverwasforeseenbyMarxisttheoreticians"[Writings1937-8,p.34].Capitalism,
writesTrotsky,isin"ablindalley"becauseitisnolongercapableofdevelopingthe
productiveforces,"eitherintheadvancedcountriesorinthebackwardcountries"."The
worldimperialistchainwasbrokenatitsweakestlink,Russia.Nowwelearnthatinplace
ofbourgeoissocietytherehasbeenestablishedanewclasssociety".Supposethatisso.
Thenclearly"thenewsocietyisprogressiveincomparisonwithcapitalism".Why?With
nationalisedproperty-and,thoughTrotskyfadesthisout,withastateslave-driving,
starvingandworkingthepopulationtodeath-the"newpossessingclass'hasassureda
developmentofproductiveforcesneverequalledinthehistoryoftheworld"."Marxism
teachesus...thattheproductiveforcesarethefundamentalfactorofhistoricprogress".
Capitalismsurpassedfeudalismbecausecapitalism"openedupnewandgrandiose
possibilitiesforthe...productiveforces"."ThesameappliestotheUSSR.Whateverits
modesofexploitationmaybe,thisnewsocietyisbyitsverycharactersuperiortocapitalist
society.ThereyouhavetherealpointofdepartureforMarxistanalysis!"Thecoreoffact
here-theUSSR'sindustrialgrowth-istheaxisaroundwhichTrotsky'sanalysisoscillates
throughoutthe1930s.ExceptthroughreasoningbasedonslottingtheUSSRintoaprior
historicalscheme-thattheeconomicallyprogressivesequeltocapitalism,whenitfallsinto
decay,isaworkers'state-theassessmentoftheUSSRasprogressivebecauseofits
industrialgrowthisentirelyseparablefromanyideaofitbeingaworkers'state.Fromnow
onTrotskywilloftenseparatetheminhispolemics.Themethodofsettingasidethe
questionofwhethertheUSSRisaworkers'state,arguingthattheUSSRisinanycase
progressive,andidentifyingitasaworkers'stateonlysecondarilyandbyabstract
deductionfromthehistoricalscheme,willcometobeacentralfeatureofTrotsky's
polemics.Already,inhistheses,"TheFourthInternationalandtheSovietUnion",ofJuly
1936,Trotskyhasdevelopedallhispoliticalpositionswithoutreferencetotheclaimthat
theUSSRwasaworkers'state,whichisassertedonlyinthe18thandlastofthetheses.The
"workers'state"ideaisnowjustamatterofthesupposedhistoricalrootsin1917ofthe
USSR;thehistoricalprogressivenessofthenationalisedeconomy;andthegeneralMarxist
schemethatsaysthattheprogressivesuccessortocapitalismisaworkers'state.Trotsky
makesnosubstantialargumentforitbasedontheactual,empiricalrelationsbetweenthe
Staliniststateandthereal,livingworkers.NowTrotskyhimselfwillexplainthat:
"Economicprogressisnotidenticalwithsocialism.America,[the]UnitedStates,hadinits
historymoregrandioseeconomicprogressonacapitalisticbasis.Socialismsignifiesthe
progressiveequalityandtheprogressiveabolitionofthestate"[Writings1939-40,p.23].
Trotsky'shonesty,hisrealunderstandingofsocialandpoliticalrelationsintherealUSSR,
makeitimpossibleforhimnottoseethattheUSSR's"economicprogress"isisolated
entirelyfromallthesocial,intellectual,andpoliticalprerequisitesassumedintheMarxist
shorthandthatsays"socialismgrowsoutofadvancedcapitalism"and"iscreatedby
capitalism'sgravediggers,theworkingclass".Inordertoreplacecapitalism,theproletariat
mustbeabletoorganiseitselfandgrowincultureandunderstanding.EvenforTrotsky's
backstopargumentontheprogressivenessoftheUSSR,muchdependsontheideaof
capitalismbeingatadeadend.HecomplainsthatCraipeauwishes"nottodistinguish
betweenasocietywhichisabsolutelyreactionary,sinceitfettersandevendestroysthe
productiveforces,andasocietywhichisrelativelyprogressive,sinceithasassuredagreat
upsurgeineconomy"."Relatively"embodiesTrotsky'sawarenessofwhatStalinismis-and
hisfalsepictureofcapitalism.Trotskymakesanutterlyfalseandimpermissible
exaggerationofthedecrepitudeofcapitalismanditseffectonworking-classperspectives,
includingtheprospectiveendofbourgeoisdemocracyeverywhere,to"relativise"what
Stalinismdoestotheworkingclass.Heisforcedtoexaggeratethehopelessnessof
capitalismtosustainhislineontheUSSR.EvenStalinismisbetterthandead-end
capitalism.Infact,fromaworking-classpointofview,anadvancedcapitalismthatstill
allowslabourmovementsisbetterthanthisbarbariccollectivism.Itssocialistpotentialis
greater.ButTrotskyisaneconomicfetishistbynow.Hemakesjudgementsthatwereshared
bymany,evenanti-socialists,inthe1930s,butwhichnowcannotbutseembizarre."The
nationalisedandplannedeconomyoftheUSSRisthegreatestschoolforallhumanity
aspiringtoabetterfuture.Onemustbeblindnottoseethedifference!".Allthisdependson
theUSSRbeingseenonsplitlevels.Onaninner,deeperlevelitisa"nationalisedand
plannedeconomy"thatexistsinTrotsky'shead;theempiricalrealitycombinesthatdeep
realitywithamoresuperficial,temporary,freakishlevelofreality,namelyStalinism.This
isanaberration,outofkilterwiththetruelogicandthetrueneedsof"proper"nationalised
andplannedeconomy.Thereisinfactahugegulf-sogreatthatarevolutionwillbeneeded
tocrossit-betweentheactualityofStalinistnationalisedeconomyandtheworking-class
nationalised-economymodelfromwhichTrotskydrawsthejustification,byanalogy,forthe
realUSSR.Byexpoundingacasefor"defenceofUSSR"separatefromtheideathatitisa
workers'state,Trotskyprovisionallyandconditionallypropoundssomeofthebasesofthe
laterneo-TrotskyistideaofprogressiveStalinism-the"deformedworkers'state"created
byapeasantarmy(China,Yugoslavia)orRussianinvasion.InthereplytoCraipeauhealso
elaboratesthefirstofaseriesofauxiliaryargumentsfordefence."InthewarbetweenJapan
andGermanyononeside,andtheUSSRontheother,therewouldbeinvolvednota
questionofequalityindistribution,orofproletariandemocracy,orofVyshinksy'sjustice,
butthefateofthenationalisedpropertyandplannedeconomy".Imperialistvictorywould
mean"thecollapsenotonlyofthenewexploitingclass'intheUSSR,butalsoofthenew
formsofproduction-theloweringofthewholeSovieteconomytothelevelofabackward
andsemi-colonialcapitalism".Trotskyputsitstarkly:"Facedwiththestrugglebetweentwo
stateswhichare-letusadmitit-bothclassstates,butoneofwhichrepresentsimperialist
stagnationandtheothertremendouseconomicprogress,dowenothavetosupportthe
progressivestateagainstthereactionarystate?Yesorno?"NowevenonTrotsky'sown
accounttheStalinistUSSR-theempiricalUSSR,asdistinctfromtheUSSRinTrotsky's
head-hasverylimitedpossibilitiesoffurtherprogressevenonthenarrowesteconomic
measures.InTheRevolutionBetrayedhehaswritten:"Theprogressiveroleofthesoviet
bureaucracycoincideswiththeperioddevotedtointroducingintotheSovietUnionthemost
importantelementsofcapitalisttechnique.Theroughworkofborrowing,imitating,
transplantingandgrafting,wasaccomplishedonthebaseslaiddownbytherevolution...It
ispossibletobuildgiganticfactoriesaccordingtoaready-madeWesternpatternby
bureaucraticcommand-although,tobesure,attriplethenormalcost.Butthefartheryou
go,themoretheeconomyrunsintotheproblemofquality...Underanationalisedeconomy,
qualitydemandsademocracyofproducersandconsumers,freedomofcriticismand
initiative-conditionsincompatiblewithatotalitarianregimeoffear,liesandflattery.
Behindthequestionofqualitystandsamorecomplicatedandgrandioseproblemwhichmay
becomprisedoftheconceptofindependent,technicalandculturalcreation.Theancient
philosophersaidthatstrifeisthefatherofallthings.Nonewvaluescanbecreatedwherea
freeconflictofideasisimpossible.".Worse,progresshereistoonarrowlydefined.This
USSRisaslavestate,astatethathasexperiencedanenormousregressiononeverylevel
abovethatofabstracteconomicforms.Theideathatsocialistpoliticsshouldbedefinedby
choosingthesideof"progress"inabstractionfromclassdefinitionsandimmediateclass
conflicts-remember,inthispolemicTrotskyisstillconcedingforthesakeofargumentthat
theautocracyisanewexploitingclass-islogically,andwouldbeinhistoryfortheneoTrotskyists,entirelydestructiveofworking-classsocialism.Therevolutionarysocialists
wouldlogicallyattachthemselvestotheprogressiveforms,quiteapartfromclassrule,
working-classconditionsandsocialism.Socialismandtheproletariatultimatelyexpressthe
progressivesocialtendenciesofcapitalisteconomy;butinrealhistorythereally
progressivereallabourmovement,theproletariat,fightsthebourgeois,slowsdown
accumulation,hindersadoptionoflabour-savingdevicesoncapitalistterms.Despiteour
historicoverview,wearenotpartisansofeconomicdevelopmentbeforeallelse,nor
inspectorsgeneralofeconomy.Wearethewarlikeworking-classpartyconcernedforthe
classattheexpense,wherenecessary,of"progressive"economicdevelopment.Here
Trotskylaysthebasisforcollapsingtheclassviewpointintotheviewofanadministrator,a
developmentalistoraninspectorgeneralofhistoryandeconomicdevelopment.Thereis
anotherinnovation,andanevenworseone.FromnowonTrotsky'sargumentfordefenceof
theUSSRdoesnotrestonitsallegedworking-classcharacteroronthesuperiorityofthe
"newformsofproduction"alone,butontheideathatdefeatwillreducetheUSSRtoa
semi-colony.Thisreflectsthefragilityand"immaturity"whichTrotskyseesinthereal
USSR.YetitisanargumententirelydistinctfromanyideaoftheUSSRbeingaworkers'
stateoreveneconomicallyprogressive.Aswewillseebelow,Trotskywillsoonindicate
thattheUSSRisitselfaGreatRussianempire(hewillnotusethisterm)becauseit
oppressesmanyoftheUSSR'scomponentpeoplesintheworldwar.Anyimperialpower
maybedismemberedafterdefeat.Infact,Germanywillbedefeatedandhalfofitwill,after
barbarousplunder,beturnedintoacolonyoftheUSSR.Marxistswillnottherefore
concludethattheymustdefendGermany!Trotsky'sdefenceoftheUSSRisofcourserooted
inhispositionthatitisaworkers'state,withaprogressivesystemofproduction(thoughthe
twohavebecomeseparable);thebringinginofthe"anti-colonialargument"indicatesonly
howshakyhenowfeelshispositiontobe.Butithasitsimplications...andtheyarenotlittle
ones-aswewillseewhen,in1939-40,Trotskywill"support"theSovietUnionexpanding
intotheformerRussianimperialprovincesofFinlandandPoland.[Itiscuriousthat
Trotsky'sargumenthereisthesameargumentusedbyG.Plekhanov,the"FatherofRussian
Marxism",forturningpatriotin1914:defeatwouldmakeRussiaaGermancolonyand
destroytheprogressofdecades,andtheprogressivepotentialthuscreated].
XIX.Politicsandeconomics
Trotskydatedthearticle"Notabourgeoisandnotaworkers'state",areplytotheopinion
oftwoUSTrotskyists,JamesBurnhamandJosephCarter,exactlythreeweeksafterhis
argumentagainstCraipeau.[Burnhamresponded:"Isthisano-class'state?Ofcoursenot.It
issimplynot,primarily,theinstrumentofeitherofthetwomajorclassesincontemporary
society.Butitistheinstrumentofthenewmiddleclass'strivingtobecomeaconsolidated
bourgeoisclasswithintheSovietUnion..."(JamesBurnham:"FromFormulatoReality",in
E.HaberkernandA.Lipow(eds.),NeitherCapitalismnorSocialism:Theoriesof
BureaucraticCollectivism,p.17).]
BurnhamandCarterstillthoughttheUSSRprogressiveasagainstcontemporarycapitalism.
Theywereforitsdefenceagainst"imperialistattacks".DrawingoutthelogicofTrotsky's
ownwritings-thedisintegrationofTrotsky'spositionintodiscreteandincongruent
elements-theyseparatedthosequestionsfromthe"classcharacter"oftheUSSR.Plainlyit
wasnotacapitaliststate;buttheycouldseenosenseinTrotsky'sargumentsforitsworkingclasscharacter.Theycouldnot,likeTrotsky,drawaworking-classidentityfromnegative
arguments-fromwhattheUSSRwasnot-andMarxisthistoricalperspectivesand
Trotsky'sprolongedsenseofwalkingatightropeacrossaninterregnum.Theyrepresented
thepositiveprint-outfromTrotsky'sownposition,apositiveasdistinctfromanegative
pictureoftheStalinistphenomenonasTrotskyhimselfportrayedit,aplain,flatpictureof
whatwas.Theywanteddownright,categoricalstatements,andtheyofferedsome.Neither
bourgeois,norproletarian-whatwasit,then?They"admitthattheeconomicstructureas
establishedbytheOctoberRevolutionremainsbasicallyunchanged'",andBurnhamand
Carter"donotforgetthatthemaindifferencebetweentheUSSRandthecontemporary
bourgeoisstatefindsitsexpressioninthepowerfuldevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesas
aresultofachangeintheformofownership".BurnhamandCarterthinkthatwhilethe
workingclasshasceasedbeingtherulingclass,the"economicstructure[which]still
remainsbasicallyunchanged"meansthatitisnotbourgeoiseither.They"deny...thatthe
bureaucracyisanindependentclass".Trotskysaysthattheyconcludethatthesovietstate"is
notanorganisationofclassdomination".BurnhamandCarteracceptthattheruleofthe
proletariatcantakedifferentformsbut,theyargue,aworkers'statemusthavesomeformof
workers'politicalrule."Theconceptofthedictatorshipoftheproletariatisnotprimarilyan
economicbutpredominantlyapoliticalcategory...Allforms,organs,andinstitutionsofthe
classruleoftheproletariatarenowdestroyed,whichistosaythattheclassruleofthe
proletariatisdestroyed".Trotskyreplies:"Ofcourse,thedictatorshipoftheproletariatis
notonlypredominantly'butwhollyandfullyapoliticalcategory'.However,thisvery
politicsisonlyconcentratedeconomics...Theregimewhichguardstheexpropriatedand
nationalisedpropertyfromtheimperialistsis,independentofpoliticalforms,the
dictatorshipoftheproletariat".Evenifitalso"guardstheexpropriatedproperty"fromthe
workers.Trotskytakesrefugeinanassertionbasedontheidentificationofnationalised
propertywithworking-classrule.HemerelyrestateswhatBurnhamandCarterhave
challenged,byassertingthatthoughtheproletariatdoesnotrulepolitically,itdoes
nonethelessrule"politically",ifnotthroughpolitics,becausetheUSSR'seconomyis
nationalised.Tothequestionofhowtheproletariatcanrulewhereclearlyitrulesnot,
TrotskyanswersthatthenationalisedeconomycomingoutoftheOctoberRevolutionisthe
ruleoftheproletariat.Inthedegeneratedworkers'state,theformulawhichTrotskyquotes
fromLenin-"politicsisconcentratedeconomics"-ismoretruetheotherwayround:
economicsiscongealedandconcentratedbureaucraticpolitics.Working-classeconomic
rulecanoperateonlythroughpolitics,becausetheeconomicandpoliticalarefusedina
wayquiteunlikepoliticsandeconomicsinaself-regulatingorlargelyself-regulating
economy.IntheUSSR,bothpoliticsandeconomicsareconcentratedinthehandsofthe
autocracyanditstotalitarianstate.
XX.TheUkraineandUSSRimperialism
On23August1939Stalinreversedhisdiplomaticorientationofthepreviousfouryearswhichhadbeenbasedonanalliancewiththedemocraticimperialistpowers,Franceand
Britain-andsignedapactwithHitler.On1SeptemberHitlerseizedwesternPoland.
BritainandFrancestoodbytheirtreatyobligationstoPoland,anddeclaredwaron
Germany.On17September-inlinewithsecretclausesinhispactwithHitler-Stalin
invadedeasternPoland.On30NovembertheUSSRinvadedFinland.Itmetfierce
resistance,andhadtosettle(on13March1940)forminorterritorialgains.InApril-June
theGermanarmysweptthroughmostofwesternEurope-Norway,Denmark,Belgium,the
Netherlands,France.InJune1940theUSSRseizedtheRumanianprovincesofBukovina
andBessarabia;inJuly,itannexedtheBalticstates(Latvia,Lithuania,Estonia),whichit
hadbroughtunderitseffectivecontrolinlate1939.Theseevents,thebeginningofthe
USSR'simperialistexpansion,dividedTrotskyismintotwoclearlydistinctstrands.
Formally,Trotskywasheavilyononeside;politically,aswewillsee,hewasonboth.In
theeasternpartofthePolishstate,seizedbyStalin,Poleswereaminority.Accordingtothe
nationalcompositionofthepopulation,itwasmoreaccuratelydescribedaswestern
UkraineandwesternByelorussia.ThegreaterportionsoftheUkrainianandByelorussian
peopleslivedintheUSSR.TherewerealsosmallerareasofUkrainianpopulationin
Rumania,and,afterMarch1939,Hungary.WellbeforetheseeventsHitlerhadcalledfora
"GreaterUkraine",andearlyin1939theNazishadallowedaconferenceofUkrainian
nationaliststobeheldinBerlininobviouspreparationforwar.Trotskyrespondedwith
greaturgency.TheUkrainiannationalquestionwasnowsoexplosive,heargued,that
communistoppositionistsintheUSSRmustbearmedwiththeslogan:fortheindependence
oftheUkraine.OtherwisetherevolutionariesintheUkrainewouldbedisarmedand
reactionaries,includingNaziinvaderswhentheycame,wouldbeabletoexploitUkrainian
nationaldisaffection.Infact,whentheNaziseventuallydidinvade,inJune1941,many
Ukrainiansdidatfirstwelcomethem,thoughtheNazis'anti-Slavracismsoonturnedthe
peopleagainstthemanddrovethembacktosupportforStalin'sstate.On22April1939,
Trotskywrote"TheUkrainianQuestion",whichwaspublishedintheSocialistAppeal,in
NewYork,on9May.TrotskyrealisticallysumsuphowthingsstandfortheUkrainians
outsidetheUSSR."Notatraceremainsoftheformerconfidenceandsympathyofthe
WesternUkrainianmassesfortheKremlin.Sincethelatestmurderouspurge'intheUkraine
no-oneintheWestwantstobecomepartoftheKremlinsatrapywhichcontinuestobearthe
nameoftheSovietUkraine".Now:"ThequestionofthefateoftheUkrainehasbeenposed
initsfullscope.Aclearanddefinitesloganisnecessarythatcorrespondstothenew
situation.Inmyopiniontherecanbeatthepresenttimeonlyonesuchslogan:Aunited,free
andindependentworkers'andpeasants'SovietUkraine".Anticipatingobjectionsfromthe
"friends"oftheUSSR,Trotskyreplies:"Thefervidworshipofstateboundariesisaliento
us.Wedonotholdthepositionofaunitedandindivisible'whole.Afterall,eventhe[1936]
constitutionoftheUSSRacknowledgestherightofitscomponentfederatedpeoplestoselfdetermination,thatis,toseparation".ToraisethesloganofUkrainianindependenceinthe
USSRwouldbringimmediateshootingfortreason."Itispreciselythisruthlesshoundingof
allfreenationalthoughtthathasledthetoilingmassesoftheUkraine,toanevengreater
degreethanthemassesofGreatRussia,tolookupontheruleoftheKremlinasmonstrously
oppressive...ItisnaturallyimpossibleeventotalkofWesternUkrainevoluntarilyjoining
theUSSRasitisatpresentconstituted.ConsequentlytheunificationoftheUkraine
presupposesfreeingtheso-calledSovietUkrainefromtheStalinistboot".Wouldn'tthis
weakentheUSSRmilitarily?Theweakeningiscausedbythe"ever-growingcentrifugal
tendenciesgeneratedbytheBonapartistdictatorship...Intheeventofwarthehatredofthe
massesfortherulingcliquecanleadtothecollapseofallthesocialconquestsofOctober".
Trotsky'snewsloganisdirectedagainstHitler-butalsoagainstStalin."Anindependent
workers'andpeasants'UkrainemightsubsequentlyjointheSovietfederation;but
voluntarily,onconditionsthatititselfconsidersacceptable,whichinturnpresupposesa
revolutionaryregenerationoftheUSSR".GenuineUkrainianindependenceisimpossible
withoutrevolutioninWesternEurope.TheUkrainewouldjoinaSovietUnitedStatesof
Europe.TrotskymaynowevenbecontemplatingaEuropeanworking-classrevolutionary
war,ifnecessary,againstStalinism."TheproletarianrevolutioninEurope,inturn,would
notleaveonestonestandingoftherevoltingstructureofStalinistBonapartism".This
Trotsky,facedwithrealpoliticalquestions,istheoppositeoftheTrotskywhothinksthatthe
preservationoftheformsofpropertyisall-important.Hereheadvocatesdeliberate
fomentationofarevolutionarymaelstromagainstbothHitlerand"therapistcliqueinthe
Kremlin".Thissortofviolentlanguage,expressingall-outhostilitytotheStalinistregimeas
toaparticularlymonstrousclassenemy,isbynowTrotsky'sonlypublictone.Itisvery
closetothemid-19thcenturytoneofKarlMarxagainstTsaristRussia.Trotsky's
"orientation"articlesonthe"working-class"characteroftheUSSR,andforitsdefence,are
forthenarrowercirclesofhiscomrades.Thebalanceisclosetobeingtheveryoppositeof
whatitwasintheearly1930s.On30JulyTrotskyreturnedtotheUkrainianquestion,
writing"IndependenceoftheUkraineandSectarianMuddleheads"(publishedinSocialist
Appeal,15and18September1939)inreplytocriticsofhisearlierarticle.Inthis
polemicalarticleagainstarigidgroupof"Trotskyists"(thoseassociatedwithHugoOehler)
TrotskyconfrontsacaricatureofhimselfonthequestionofdefenceoftheUSSR-theissue
thatwillsplittheFourthInternationalwithinaveryshorttime.Trotsky'scriticdenounces
theslogan,amongotherreasons,becauseit"completelynegatesthepositionofthedefence
oftheSovietUnion".How,asksTrotskyinreply,"canasocialistdemandthatahostile
UkraineberetainedwithintheframeworkoftheUSSR?"Oehlerdoes,Trotskybelieves,
supportthepoliticalrevolutionagainst"theBonapartistbureaucracy".Butthis"likeevery
revolution,willundoubtedlypresentacertaindangerfromthestandpointofdefence...Such
adangerisaninescapablehistoricalriskwhichcannotbeevaded,forundertheruleofthe
BonapartistbureaucracytheUSSRisdoomed"."Therevolutionarynationaluprising...
representsnothingelsebutasinglesegmentofthepoliticalrevolution"[Writings1939-40,
p.51,myemphasis].Thisisnotonlyfullrevolutionbutnationalstruggleagainstanimperial
power.AndthelogicoftheargumentfortheUkraineappliesalsototheUSSR'sother
oppressednationalities-whocomprise,betweenthem,themajorityofthestate's
population.Whatif"theseparationoftheUkrainethreatenstobreakdowntheplanandto
lowertheproductiveforces"?"Thisargument,too,isnotdecisive.Aneconomicplanisnot
theholyofholies...[AfterUkrainianindependence]insofarastheplanisadvantageousfor
theUkraineshewillherselfdesireandknowhowtoreachthenecessaryeconomic
agreementwiththeSovietUnion,justasshewillbeabletoconcludethenecessarymilitary
alliance".HereTrotskystepsoutsidethefetishoftheplannedeconomy,towhichelsewhere
allelseissubordinate.HewillsoonsplittheFourthInternationalbychampioningan
oppositeposition."Itisimpermissibletoforgetthattheplunderandarbitraryruleofthe
bureaucracyconstituteanimportantintegralpartofthecurrenteconomicplan,andexacta
heavytollfromtheUkraine...Theoutlivedrulingcasteissystematicallydestroyingthe
country'seconomy,thearmyanditsculture;itisannihilatingtheflowerofthepopulation
andpreparingthegroundforacatastrophe.Theheritageoftherevolutioncanbesavedonly
byanoverturn"(emphasisadded).Trotskyseesthechampioningofself-determinationasa
matterofarmingtheLeftOppositionwithafullrevolutionaryprogramme&"Thebolderand
moreresoluteisthepolicyoftheproletarianvanguardonthenationalquestionamong
others,allthemoresuccessfulwillbetherevolutionaryoverturn,alltheloweritsoverhead
expenses"."ThebarbofthesloganofanindependentUkraineisaimeddirectlyagainstthe
Moscowbureaucracyandenablestheproletarianvanguardtorallythepeasantmasses...the
samesloganopensupfortheproletarianpartytheopportunityofplayingaleadingrolein
thenationalUkrainianmovementinPoland,RumaniaandHungary.Bothofthesepolitical
processeswilldrivetherevolutionarymovementforwardandincreasethespecificweight
oftheproletarianvanguard".Trotskyisadvocatingfull-scaleproletarianandantiimperialistrevolution-implicitlyforthemajorityofthepeoplesoftheUSSRwherethe
GreatRussiansaretheminority.ThecallforanindependentUkraineimpliedaclear-cut
characterisationofStalin'sUSSR,evenbeforeitstartedtoexpand,asanimperialiststate.
Trotskyandhiscomradescharacterisedpre-warCzechoslovakia,YugoslaviaandPolandas
imperialiststatesbecausetheycontainedminoritiesheldagainsttheirwillandvariouslyilltreatedanddiscriminatedagainst-inCzechoslovakia,forexample,threemillionSudeten
GermansaswellasSlovaksandHungarians.
"Evenirrespectiveofitsinternationalties,Czechoslovakiaisanabsolutelyimperialist
state"[Writings1938-9,p.62].TherewasnologicalwaytoexcludetheUSSRfromthe
samecategory.Atthattime,anduptotheendof1939,theUSTrotskyistnewspaper,the
SocialistAppeal,summedupitspoliticsasacallfor"theThirdCamp".Trotskyexpounded
itlikethis:"Theattemptofthebourgeoisieduringitsinternecineconflicttoobligehumanity
todivideupintoonlytwocampsismotivatedbyadesiretoprohibittheproletariatfrom
havingitsownindependentideas.Thismethodisasoldasbourgeoissociety,ormore
exactly,asclasssocietyingeneral.NooneisobligatedtobecomeaMarxist;nooneis
obligatedtoswearbyLenin'sname.Butthewholeofthepoliticsofthesetwotitansof
revolutionarythoughtwasdirectedtowardsthis,thatthefetishismoftwocampswouldgive
waytoathird,independent,sovereigncampoftheproletariat,thatcampuponwhich,in
pointoffact,thefutureofhumanitydepends"[WritingsSupplement1934-40,p,868-9].In
thepoliticsTrotskydevelopedontheUkraineinthemonthsleadinguptoWorldWar2he
appliedthesameapproach,inessence,toconflictbetweenthetwocampsofHitlerand
StalinononesideandtheAlliesontheother."Thequestionoffirstorderisthe
revolutionaryguaranteeoftheunityandindependenceofaworkers'andpeasants'Ukraine
inthestruggleagainstimperialismontheonehand,andagainstMoscowBonapartismonthe
other".
XXI.ThepartitionofPoland
Trotsky'sresponsetothepartitionofPolandbyHitlerandStalininSeptember1939isin
linewiththosepolitics.Eversince1933,TrotskyandtheTrotskyistpresshaveexplained
fromtimetotimethatfundamentallyStalinwantedanalliancewithHitlerasthebestwayto
keepoutofwar;buthebitterlydenouncestheHitler-Stalinpact.Itis"amilitaryalliancein
thefullsenseoftheword,foritservestheaimsofaggressiveimperialistwar",writes
Trotskyon2September1939,thedayaftertheNazisattackPoland[Writings1939-40,
p.77].TheGerman-Sovietpact"isamilitaryalliancewithadivisionofroles:Hitler
conductsthemilitaryoperations,Stalinactsashisquartermaster...".Thinkingintermsof
yearsofEuropeanwar-thoughinfactitwillbeonlytenmonthsbeforeHitlerismasterof
thecontinent-TrotskypredictsthatifHitler,withStalin'shelp,winsthewar,then"thatwill
signifymortaldangerfortheSovietUnion".TheNaziinvasionoftheSovietUnionwasthen
22monthsinthefuture.BelievingthatStalin'sruleistoounstableforhimtoriskwar,
TrotskydoesnotexpecttheUSSRinvasionofeasternPoland.Whenitcomes,heresponds
inhighindignation.HescornstheMoscowstorythatitsconcernwasto"liberate"and
"unify"theUkrainianandWhiteRussianpeople."Inreality,theSovietUkraine,morethan
anypartoftheSovietUnion,isboundbytheferociouschainsoftheMoscowbureaucracy".
Ukrainianaspirationsforliberationandindependencearelegitimateandintense."Butthese
aspirationsaredirectedalsoagainsttheKremlin".TheUkrainianpeople"willfinditself
unified',notinnationalliberty,butinbureaucraticenslavement...Itisnotaquestionof
emancipatinganoppressedpeople,butratheroneofextendingtheterritorywhere
bureaucraticoppressionandparasitismwillbepractised"."Itistrue",concedesTrotsky,
"thatintheoccupiedregionstheKremlinisproceedingtoexpropriatethelargeproprietors.
Butthisisnotarevolutionaccomplishedbythemasses,butanadministrativereform,
designedtoextendtheregimeoftheUSSRintothenewterritories.Tomorrow"-infact,it
issimultaneously-"intheliberated'regions,theKremlinwillpitilesslycrushtheworkers
andpeasantsinordertobringthemintosubjectiontothetotalitarianbureaucracy"["TheUS
willparticipateinthewar",1October1939;NewYorkTimes4October1939;Writings
1939-40,p.94].
XXII.Trotskyismin1939
Bylate1939,inshort,thebalanceofTrotsky'spoliticshasshiftedheavilytowardsthe
advocacyofrevolutionbytheworkersandoppressednationalitiesagainsttheUSSR
autocracy;"defenceoftheUSSRagainstimperialism",thoughnotatallrenounced,has
becomeverysecondary.Moreover,Trotskyseesthat"defence"notasanalignmentwith
Stalinbutasarevolutionarymasssloganagainsttheautocracy,deemedtobeboundonthe
bourgeoisroad."Itisourtasktocallupontheworkingclasstoopposeitsownstrengthto
thepressureofthebureaucracy-forthedefenceofthegreatconquestsofOctober"["The
FourthInternationalandtheSovietUnion",July1936].Trotskyisunsureaboutthe
theoreticaldefinition.Hedoesnotknow.Thatiswhyheoscillatesbetweendifferent
"defencisms".Hecanonlyoperatepoliticallyonwhathehasknown,whilequestioningand
developingandtryingtoholdtogetherthepossibilityofrevolutionaryactionbytheFourth
International.Buttheexigenciesofpoliticsarewreakinghavocwith"science".Trotsky's
metaphysicsofthenationalisedeconomyundertheStalinistlocumhasseparatedpolitical
andinternationalaffairsfrom,andinthelastanalysissubordinatedeverythingelseto,the
nationalisedeconomyseenasthelegacyofOctober1917andthepolarcontrasttoworld
capitalistdecline.Inthisconceptionnothingthattheautocracycando,killingmillions,
deportingnations,destroyinglabourmovements,oreven,after1944-5,conqueringand
pillagingalargepartofeasternandcentralEurope-nothingbutdenationalisingthe
economy-canstoptheUSSRbeingaworkers'state.(Nor,onceStalinismbeginsitsvast
expansionafter1944,cananycrimecanceloutthelogicalimplicationthatStalinismisboth
progressiveandrevolutionary.)Trotskyhasalreadywritten,inhisreplytoCraipeau,that
theautocracycananddoesdoworsethananyrulingclassinhistory,andyetisstillthe
custodianoftheworkers'state."WecanandmustsaythattheSovietbureaucracyhasallthe
vicesofapossessingclasswithouthavinganyofitsvirtues'(organicstability,certainmoral
norms,etc.)".TiedbyhisfetishofnationalisedpropertytoUSSR"socialism"andafter
1928againandagainadaptingtoit,Trotskyhascreatedanimmenselyelasticsystemof
ideologisingaroundStalinismasworkers'state.Trotskyhasinsistedthat:"Onlydialectical
materialism,whichteachesustoviewallexistenceinitsprocessofdevelopmentandinthe
conflictofinternalforces,canimpartthenecessarystabilitytothoughtoraction".In
contrast,"asuperficialidealisticmodeofthinkingthatoperateswithready-madenorms,
mechanicallyfittinglivingprocessesofdevelopmenttothem""easilyleadsonefrom
enthusiasmtoprostration".Infact,thisisnotabaddescriptionofTrotskyhimself,except
thatforthe"idealisticnorms"ofMarxiansocialism,derivedfromsocialistextrapolation
fromadvancedcapitalism,Trotskyhas,aswesaw,erectedanorm-fetishextrapolatedfrom
theexperienceofonebackwardcountry.Trotsky'sstrengthisthathedoesnotletthis"norm"
shapehispictureofthe"livingprocesses"orblurhisviewpoint-thatoftheworkingclass.
Heletshisvisionsplitintotwoparallelpicturesofthesameworld,twonot-properlyintegratedviewsofthesamething.Adualityrunsthroughitall-betweenthe"legitimate"norm-sustaining-nationalisedeconomy,theonethatreallyfitstheunderlyinghistoric
processesoftheOctoberRevolutionanditsgoalsandwillre-emergeattheothersideofa
newworking-classrevolution,andtheactually-existingautocraticnationalisedeconomy,
thatistheveryoppositeofnationalisationthatservessocialistgoals.ForTrotsky'sstructure
ofafinelytunedandbalancedseriesofconditionalpositionserectedabovehis
conscientiousconcreteanalysis,hisownimageforBonapartismwillalsodo:itisaweight
finelybalancedonthetopofapyramid-finelybalancedbetweenhis"oldcommunist"
politicsandanalysesononeside,andontheothertheencroachingtotalitarian-economist
logicofhistheoriesabouttheprogressivenationalisedeconomyinwhichthebureaucracy
islocumforanenslavedworkingclassandcreatesseemingeconomicmiraclesinpartby
drivinglivingstandardsdowntosubsistenceleveland,formillions,below.Trotskyism
mustrolldownononesideofthepyramidortheother;and,asweshallsee,itstartstodo
soin1939-40.TrotskyhasinvokedthebasicMarxistschemeofthesuccessionsofarof
classsocietiesinhistorytocautionCraipeauandalllikehimandexpandontheconcerns
thatinhibitTrotsky'sownthinking.Trotsky'swayofkeepingtoitistobeunabletoseethe
USSRasawhole...andmentallyoscillatebetweenseeingitasbourgeoisorproletarianor
both.OfCraipeauTrotskyhadsaidthathedidnotdealwiththequestionsofhistorical
perspectiveraisedbyhisdescriptionofStalinismasaclasssociety-"ifthisnewsocietyis
aninevitablestagebetweencapitalismandsocialismorifitismerelyahistoricaccident'.".
Fromthepointofview"ofourgeneralhistoricalperspectiveasitisformulatedinthe
CommunistManifestoofMarxandEngels,thesociologicaldefinitionofthebureaucracy
assumescapitalimportance".Theretardationoftheworldrevolutionproducedsoviet
degeneration.Itis"theresultofpoliticalandconjunctural'causes...Canonespeakofa
new...conjunctural'class?Ireallydoubtthat...Fromthepointofviewofthehistoric
successionofsocialregimes...togivethebureaucracythenameofapossessingclassisnot
onlyanabuseofterminology,butmoreoveragreatpoliticaldangerwhichcanleadtothe
completederailmentofourhistoricalperspective".Thereismorethanalittleinthisof
specialpleading,ofaninvitationtocolludeinaconspiracyofsilenceandofthe
incantatory,ideologicallyprophylacticrepetitionofincreasinglydoubtful"officialtruths"
lestthefuriesescapeandchaosfollows.Thissortofconsideration-ifthis,thenthat,and
wemustthinkoftheimplications-isinimicaltothetaskTrotskyisostensiblyengagedin,
ofthinkingtheproblemsthroughtotheend.Trotsky'sconcern,letusrepeat,isthatofa
revolutionarypolitician.Hecouldtrulyclaimtohavekepttheterriblechroniclesof
StalinistruleandStalinistcrimeswithmatchlessstrictness,scrupulosityandobjectivity.He
isrighttoapproachthequestioncautiouslyandinwishingtoerrratheronthesideof
belatednessthantorushneedlesslytoconclusionsthatwillbringtheoreticaldisarraytoa
movementwhosemoraleandcapacityforactionatdecisivemomentsmayshapethefuture.
Yettheartistoknowwhenquantitypassestoquality.From1936onwards,atleast,whenhe
comesasnearasmakesnodifferencetodefiningtheUSSRasanewformofclasssociety
andthenunconvincinglyretreats,Trotskyisfightingarearguardaction-andfightingitin
suchawayastosuggestthatheknowsthatiswhathedoes.Hismotiveishonourableand
understandable.Trotskyisarevolutionarypolitician,notanacademicorbackwardsfocusedhistorian.Hisfocusandprime,properconcernisthefutureandthepreparationof
action.Thecostofhistheoreticaltardinessforthefutureofhismovementwillbehigher
thanhecouldeverhaveimagined.Trotskyisteachinghisfollowerstoliveonapolitical
tightrope;heisteaching"convenience"and"implications"asalegitimatefactorinpoliticaltheoreticalcalculationsand"notyet"asapseudo-answertoavoidanindicatedbut
unwantedanswer.OthersafterhimwillbelessabletokeepthebalancethanTrotskyis.
And,onacertainlevel,TrotskyhasrevisedMarxism.Intheinterestsofapreconceived
perspectiveandofdogmatismheisusingMarxismasanarrowlyconceivedanddefined
politicalartefactthatisasonlyaservantofpoliticalexpediency-hehasimpermissibly
stretchedthetermsandconceptssooutofshapethattheybegintolooklikethethingthey
supposedlyencompass,theUSSR.Essentially,aswehaveseen,heusesthetechniqueof
palimpsestry:writingnewmeaningsintoold"texts"andconcepts.Theideathatthetheory
eithersolvesorevadesthetheoreticalproblemsposedbyStalinismisillusory:heonly
takesthemoutofrationalassessmentbycorruptingtheverylanguageofoldMarxism.
FightingStalinism,hedoes,underthepressureofStalinism,whatfordifferentreasonsthe
StalinistbureaucracyhasdonetoMarxism.Byhistardiness,hehasdestructuredhis
doctrineandintroducedintoitadisablingincoherenceandmanydestabilisingelements,
includingsomethingakintoRussianpatriotism(Russiawillbereducedtoacolony).
TrotskybelievestheUSSRbureaucracycannotriskwarandwillcollapseifwarisforced
ontheUSSR.In1939-40itwillbetheFourthInternationalandTrotskywhofindthatwar
throwsthemintochaosandpoliticalcollapse.
XXIII/XXIV.ThetwosoulsofTrotskyism
AtthePoliticalCommitteeoftheAmericanTrotskyistgroup,theSWP,on5September
1939,JamesBurnhamputdownasetofthesesontheUSSRandthewar.Burnhamhas
already,in1937,saidthattheUSSRisneitherafullybourgeoisnoraproletarianstate,and
thatitisrevertingtocapitalism.HesharesTrotsky'sbasicframework-thereareonlytwo
alternatives,capitalismorworkers'power-butthinksrestorationhasgoneveryfaralready.
Henowre-raisesthequestionandcallsforacleardenunciationoftheUSSRasimperialist.
Contrarytomyth,BurnhamdidnotarguethattheUSSRis"bureaucratic-collectivist".He
willlaterwrite"TheManagerialRevolution"withadifferentthesis:hereheisstillarguing
fortheperspectiveofcapitalistrestoration.Inthesubsequentarguments,theonlypersonto
advancetheideaofbureaucraticcollectivismwillbeTrotsky,whoexpoundsittentatively
anddefendsitfromthechargeof"revisionism",but-fornow-rejectsit.[JosephCarter
hadadistinctposition,accordingtoMaxShachtman,butdidnotputitonpaper].Trotsky's
mainantagonistsinthefactionfightthatwoulddevelop,MaxShachtmanandMartinAbern,
shareTrotsky'sbasicpositionthattheUSSRisadegeneratedworkers'state.Shachtmanhas
doubtsandreservations-butdoesnotpropose,orindeedhave,analternativetoTrotsky's
formalposition.ShachtmanwillneveradoptthepositionofBurnham;hewilladoptthe
positionTrotsky,wearingthemaskofBrunoRizzi,putsforward.Thesplitthatdevelopsis
oneinTrotsky'sowncamp.ThedisputeisnotabouttheoriesoftheUSSR,butabout
politicalresponsestotheUSSR'sinvasionsofPolandandFinland,andtothebeginningof
theimperialistexpansionoftheUSSR.TheessentialinnovatorsarenotShachtmanandhis
friends.Trotskyistheinnovator,ontheonehandinsertingnewsubstanceintotheold
formulaof"defenceoftheUSSR"inresponsetothenewimperialistphaseofStalinism,and
ontheotherprovisionallysketchingoutanewtheoryofStalinism.Trotsky'spublic
commentsontheinvasionofPolandaresuchasmightbeamanifestostatingtheviewsof
MaxShachtmanandhisallies.TheUSTrotskyistleaderswithwhomhewillbealliedin
thatfactionfightrespondverydifferently:AlbertGoldmaninitiallywantstosupportthe
USSRinvasionofPolandasa"lesserevil",andJamesPCannonsaysthatitisamatterof
theUSSR'smilitarybusinessratherthanpoliticalrightorwrong[Cannonwouldhavea
reductioadabsurdumofthispositionaslateas1944,andonthatbasishedefendedthe
USSR'streacherytotheinsurgentsofWarsaw(seeTheBureaucraticJungle,inthis
volume)].Aseventsunfold,however,Trotskyisdrawnalongbythelogicof"holdingthe
line"forthetheoreticalsystemheisnotyetreadytodiscard-andinfactintoholdingthe
lineforthebirthofanew,regressive"Trotskyism".TherearedifferencesoverPoland,but
theyareamatterofcommentariesonanaccomplishedfact.Theydonothavetheexplosive
powerofdifferencesoverthefour-monthwarinFinlandthatwillstarton30November.
CannonandTrotskywillsaythatdefenceoftheUSSRobligesthemtobe"Soviet
partisans";ShachtmanandtheoppositionwillopposeStalinistconquest.Theygraspthata
newsituationhasemergedn.Thefactionfightwillsharpen.Trotskywillwriteanarticle,"A
PettyBourgeoisOppositionintheSWP"(15December1939)whichpoursragingscornand
contemptontheheadsofBurnham,ShachtmanandAbern-andonmuchthatwas
"Trotskyism"inSeptember1939.HewillsavageShachtmanforadvocatingthe"Third
Camp","opposebothsides",positionhehimselfpropoundedfortheUkraineafewweeks
earlier.InApril1940theTrotskyistmovementwillsplit.
XXV.USSRimperialism?"Againandoncemore..."
In"AgainandoncemoreontheNatureoftheUSSR"(18October1939),Trotskyrepliesto
AlbertGoldman'sideathattheStalinistoccupationofeasternPolandwas"alesserevil'".
Yes,Germanoccupationwouldhavebeenworseforthepeopleinvolved.(Theenslaving
andexterminatinggenocidalNazisinEasternEuropehaveahorroralltheirown,andthatnotnationalisedproperty-iswhatTrotskymeanshere.)Butthelesserevilwasobtained
"becauseHitlerwasassuredofachievingagreaterevil.Ifsomebodysets,orhelpstoseta
houseonfireandafterwardssavesfiveoutoftenoftheoccupantsofthehouseinorderto
convertthemintohisownsemi-slaves,thatistobesurealesserevilthantohaveburned
theentireten".IfStalin,the"firebug",deserves"credit",healsodeserveshanging.(Infact
thepopulationratiowastwoforHitler'sslaveryandoneforStalin'ssemi-slavery).[Ofthe
15millionpeopleintheterritoryStalinannexed,6millionwerePoles.Oftheseoneanda
halfmillionwerekilledordeportedtoslavelabour.]Trotskyrespondssympatheticallyto
thealarmofsomeofhiscomradesabout"unconditionaldefenceoftheUSSR".Indoingso
helaysthebasisofthepolicyadoptedbyShachtmanintheFinnishwar-"conjunctural
defeatism".Trotskydefines"unconditional'defenceoftheUSSR"tomean"that
independentlyofthemotivesandcausesofthewarwedefendthesocialbasisoftheUSSR,
ifitismenacedbydangeronthepartofimperialism".Hecannot,withoutembracinga
terriblelogic,interpretthattomean:wemustbacktheUSSRwhenevertheUSSRisatwar,
evenawartosubjugateasmallneighbouringpeople,becauseimperialismmaygetdrawnin
andanymilitarydefeatwillencouragethelargerenemiesoftheUSSR.No,Trotskysays
thatwedonot,ofcourse,supportthe"Red"Armyinanoccupiedterritory-aninvasionof
IndiabytheUSSRinalliancewithHitlerisbeinghypotheticallydiscussed-anymorethan
wesupportitintheUSSR."IftheRedArmymenacesworkers'strikesorpeasantprotests
againstthebureaucracyintheUSSRshallwesupportit?Foreignpolicyisthecontinuation
oftheinternal.WehaveneverpromisedtosupportalltheactionsoftheRedArmywhichis
aninstrumentinthehandsoftheBonapartistbureaucracy.Wehavepromisedtodefendonly
theUSSRasaworkers'stateandsolelythosethingswithinitwhichbelongtoaworkers'
state".Infact,inwartheUSSRandthe"Red"Armyareasingleentity,indivisible.Buthere
Trotskylabels"adroitcasuistry"argumentshewillshortlyuseorimply:"IftheRedArmy...
isbeatenbytheinsurgentmassesinIndia,thiswillweakentheUSSR".Hereplies:"The
crushingofarevolutionarymovementinIndia,withthecooperationoftheRedArmy,
wouldsignifyanincomparablygreaterdangertothesocialbasisoftheUSSRthanan
episodicdefeatofcounter-revolutionarydetachmentsoftheRedArmyinIndia"(emphasis
added).Arenotallthedetachmentscounter-revolutionary?Inanycase,thisis"conjunctural
defeatism".WhentheRedArmyissenttosuppress,annexandcrushtheFinnishnation,why
arethe"Red"Armydetachmentstherenotcounter-revolutionary?Trotskyadds:"Inevery
casetheFourthInternationalwillknowhowtodistinguishwhereandwhentheRedArmyis
actingsolelyasaninstrumentoftheBonapartistreactionandwhereitdefendsthesocial
basisoftheUSSR".Itisaquestionofjudgment-ofwhethertheFourthInternationaljudges
the"socialbasis"tobeatstake,andothercircumstances.Thiswillbethebasisofthe
oppositioncaseonFinland.ButwhentheFinnishwarerupts,Trotsky'sownargumentswill
beimprovisedinlinewitharooteddeterminationtostickwithhistheoretical,"totalitarian-
economistic",basicsandthe"Clemenceauthesis".In"Againandoncemore...",Trotskyalso
discussestheargumentofsomeofhisUScomradesthattheUSSRmustnowbecalled
"imperialist".Insubstancehegivesaprettyplain"yes"totheexistenceofRussian
imperialism,butherefusestousetheword.Wemust,writesTrotsky,firstestablishwhat
socialcontentisincluded.Historyhasknowntheimperialismofancientslavesociety,of
feudallords,ofcommercialandthenindustrialcapital,oftheTsaristmonarch,etc.Thetrain
ofthought,plainly,isthathistorynowknowstheimperialismoftheStalinistbureaucracy.
"ThedrivingforcebehindtheMoscowbureaucracyisindubitablythetendencytoexpandits
power,itsprestige,itsrevenues.Thisistheelementofimperialism'inthewidestsenseof
thewordwhichwasapropertyinthepastofallmonarchies,oligarchies,rulingcastes,
medievalestatesandclasses"-andnowplainlyoftheStalinistbureaucracy.Having
admittedthisandthusopenedthedoortothedevelopmentofarational"Trotskyist"
understandingoftheenormousexplosionofRussianStalinistimperialismthatthenexthalf
decadewouldexperience,Trotskyclosesit:"in...Marxistliterature,imperialismis
understoodtomeantheexpansionistpolicyoffinancecapital".Trotskykeepsthefactsunder
reviewwithstringenthonesty-asintheassimilationofRussianexpansiontothemanyand
variedexperiencesandtypesofimperialisminhistory-but,asonthequestionofclassand
exploitationposedbytheStalinistexperience,Trotsky'sessentialpositionis:ourtheory
doesnotknowofthisphenomenon,andourperspectivesexcludeit.Wherethepointofthis
discussioniswhatisnew-whatcurrentMarxistliterature,likeTrotsky's,shoulddealwith
-TrotskypointstothefactthatMarxistliteraturehasnotdoneitsofar...HesystematicallyinthewakeofandinparalleltoStalinist"dialectics"-destructuresandparalyseswith
sophisticrelativismthepropersocialistanddemocraticresponse."Toemploytheterm
imperialism'fortheforeignpolicyoftheKremlin-withoutelucidatingexactlywhatthis
signifies-meanssimplytoidentifythepolicyoftheBonapartistbureaucracywiththe
policyofmonopolisticcapitalismonthebasisthatbothoneandtheotherutilisemilitary
forceforexpansion".Allthatisconveyedbytheoutrageattheimpermissibleabstraction
involvedinequatingfinancecapitalandtheUSSRonthebasisofexpansionisthattheseare
differentsystems.Thefactsarenotdenied;Trotskyhasputthemwithadmirableclarity.He
won'tcalltheautocracyaclassorwhatitdoesexploitationandimperialism-butheis
sharpandclearaboutwhatitistheyareinlifeandwhattheydo-andonwhataproper
socialistresponseis,includingonthenationalquestionintheUSSR(Ukraine).Yethere,at
thebirthofexpansionaryRussianbureaucraticimperialism,hebeginstofailtobehimself.
OnFinlandhewillfailutterlyandcompletelytomaintainhisconsistentlyBolshevik
politics.Forthefirsttimesincehecameoutfor"politicalrevolution"intheUSSRhe
cannotrespondtoacriticwhowantstodefinetheautocracyasanewexploitingclassby
retorting:whatdoyouwanttoaddtothepolticalconclusions?WhenTrotskysaysthe
identificationofUSSRexpansionandtheimperialismofexpansionaryfinancecapitalcan
sow"onlyconfusion"andthat"itismuchmorepropertopettybourgeoisdemocratsthanto
Marxists",heputsouttheeyesofhissurvivingcomrades,oftheFourthInternationalist
movement.
XXVI.TheinvasionofFinland
Trotsky'sresponseforthegeneralpublictotheinvasionofFinlandwas"TheTwinStars:
Hitler-Stalin",writtenon4December1939[Writings1939-40,p.113],fourdaysafter
StalininvadedFinlandon30November.HehadnottothelastmomentexpectedtheUSSR
togotowaragainstFinland,anymorethanhehadexpectedStalin'sinitialexpansion,which
hehadsaidwasimpossible.HestillarguesthatStalincannotwageanoffensivewarwith
anyhopeofvictory.WarwillprovokerevolutionagainstStalinism.Inwar,"thewholefraud
oftheofficialregime,itsoutragesandviolence,willinevitablyprovokeaprofound
reactiononthepartofthepeople,whohavealreadycarriedoutthreerevolutionsinthis
century".TheUSSRiscapableofbeingareactiveforceonly.Germany,todrawtheUSSR
intothewar,"obviouslypushedMoscowagainstFinland".Trotskyseemstoexpectaneasy
USSRvictory."ButthesovietisingoftheWesternUkraineandWhiteRussia(Eastern
Poland),likethepresentattempttosovietiseFinland-aretheynotactsofsocialist
revolution?Yesandno.Morenothanyes.WhentheRedArmyoccupiesanewprovince,
theMoscowbureaucracyestablishesaregimewhichguaranteesitsdomination.The
populationhasnochoicebutvotingyestotheeffectedreformsinatotalitarianplebiscite.A
revolution'ofthiskindisfeasibleonlyonarmy-occupiedterritorywithascatteredor
backwardpopulation...Thisrevolution'canindeedbeacceptedbytheKremlin.AndHitler
hasnofearofit".AfterthisarticleispublishedinLibertymagazine(27January1940)a
memberoftheSWPminority,DwightMacDonald,willcommentthatinLibertyTrotskyis"
inreality'a...Shachtmanite"andpro-USSRonlyintheTrotskyists'privatediscussion
bulletins.Infactthe"twoTrotskys"phenomenonthatnowemergesisremarkable.Itisasif
thetwoTrotskysdon'tevencommunicatewitheachotherverywell.Inhispublicwritings,
includingthoseintheTrotskyistpress,Trotskyrespondsasaworking-classsocialisttothe
USSRthatactuallyexistsandtowhatitreallydoes;inhis"internal",orienting,"esoteric"
writingshedealswiththeUSSRofhistheory,withaUSSRthatdoesnotexistexceptin
Trotsky'smapofhistory-thatexistsinhisimaginationandinhishopes.Trotsky'sfirst
contributiontotheSWP'sinternaldebateaftertheinvasionofFinlandis"ThePetty
BourgeoisOppositionintheSWP"(15December1939),aroarofangerandalarm,an
attempttobeatdowntheopposition,which,heclaims,"isleadingatypicalpetty-bourgeois
tendency".TrotskypresentsJamesBurnhamasthecentralleaderoftheopposition,and
focusesonBurnham'sviewsondialectics,onthenatureoftheUSSR,andonhowtheSWP
shouldbeorganised,morethanFinland.TheseareallissuesonwhichBurnhamhashad
longstandingandwell-knowndifferenceswithTrotsky-butonwhichtheotherleadersof
theSWPopposition,MaxShachtmanandMartinAbern,shareTrotsky'sviews.Amonth
laterTrotskywillsumuphispictureoftheopposition:"Therelationshipofforceswithin
theblociscompletelyagainstShachtman.Abernhashisownfaction.Burnhamwith
Shachtman'sassistancecancreatethesemblanceofafactionconstitutingintellectuals
disillusionedwithBolshevism.Shachtmanhasnoindependentprogramme,noindependent
method,noindependentfaction"["FromaScratchtotheDangerofGangrene"].Trotskyand
CannonfearthatBurnhamwilldominatetheopposition.Buthedidnotdominate.After
Burnham'sdefectionfromShachtman'sWorkers'Party,soonaftertheApril1940split,
perhapsadozenyouth-nomore-wouldjointheSocialistParty.Abernwouldneverplay
anindependentpoliticalroleintheWorkers'Party.TheideaofBurnham'sdominancewas
prettyspuriousin1939-40.By1942,whenTrotsky'spolemicsfrom1939-40were
publishedbytheSWPasabook(InDefenceofMarxism)andsince,ithadbecomeplain,
matter-of-factlibelontheWorkers'Party.Thespuriousnessofitisdisplayedinaneloquent
passagewhereTrotskydevelopstheideaofaparallelbetweendialecticsandtheRussian
questioninBurnhamandShachtman."Burnham...possessesamethod-pragmatism.
Shachtmanhasnomethod.HeadaptshimselftoBurnham".ButShachtmanhasaconscious
method-anditisthesameasTrotsky's.IfitistruethatShachtmanontheUSSR"gravitates"
towardsBurnham,anexplanationforthismaybesoughtinthedifficultiesand
contradictionsandinadequaciesoftheconclusionsthatTrotsky-andShachtman-have,
withtheir"dialectical"method,reachedsofar.Theoppositionassertsthattheirposition
doesnotdependonBurnham'sthesisontheUSSR;ShachtmanandAbernhavereasonsof
theirown:neitherofthemwillevercometoshareBurnham'spositionof1939.Trotsky's
insistencethatBurnhamiscentralisawayofinsistingonTrotsky'sownmethodasheuses
itandwithhisconclusionsastheonlylegitimateones-or,inotherwords,arefusalto
admitShachtman'sandAbern'sconclusionsaspossiblefromthestandpointtheyheldin
commonwithhim.Itisdenialofasplitinhisowncamp.Butbothontherightsofsmall
nationsagainsttheUSSR,andon"conjuncturaldefeatism"hehasbrokentheirgroundfor
them.TheoppositionaredevelopingtheentiretrendofTrotsky'sthoughtsince1936/7and
theWorkers'Partytheyfoundwillcontinuetodoit.In"ThePettyBourgeoisOpposition"
whenhedealswithFinland,Trotskycomesoutmore"for"Russiathaninanyprevious
writingsformanyyears.TopunishtheStalinists"fortheirunquestionablecrimes",Trotsky
says,theoppositionresolutiondoesnotmention"bysomuchasawordthattheRedArmy
inFinlandexpropriateslargelandownersandintroducesworkers'controlwhilepreparing
fortheexpropriationofthecapitalists".Trotskyhopedforclassstruggleintheinterstices
andmaybefortheRedArmycatchingalight,andtherevolutionaryblazespreadingbackto
theUSSR.Hehasexplainedthatif,hypothetically,theRussianArmyinvadesIndia:"We
willteachtheIndianworkerstofraternisewiththerankandfilesoldiersanddenouncethe
repressivemeasuresoftheircommandersandsoon"[Writings1939-40,p.108].Thisis
Trotsky'sfullrevolutionaryattitudetothe"Red"Army:we"fraternise"todisruptit.Yet
Trotsky'sdisorientationhereispalpable;andnotonlyinthattheentirepictureheconjures
upofWar-Revolutioniswithoutbasisinfactandcontradictsthelongconsideredandtrue
picturehehaspaintedonlyafewmonthsbackoftheattitudeofpeoplesborderingthe
USSR,liketheUkrainiansandFinns-"no-oneintheWestwantstobecomepartofthe
KremlinsatrapywhichcontinuestobearthenameoftheSovietUkraine".Butevenif,in
December,TrotskythinkstheRedArmyisintroducingworkers'control,howcanhe
evaluateitaspositive,asotherthantheStalinistequivalentoffascistsocialdemagogyand
manipulation?Trotskygoeson:"TomorrowtheStalinistswillstrangletheFinnishworkers.
Butnowtheyaregiving-theyarecompelledtogive-atremendousimpulsetotheclass
struggleinitssharpestform".This"classstruggle"-ifitwerereal-wouldbeonlyan
auxiliarytotheRussianArmy,a"quisling"helpmeetofthetotalitarianimperialistinvaders.
Anythingthatmight"initself"begood,likesparksofclassstruggleandworkers'control,
would"tomorrow"bestifledtogetherwiththeFinnishworkers.Trotskywillcompare
supportfortheUSSRinFinlandwithsupportfortheRepublicintheSpanishcivilwar,but
ifthereisagreaterandalesserevilhere,anenemyusingamachinegunandonedripping
slowpoison,thenFinlandistheanalogueoftheSpanishRepublicandtheRedArmyofthe
Francofascists.Why,evenonTrotsky'sownaccountofthings,shouldsocialistscallonthe
Finnishworkerstobe"Sovietpartisans"-traitorsnotonlytoFinlandbuttotheirown
labourmovement?Theonlypossibleansweristhatnationalisedpropertyismoreimportant
thanthesurvivalofFinland'slabourmovementorFinnishnationalrights.InFinlandthe
dogmaofdefenceoftheUSSRaspartoftheworkers'revolutioncomesstarklyupagainst
defenceoftheFinnishlabourmovement-oftheworkers,thesubjectsofhistoryinMarxist
understanding.Ifnationalisedpropertyis,sotospeak,congealeddeadrevolutionary
activity,hereitconfrontsalivingworking-classmovement,whoseexistencetheUSSR
threatens.Thefetishofnationalisedproperty,raisedabovesociety,politicsandhistory,
nowactsasasocial,political,military,historicalhallucinogen.TheUSTrotskyistpress
skirmishedonbehalfofStalin,makingpropagandaagainstbourgeois-democraticFinlandof
ashamefulsortthatpresenteditasifitwereamilitarydictatorshipidenticalwiththe
regimethat20yearsbeforemassacredtheFinnishBolshevikworkers.
XXVII.Trotskywarsonhisownpolitics
TrotskywritesanopenlettertoBurnhamon7January1940.CivilwarinFinlanddidnot
unfold,saytheSWPopposition."Yourpredictionsdidnotmaterialise".Trotskyreplies:
"WiththedefeatandretreatoftheRedArmy,Ireply,thecivilwarinFinlandcannot,of
course,unfoldunderthebayonetsofMannerheim".CarlMannerheimcommandedcounterrevolutionaryforceswhichkilledthousandsofcommunistworkersincivilwarinFinland
in1918-9.Aftertwentyyearsinretirement,hehasbeenrecalledasCommanderinChieffor
thewarwiththeUSSR.Finlandisaparliamentarydemocracywithacoalitiongovernment
ofSocialDemocratsandtheAgrarianParty.Butwhatsortofcivilwarcanunfoldunderthe
bayonetsofStalin?Trotskycontinues:"Wedidnotforeseethedefeatsofthefirst
detachmentsoftheRedArmy",butsuch"amilitaryepisode...cannotdetermineourpolitical
line.ShouldMoscow...refrainfromanyfurtheroffensiveagainstFinland,thenthevery
questionwhichtodayobscurestheentireworldsituationtotheeyesoftheoppositionwould
beremovedfromtheorderoftheday.Butthereislittlechanceforthis.Ontheotherhand,if
England,FranceandtheUnitedStates...weretoaidFinlandwithmilitaryforce,thenthe
FinnishquestionwouldbesubmergedinawarbetweentheUSSRandtheimperialist
countries.Inthiscase,wemustassumethatevenamajorityoftheoppositionistswould
remindthemselvesoftheprogrammeoftheFourthInternational".Doesn'tTrotskyhere
admitthattheactualFinnish-USSRconflictisnotcoveredbytheFourthInternational
programme?Ornotquite?OrwillbeonlyifimperialistpowerslikeBritainandFrance
intervene?Trotskyproposesapolicy,determinedbyconsiderationsofdefendingtheUSSR
fromimperialistattack-whichwillnotinfactcomebythisroute.WhydoesTrotskynot
waitforthis,keepseparatedefenceoftheUSSRagainstwesternimperialism-as
Shachtmanwants-fromsupportforUSSRimperialismagainstFinland?Whymerge
defenceoftheUSSRwithhalf-hatchedideasofexpandingbureaucraticrevolution?Trotsky
concedesthatthenotional"civilwar"inFinland"isintroducedonbayonetsfromwithout.It
iscontrolledbytheMoscowbureaucracy.Nevertheless",Trotskycontinues,havingshown
ittobeaveryunusual,indeedanoxymoronic,sortofcivilwar,"itispreciselyaquestionof
civilwar,ofanappealtothelowly,tothepoor,acalltothemtoexpropriatetherich,drive
themout,arrestthem,etc.Iknowofnoothernameforthoseactionsexceptcivilwar".In
factitisacallbyawould-beconqueringandsubjugatingimperialiststatetotheoppressed
classesofinvadedFinlandtohelpthemoverrunthecountryandoverthrowtheoldrulers
whosepositioninsocietytheinvaders'rulingclass-orasTrotskywouldprefer,ruling
autocracyandcaste-willreplace.Theywillnotonlyaddnationaloppressionbuta
uniquelyintenseandall-encompassingnewsocialoppressiontoo.Trotsky'sapproachhere
ispalimpsestry,writingnewcontentintooldterms.Workers'statesthatareslavestates,
civilwarsthatareinvasions,appealsagainsttherichtothepoorbyworseslavemasters
whowanttheirhelp.Onthesameleveloffantasy,Trotskyconstructsapolicywhich,he
says,socialistsshouldhavefollowedineasternPolandwhentheUSSRinvaded.They
should"conductastruggleagainstthelandlordsandthecapitalists"(doesheimaginethisis
somehowseparatefromtheoccupyingarmyoftheUSSR?)"Donottearyourselfawayfrom
themasses"whohave"naivehopesinMoscow"-"fightintheircamp,trytoextendand
deepentheirstruggle,andtogiveitthegreatestpossibleindependence.Onlyinthisway
willyoupreparethecominginsurrectionagainstStalin".Here,though,hispictureofreality
isradicallyfalse.Trotskycontinuesthetraditionofbeingspecificandconcreteabout
revolutionarytasks.Inprinciplethatiscorrect.ItdoesnotdemandcallingtheUSSRa
workers'state,beingforitsdefence,oranythingotherthantact.However,theideathat
MarxistsshoulddecidewhattheysayabouttheUSSR'simperialism-andfivethousand
milesawayinNewYork,whichiswheretheactualdisputeandTrotsky'smainaudienceisaccordingnottothefactsbuttowhattheythinkwillbringthebestresultsimpliesthedeath
ofMarxism.Itdependsonhalf-truthtelling,half-picturepainting,opportunisticallyoreven
mimeticallysuspendingdisbelief.Thepoliticsoffantasyhereisessentiallypassive,
manipulatingideasandimagesinimaginationratherthangraspingandchangingrealities.It
islinkedinTrotskyandneo-Trotskyismtothelossofacredibleworking-classagencyfor
theimmediatesocialiststruggletheyurgentlydesire.Mimicry,pretence,andsuspensionof
disbeliefwillbeabigpartof"orthodox"neo-Trotskyismandthemainstayofitsrelationto
Stalinism.InTrotsky'sscenarioaboutrevolutionasanaureolearoundtheRedArmythereis
morethanconfusionandamnesia,thereisaqualityofdelirium.InMay1940,inamanifesto
fortheFourthInternational,hewillsumitup:theseizureofEasternPoland,hewrites,"was
accompaniedbythenationalisationofsemi-feudalandcapitalistproperty".Without
nationalisation,hesays,thenewterritoriescouldnothavebeenincorporatedintotheUSSR.
"ThestrangledanddesecratedOctoberRevolutionservednoticethatitwasstillalive".
ThisisKingLearattheend,drainedandexpiring,whothinksheseeshisdeaddaughter
Cordelia,whohasbeenhanged,smilingathim!Facedwithnewevents,Trotskyhassince
1927preferredtocramandstretcholdterminologyandoldconceptsasifthatcantidyup
unrulyrealityandwardofftheoreticalproblems.Infactitonlydestructuresmeaningand
erodesandcorruptswords.ItwasoneofthehistoricrolesofStalinismtoerodeandcorrupt
thevocabulary,theperspectives,thegoalsandthemodelsofrevolutionarysocialism.Here,
onadifferentplanebutaccommodatingtothe"historicalfact"ofStalinism,Trotskyis,for
whathethinksaregoodrevolutionaryreasons,doingthesame.TrotskydenouncesBurnham
forwritingabout"experimental","critical"and"scientific"-ratherthan"Marxist"politics.Burnham"culledthelabelimperialisttodescribetheforeignpolicyofthe
Kremlin";this"innovation"creates"lesssectarian',lessreligious',lessrigorousformulas,
commontoyouand-ohhappycoincidence!-bourgeoisdemocracy".Trotskyistryingto
imprisonandfreezethoughtbyfreezingterminology.Heassertsthat:"Terminologyisoneof
theelementsoftheclassstruggle".Itcanbe-butnotalwaysontherealMarxistsideofit.
Fixedterminologycanbecomeasubstituteforthought;thelivingmethodofMarxistanalysis
canbeandoftenissmotheredunderitlikefireunderashes.Unlesswereconquerthe
meaningoftheterminologyagainandagain,itbecomesdeadmatterlearnedbyrote,with
unclear,impreciseandrecedingmeanings.Andthisattitudetoterminologywouldmake
muchthatneo-Trotskyismsaidincomprehensibletooutsiders-aseriesofself-hypnotising
mantras.Theideaofinsistingonafixedandrigidterminologyin,forexample,journalism,
isthemarkandtoaconsiderableextentthesubstanceofafundamentalistsect.InsomeneoTrotskyistgroupsitwouldeventuallyleadtoauniformityofphrasingevenaboutcurrent
events.Terminological"orthodoxy"istheenemyofthoughtandofeffectivepoliticsifitis
imposedasarigiduniformityorcrackedupasanecessarytributeoffealtytoMarxism.In
thisOpenLetterTrotskyturnsonhisownpoliticsandbeginstopullthemdown,strikingat
himself.Heclaimsthattheoppositionshowedglaring"impotenceinthefaceofgreat
events"onPoland,theBalticstatesandFinland."Shachtmanbeganbydiscoveringa
philosopher'sstone:theachievementofasimultaneousinsurrectionagainstHitlerandStalin
inoccupiedPoland.Theideawassplendid;itisonlytoobadthatShachtmanwasdeprived
oftheopportunityofputtingitintopractice.TheadvancedworkersineasternPolandcould
justifiablysay:AsimultaneousinsurrectionagainstHitlerandStalininacountryoccupied
bytroopsmightperhapsbearrangedveryconvenientlyfromtheBronx;buthere,locally,it
ismoredifficult.WeshouldliketohearBurnham'sandShachtman'sanswertoa"concrete
politicalquestion":Whatshallwedobetweennowandthecominginsurrection?'."Whatis
Trotskysaying?To"tellthetruth"andpointtotwintyrannies(slaveryandsemi-slavery,on
Trotsky'sownaccount)isnotpossibleuntilwecanorganiseinsurrection,andsimultaneous
insurrection?WhatdidTrotskyadvocatefortheUkrainesixmonthsbefore?"Thestruggle
againstimperialismontheonehand,andagainstMoscowBonapartismontheother".The
sarcasmaboutsimultaneousrisingsamountstojeeringattheweaknessoftheproletariatand
oftheTrotskyistmovement.TrotskywaswonttoquoteLassalle:Everygreatmovement
beginswiththestatementofwhatis.When,here,hereduceshisownideaof"ThirdCamp"
politicstothenonsenseofsimultaneousinsurrection,Trotskyisbeingpushedintooneof
twocamps-Stalin's.
XXVIII.Bureaucraticrevolution?
Twoweekslater,followinghisOpenLettertoBurnhamwithanotherlongpolemic,Trotsky
wrote"FromaScratch-totheDangerofGangrene"(24January1940).Chargingthat"the
petty-bourgeoistendencyrevealsitsconfusioninitsattempttoreducetheprogrammeofthe
partytothesmallcoinofconcrete'questions",TrotskyexcisesFinnishnationalselfdeterminationandtherighttolifeoftheFinnishlabourmovementfromhisprogrammein
deferencetoRussiannationalisedproperty-thatis,hecounterposesthesupposeddead
residueoftheRussianworkers'revolutiontothelivingworkers'movementofFinland.In
contrasttothesmall-coinpettybourgeois,"theproletariantendency...strivestocorrelateall
thepartialquestionsintotheoreticalunity".Aye,butdotheyunifywhenyou"correlate"
them?Thesystem-buildingofTrotskyincreasinglytrapshiminabsurdity.Thistoois
dialectical;becausetheerrorsinTrotsky'ssystemarenowall-devouring,hisstrivingfor
wholenessandvirtueistransformeddialecticallyintoaraggedandpoliticallyvicious
travesty.FearthatthewholeintricateChinese-boxtheoreticalstructurehehasbuiltonthe
USSRwillcollapse(probably)andbeliefinthelikelihoodofimmediateclashesbetween
theUSSRandBritainorFranceinFinland(certainly)pushTrotskyto"abstract"everything
exceptnationalisedpropertyfromthesituation.Itisnationalised-propertyfetishismpushed
tothepointofanabsoluteandflatcontradictionwiththeworkingclass-immediately,with
theFinnishworkingclass.InvokingbasicMarxistideasontheultimatelyfundamentalrole
ofeconomics,Trotskycomplains:"OurattempttoreducethepoliticsoftheKremlinto
nationalisedeconomy,refractedthroughtheinterestsofthebureaucracy,provokesfrantic
resistancefromShachtman".ButwhatdoyougetifyoutrytoseetheUSSReconomyas
crudelyexpressedinStalin'sforeignpolicy?Economicpillage,aslavehuntand
confiscationofthesurplusproductfortheautocracy.Evenifnationalisedpropertyforms
cangiveaboosttoproduction,howdoesthespreadfromabackwardsocietyofthis
propertyform,coupledwithnationaloppressionand"semi-slavery",constituteprogress?
Takeitasawhole-nationalisedpropertyand"semi-slavery"-andwhatkindofeconomic
formsuperiortocapitalismisthis?Trotskyis,ofcourse,impelledbytheseeminghopeless
collapseofcapitalismandthescenarioofasuccessionofworldwarsrapidlydigging"the
graveofcivilisation".ButtheideaofStalinist"bureaucraticrevolution"wouldbecomethe
dominantoperationalelementinneo-Trotskyism,andservetoobfuscateanddisguisethe
classrealitiesofthenewStaliniststatesofthe1940sandafter,seeminglyassimilatingthem
totheOctoberRevolution.WhatTrotskysaysonthisin"Gangrene..."isafantastictissueof
contradictions.TrotskyaccusesShachtman:"MyremarksthattheKremlinwithits
bureaucraticmethods"-police-statemethods,totalitarianconquest-"gaveanimpulsetothe
socialistrevolution"-whatrevolution?-"isconvertedbyShachtmanintoanassertionthat
inmyopinionabureaucraticrevolution'oftheproletariatispresumablypossible.Thisis
notonlyincorrectbutdisloyal.Myexpressionwasrigidlylimited.Itisnotaquestionof
bureaucraticrevolution'butonlyabureaucraticimpulse".Impulsetowhat?Andwhatisthe
resultnow,whichwemustdefendintheannexedterritoriesaswedefendthenationalised
propertyintheUSSR?"ThepopularmassesinwesternUkraineandByeloRussia,inany
event,feltthisimpulse,understooditsmeaningandusedittoaccomplishadrasticoverturn
inpropertyrelations".Whathashappened,then,wastheresultofafleetingmomentof
workers'revolution?InbackwardeastPoland,wherethereisverylittleindustryandmost
ofthepeoplearepeasants?Theideaofdeformedworkers'statesencapsulatingafleeting
momentofrealrevolutionwouldbecomecommoninneo-Trotskyism.ButwhatdidtheRed
ArmyandtheGPUdo?Whohadcontrolattheend?Whatpropertyrelationsreplacedthe
onesoverturned?Whoseisthepropertynow,afterthe"drasticoverturn"?"Thisimpulsein
thedirectionofsocialistrevolutionwaspossibleonlybecausethebureaucracyoftheUSSR
straddlesandhasitsrootsintheeconomyofaworkers'state.Therevolutionaryutilisation
ofthisimpulse'bytheUkrainianByeloRussians[sic]waspossibleonlythroughtheclass
struggleintheoccupiedterritoriesandthroughthepoweroftheexampleoftheOctober
Revolution.Finally,theswiftstrangulationorsemi-strangulationofthisrevolutionarymass
movementwasmadepossiblethroughtheisolationofthismovementandthemightofthe
Moscowbureaucracy".Trotskyisrepairingthetheoreticalfabric-withassertions,
"deductions",andfantasies.Mocking"Shachtman's"ThirdCamppolicyastantamounttoa
"risingontwofrontsorganisedfromtheBronx",Trotskywindsupwithsomethingfarmore
awkward,especiallyforthosedoingitnotfromtheBronxorCoyoacanbutonthespotorganisingaproletarianrevolution,inalargelyagrariansociety,underthegunsandthe
military-politicalsurveillanceofatotalitarianinvader!WhenhegoesontodiscussPoland,
Trotskystartswithacoherentaccountofthecallbythepuppet"People'sGovernment"for
workers'control-"nothingmorethancrowdingoutthenativebourgeoisie,whoseplacethe
bureaucracyproposestotake".Exactly!"Furthermore...ofgreatesturgencytotheKremlin
istheextractionofanewadministrativeapparatusfromamongthetoilingpopulationofthe
occupiedareas"-thatisthecooptionofworkersandpeasantsintothenewrulingclassas
quislings.Then,onceagain,aswiththe"ThirdCamp",Trotskyturnstomockhisown
politics.ShachtmanaskedTrotskywhyheplacedsignificanceinthemanifestoof"theidiot"
Kuusinen,headofStalin'sstooge"government"forFinland.Trotskyreplies:"Theidiot'
KuusinenactingontheukaseoftheKremlinandwiththesupportoftheRedArmy
representsafarmoreseriouspoliticalfactorthanscoresofsuperficialwise-acreswho
refusetothinkthroughtheinternallogic(dialectics)ofevents".Andhowmanybattalions
doestheFourthInternationalhave?ImagineTrotskywritinginresponsetosuchathingsix
monthsearlier;namelessseriousnessandclasslesspolitics!No:thedifferenceinTrotsky's
approachhastobethatthingsareonthemove."ThestrangledanddesecratedOctober
Revolutionservednoticethatitwasstillalive".Thisistherevolution,fornow.Thepolitics
hereareoftwocamps(backStalinagainstHitler)andtwostages(Stalin-controlled
bureaucraticrevolutionfirst,working-classrevolutionlater).AndTrotskyaddsafurther
devastatingtwist:"TheprogrammeoftheKuusinengovernment,evenifapproachedfroma
formal'pointofviewdoesnotdifferfromtheprogrammeoftheBolsheviksinNovember
1917".AsTrotsky,afterLenin,saidtotheLeftOpposition"administrators"whocapitulated
in1929-30,thedecisivequestionis"who?whom?"The"1917programme"-orshardsof
it,sansinternationalism,sansworkers'democracy-isnowinthehandsofanoligarchic
elite.Trotsky'sgreatmistakein1939-40isthathedeepenstheconfusiononStalinismthat
hasreignedsince,after1928,heinterpretedtheStalinistautocracy'smoveagainstthe
kulaksandNepmenasadeformedworking-classresponseratherthantheconsolidationofa
newexploitingclass.Whentheautocracymovesoutontotheworldarena,challenging
capitalistsanddestroyingcapitalistclasses-not"defending"or"deepening"whatthe1917
revolutionhadachieved,butactingplainlyasanindependentanti-bourgeoisand
simultaneouslyanti-working-classforce-thatisthepointwhenTrotsky'stheorycomesinto
irreconcilableconflictwithinternationalworking-classpoliticsandbecomesasatelliteof
expansionaryStalinism.Essentially,Trotskysays"wait";itistooearlytoidentifythe
autocracyasanewexploitingclass;itisabsurdtoimagineStalinistconquestreaching
beyondsmallborderstates."ItisfantastictoimaginethatGermanycouldbesovietised
fromMoscowaswassmallandbackwardGalicia"(i.e.easternPoland:OutlineofHitlerStalintwinstararticle.15November1939).JamesPCannonwouldputthisevenmore
clearly:"StalincouldtakethepathofNapoleonicconquestnotmerelyagainstsmallborder
states,butagainstthegreatestimperialistpowers,onlyononecondition:thattheSoviet
bureaucracyinrealityrepresentsanewtriumphantclasswhichisinharmonywithits
economicsystem..."[StruggleforaProletarianParty,p.104].BythetimetheUSSRdoes
conquerhalfofGermany,CannonandhiscomradeswillbetoowalledoffbyTrotsky's
fiercepolemicsofthisperiod,andbytheirownfactionalelaborationsandparty
competitionwiththeShachtmanites,torethink.Alogicwillunfoldwhichrelegatesthe
proletariansocialistprogrammetosomethingforthefuture:aquasi-privatesetofglosses
onthehorrorsunfoldingintheworldinthe"firststage"of"therevolution".Theparallel
withthedestructionofnormsafter1917isimportant;thecontinuity,blurring,mergingwith
whatStalindid-theTrotskyistprogrammerelegatedtothefuture;"centuriesofdeformed
workers'states"-allthatisthereimplicitlyinTrotsky,seedswaitingtosprout.
XXIX.BalanceSheetoftheFinnishEvents
"Gangrene..."isTrotsky'slastwritingfortheSWPfactionfight,followedonlybya
"BalanceSheetoftheFinnishEvents"written(25April1940)aftertheendoftheFinnish
warandaftertheTrotskyistshavesplit."Theattemptoftheconjuncturaldefeatists,i.e.the
adventurersindefeatism,toextricatethemselvesfromtheirdifficulty"-theTrotskyists'
commondifficulty-"bypromisingthatintheeventtheAlliesintervenetheywillchange
theirdefeatistpolicytoadefencistoneisacontemptibleevasion.Itisingeneralnoteasyto
determineone'spoliciesaccordingtoastopwatch,especiallyunderwartimeconditions".It
isknownnow,Trotskywrites,thattheAlliedgeneralstaffsdiscussedbombingthe
MurmanskrailwaytoaidFinland.Intervention"hungbyahair.Fromthesamehair,
apparently,theprincipledpositionofthethirdcamp'alsodangled.But...weconsideredthat
itwasnecessarytodetermineone'spositioninaccordancewiththebasicclasscampsinthe
war.Thisismuchmorereliable".WhywasitnotsufficienttoswitchifMurmanskwas
bombed?Andinfactitwasn'tbombed.HereTrotskyjustifiesamonolithicposition,
unnuanced,makingnodistinctionbetweendefenceagainstimperialismandsupportforthe
USSRinapredatorywar,bywhatmightbutdidnothappen.Itwasapolicyofeyesclosed
andsteeringwithStalin'spoliticsandarmyaslodestar-becauseStalinisthecustodianof
nationalisedproperty.WhydoesStalinrepresenttheworking-class"camp"?Trotsky
restateshisreasonsfor"defenceoftheUSSR"."First,thedefeatoftheUSSRwouldsupply
imperialismwithnewcolossalresourcesandcouldprolongformanyyearsthedeathagony
ofcapitalistsociety.Secondly,thesocialfoundationsoftheUSSR,cleansedoftheparasitic
bureaucracy,arecapableofassuringunboundedeconomicandculturalprogress,whilethe
capitalistfoundationsdisclosenopossibilitiesexceptfurtherdecay".Yet,subjectto
conditions-aworkers'revolution,essentiallyidenticaltowhat"cleansing"theUSSR
involves-thecapitalist"foundations"inawealthycountrylikeGermanycandowhat
TrotskysaystheUSSRcando,"oncondition",andgreatlymoreso.Ineveryrespect
advancedcapitalismismoreprogressivethantheUSSR.Trotskyimpliesaconcessionto
theStalinistutopiaof"SocialisminOneCountry"here,byplacingtheUSSR(after
revolution)aboveadvancedcapitalism(afterrevolution).Butifsocialismmustgrowoutof
advancedcapitalism,thentheideathatimperialismis"themainenemyoftheworld
workingclass"-andthatitwouldbedecisivelyworseforGermanyorBritaintofeedoffa
defeatedUSSRthanfortheUSSRtofeedoffadefeatedGermany-isnonsensicalfroman
internationalsocialistpointofview,whenthealternativeisthetriumphandexpansionof
thenon-capitalist,backwardUSSR(whichisalsoimperialist).Thebasicquestionhereis
asoldastheCommunistManifesto'sargumentsagainstreactionarysocialistsandLenin's
argumentagainstthepettybourgeoisanti-imperialists.Onedescendantoftheseideaswill
beneo-TrotskyistsupportformanyvarietiesofThirdWorldbarbarisminthenameof
"WorldRevolution".
XXX.TheotherTrotsky
After"Gangrene"(January1940),Trotsky,however,continuestodevelopanotherstrandof
hispoliticsinhispublicwritings.Inapressinterviewon14February1940,heexplains
againwhatheknewandsaidbeforetheinvasionofPoland:"Thestranglingofthepeoples
oftheUSSR,particularlyofthenationalminorities,bypolicemethods,repelledthe
majorityofthetoilingmassesoftheneighbouringcountriesfromMoscow.Theinvasionof
theRedArmyisseenbythepopulationsnotasanactofliberationbutasanactof
violence".AftertheendoftheFinnishwar,hesumsituplikethis(13March1940):"Under
Hitler'scoverStalinattemptedtoapplyHitler'smethodsinforeignpolicy...Notcapableof
evaluatingthetraditionofthelongFinnishstruggleforindependence,Stalinexpectedto
breaktheHelsinkigovernmentbymerediplomaticpressure.Hewasbadlymistaken...So
beganashamefulwarwithoutaclearperspective,withoutmoralandmaterial
preparation...".Thebureaucraticrevolutionisthereonlyasaflimsyspeculationonwhat
mighthavebeen.ForStalin"toreconcilethepeoplesoftheUSSRtothesenselessinvasion
ofFinland,wouldbepossibleonlyinoneway-namely,bywinningthesympathyofatleast
partoftheFinnishpeasantsandworkersbymeansofasocialupheaval".Trotskyinsists
that:"IstandcompletelyforthedefenceoftheSovietUnion",butitisverystrangedefence.
TrotskydoesnotwanttheUSSRoverrun,buthis"defence"issuchbittercondemnationof
policyandgovernmentthatitmustseemeitherhypocrisyorself-contradictorytothosewho
donotgraspthe"secretdoctrine"."Allthisdoesnotleadmetodefendtheforeignpolicyof
theKremlin".Anopenstruggleagainst"Stalinandtheoligarchyheadedbyhim...inthe
viewofworldpublicopinion,isinseparablyconnectedformewiththedefenceofthe
USSR".Thereisaslittleleftofsubstance,asdistinctfromclaim,inTrotsky's"defence"as
thereisofarealworkers'stateinthenameofworkers'state.Ina"LettertotheWorkersof
theUSSR"(23April1940)[Writings1939-40,p.165]Trotskygivesaverydifferentpicture
oftheFinnishwarthanthatofabureaucratically-impelledsocialisticrevolutionstalled
onlybythe"bayonetsofMannerheim"."DuringthewarwithFinland,notonlythemajority
oftheFinnishpeasantsbutalsothemajorityoftheFinnishworkersprovedtobeontheside
oftheirbourgeoisie.Thisishardlysurprisingsincetheyknowoftheunprecedented
oppressiontowhichtheStalinistbureaucracysubmitstheworkersofnearbyLeningradand
thewholeoftheUSSR".TrotskycallsfordefenceoftheUSSR,butsaysthiscanonlybe
promotedbyoverthrowingtheautocracy."TheconquestsoftheOctoberRevolutionwill
servethepeopleonlyiftheyprovethemselvescapableofdealingwiththeStalinist
bureaucracy,asintheirdaytheydealtwiththeTsaristbureaucracyandthebourgeoisie".
Andwhoexactlywillthe"conquestsofOctober"serveotherwise?Thewholeideaof
"defendingOctober"isnowdisplacedbytheimperativetofighttheexistingbureaucratic
system.AllthatisleftisthehopethatthiswillbedonebytheUSSRpeopleandnotby
GermanyandBritain.Trotsky'slastmajorwritingontheUSSRbeforehewasmurdered
(20/21August1940)byaStalinistagentis"TheCominternandtheGPU"(17August1940)
[Writings1939-40,p.348].Herehedefinitelyrevisestheconclusionhehasreachedfrom
theSpanishCivilWarandhisnotionoftheStalinistautocracyastooinorganictohaveany
substantialinternationalprogrammeofitsown."Asorganisations,theGPU[theStalinist
secretpolice]andtheCominternarenotidenticalbuttheyareindissoluble...theGPU...
completelydominatestheComintern".TheCominternistheobedienttooloftheKremlin.
TheComintern's"leadingtier...comprisespeoplewhodidnotjointheOctoberRevolution
butthetriumphantoligarchy,thefountainheadofhighpoliticaltitlesandmaterialboons.The
predominatingtypeamongthepresentcommunist'bureaucratsisthepoliticalcareerist,and
inconsequencethepolaroppositeoftherevolutionist.Theiridealistoattainintheirown
countriesthesamepositionthattheKremlinoligarchygainedintheUSSR.Theyarenotthe
revolutionaryleadersoftheproletariatbutaspirantstototalitarianrule.Theydreamof
gainingsuccesswiththeaidofthissameSovietbureaucracyanditsGPU.Theyviewwith
admirationandenvytheinvasionofPoland,Finland,theBalticstates,Bessarabiabythe
RedArmy,becausetheseinvasionsimmediatelybringaboutthetransferofpowerintothe
handsofthelocalStalinistcandidatesfortotalitarianrule".Theword"immediately"
impliesalsoarevisionofTrotsky'spreviousschemeofbureaucratically-impelledworkers'
revolutionfollowedbysuppression.Anditisaccurate.Itisanenormouscommentonthe
recentdisputeintheFourthInternational.Trotskyplainlycomesdownonthesideofthe
most"extreme"ofhisfactionalopponents.Finally,inhisunfinishedbookonStalin,Trotsky
radicallyrevisedhisoldviewandthefundamentalmistakefromwhichsomuchconfusion
andself-contradictiongrewandwillgrowlongafterTrotskyisnomore-thatStalin'sturn
in1928-30reflectedworking-classpressure,andreclassifieditasdrivenbytheautocracy's
drivetograbthefruitsofexploitation."Thekulak,jointlywiththepettyindustrialist,
workedforthecompleterestorationofcapitalism.Thusopenedtheirreconcilablestruggle
overthesurplusproductofnationallabour.Whowilldisposeofitinthenearestfuture-the
newbourgeoisieortheSovietbureaucracy?-thatbecamethenextissue.Hewhodisposes
ofthesurplusproducthasthepowerofthestateathisdisposal.Itwasthisthatopenedthe
strugglebetweenthepetty-bourgeoisie,whichhadhelpedthebureaucracytocrushthe
resistanceofthelabouringmassesandoftheirspokesmantheLeftOpposition,andthe
Thermidorianbureaucracy...forthesurplusproductandforpower"[Stalin,pp.221,236].If
wetakeTrotsky'sfinalassessmentoftheCominternandofStalinistexpansionin1939-40
togetherwiththissummationoftheclasscontentofthe1928-30struggleintheUSSR,they
adduptoanenormoussteptowardstheideathatthebureaucracyisanewrulingclass.
XXXI.Trotskyonbureaucraticcollectivism
IntheSWPfactionfighttheminoritywereinrevolt-likeRomanticsagainstEnlightenment
rationalismorwomenagainstaninsensitive"male"consensus-againstaworked-outallembracingsystem,whichnoneofthemcouldfullyseethrough,notevenBurnhamand
Carter,whohadstartedtocriticiseTrotsky'ssystemthreeyearsearlier.Thefurther
developmentofasoundtheoreticalbasisforworking-classpoliticscouldonlycome
throughbackingoutofthecommontheoreticalframewhich,despitealltheirbitterand
braveindignation,yokedTrotskyandhiscomradestoStalinism,theideathatthestatised
propertyoftheUSSRdefineditasaworkers'state.Intwoarticlesatthebeginningofthe
1939-40disputeTrotskytentativelysuggestedideas-soonsidelinedasthefactionfight
escalated-whichpointedtothewayout.Takentogetherwithhisreassessmentof1928-30
inTrotsky'sunfinishedbiographyofStalin,itpointedtoaradicallydifferentpost-Trotsky
"Trotskyism"thantheoneTrotsky's"bestdisciples"developed.In1939-40Trotskywas
verynear-waitingforthewartoputthefinalstamponevents-todevelopingthelogicof
histrajectorysince1936.UnlessthefactionalpolemicsrepresentedagreatshiftbyTrotsky
towardsaquitedifferentpoliticaltrajectory-andtheevidenceofhiswritingsafter
"Gangrene..."suggeststheopposite-theywereonlya"blip"orzig-zag.In"TheUSSRin
War"(25September1939),aswehavealreadyseen,Trotskywrites:"Inorderthat
nationalisedpropertyintheoccupiedareas,aswellasintheUSSR,becomeabasisfor
genuinelyprogressive,thatistosaysocialistdevelopment,itisnecessarytooverthrowthe
Moscowbureaucracy".Laterinthefactionfight,andeveninthesamearticle,hewould
repeathisoldidea,thatthenationalisedpropertywasprogressiveevenwiththe
bureaucracy.Thissentence,however,seemstocloseoffoneofthemainstrandsofTrotsky's
thinkingsince1936:thattheUSSR'snationalisedeconomyisprogressiveasitis,andcan
be"genuinelyprogressive"withoutbeing"socialist".Wehaveseenhow,inreplyto
Craipeauforexample,Trotskydealtwithallthepoliticalissuesindisputeonthebasisof
theclaimthattheeconomywasprogressive,whileconcedingforthesakeofargument
Craipeau'sclaimthattheautocracywasanewexploitingclass.In"TheUSSRinWar"
Trotskydrawsthisstrandinhisthought-theideathattheUSSRrepresentsanewformof
classexploitation,moreprogressivethancapitalism-outintoatheory,anddiscussesit
head-on.In"TheUSSRinWar"TrotskyfocuseshispolemicagainstoneBrunoRizzithoughatthatpointno-oneintheUSAhadheardofRizzi,orreadhisbook-becausehe
wantstodiscuss,notBurnham'sversionofTrotsky'sownrestorationistidea,butthemore
radicalnotionthattheStalinistautocracyisanewsortofrulingclass.Evidentlyhethinksit
isthelogicalandnecessaryconclusionthatmustfollowifoneabandonsTrotsky'sown
positionthatStalin'sUSSRisanuntenabletemporarycombinationofincompatible
elements.Trotskyis,asitwere,wearingRizziasamaskofconvenience:creatinga
dialogueaboutwhathethinksaretheissues.Letus,Trotskywrites,concede"forthe
moment"thattheautocracyisanewclassandthattheUSSRis"aspecialsystemofclass
exploitation".Then,heasks,"whatnewpoliticalconclusionsfollowforusfromthese
definitions?TheFourthInternationallongagorecognisedthenecessityofoverthrowingthe
bureaucracybymeansofarevolutionaryuprisingofthetoilers.Nothingelseisproposedor
canbeproposedbythosewhoproclaimthebureaucracytobeanexploitingclass'.".The
goalistooverthrowthebureaucracyandre-establishtheruleofthesoviets."Nothing
differentcanbeproposedorisproposedbytheleftistcritics".ForTrotsky,"inasmuchas
thequestionofoverthrowingtheparasiticoligarchystillremainslinkedwiththatof
preservingthenationalised(state)property,wecallthefuturerevolutionpolitical".Some
"want,comewhatmay,tocallthefuturerevolutionsocial.Letusgrantthisdefinition.What
doesitalterinessence?Tothosetasksoftherevolutionwhichwehaveenumerateditadds
nothingwhatsoever".Grantthecriticstheir"terminology"-notaworkers'state;aruling
class;asocial,notapolitical,revolution-andthey"wouldnotknowwhattodowiththeir
purelyverbalvictory".Thereforeitwould,Trotskyproclaims,"beapieceofmonstrous
nonsensetosplitwithcomradeswhoonthequestionofthesociologicalnatureoftheUSSR
haveanopiniondifferentfromours,insofarastheysolidarisewithusinregardtothe
politicaltasks".Trotskyhascomealongwaysincethefirsthalfofthedecade,whenhe
wrotethat"denyingtheproletariancharacteroftheUSSRisincompatiblewithmembership
intheBolshevik-Leninists"(11November1934)[WritingsSupplement1934-40,p.538].
Hehasnotevenincluded"defenceoftheUSSR"inthepoliticaltasks,sofar."Ihopethat...
weshallsucceedbymeansofsimplyrenderingourownideasmoreprecisetopreserve
unanimityonthebasisoftheprogrammeoftheFourthInternational...despitetheattemptof
somecomradestouncoverdifferencesonthequestionofthedefenceoftheUSSR'.".
Scientificallyandpolitically,asdistinctfromterminologically,"thequestionposesitselfas
follows:doesthebureaucracyrepresentatemporarygrowthonasocialorganismorhas
thisgrowthalreadybeentransformedintoahistoricallyindispensableorgan?".Trotsky
respondstothisquestionbysketchingoutahypotheticalfuturewithinwhichsubsequent
developmentwillprovethattheStalinistautocracyhasindeed"alreadybeentransformed"
intoanewexploitingclass.Thewholediscussiondependsononestarkassertion:"The
disintegrationofcapitalismhasreachedextremelimits,likewisethedisintegrationofthe
oldrulingclass.Thefurtherexistenceofthissystemisimpossible.Theproductiveforces
mustbeorganisedinaccordancewithaplan.Butwhowillaccomplishthistask-the
proletariatoranewrulingclassofcommissars'-politicians,administratorsand
technicians?""If...itisconcededthatthepresentwarwillprovokenotrevolutionbut"-the
"but"isnotastraightlinkbutasharpcornerturn;whatfollowsisarestatementthat
capitalismisinirrevocabledecline-"butadeclineoftheproletariat,then"-thenwhat?"thereremainsanotheralternative:thefurtherdecayofmonopolycapitalism,itsfurther
fusionwiththestateandthereplacementofdemocracywhereveritstillexistsbya
totalitarianregime".Then,capitalismhavingplayedoutitshistoricroleandtheproletariat
beingshowncongenitallyincapable,"itwouldbenecessaryinretrospecttoestablishthatin
itsfundamentaltraitsthepresentUSSRwastheprecursorofanewexploitingregimeonan
internationalscale"."Thehistoricalternative,carriedtotheend,isasfollows:eitherthe
Stalinregimeisanabhorrentrelapseintheprocessoftransformingbourgeoissocietyintoa
socialistsociety,ortheStalinregimeisthefirststageofanewexploitingsociety."Ifthe
secondprognosisprovestobecorrect,then,ofcourse,thebureaucracywillbecomeanew
exploitingclass".Whatisimpossibleisnotthe(fantastic)scenariooftheStalinistUSSR
showingtheshapeoftheirfuturetoallothercountries,buttheideaofadmittingthatitisso.
Butinthepossible-but-not-yet-to-be-admittedscenariothebureaucracywill,aspartofa
newworldsystem,doexactlyasitdoesnowintheUSSR.Itwillhaveexactlythesame
relationshipwiththepeopleandtheproletariatasithasnow.Ifitwillbeanewexploiting
classthen,worldwide,itisanewexploitingclassnow,intheUSSR!Ifthebureaucracy,
essentiallyunchanged,can"become"anexploitingclass,thenitisthatalready.
XXXII.Onceagain,beingdissolvedintobecoming
Trotsky,ofcourse,istalkingabouttheconditionsinwhichMarxistswouldhaveto
recognise"bureaucraticcollectivism"assuch.Buttheideathatitcanberecognisedand
identifiedintheUSSR,theonlyplaceitnowexists,onlyifitspreadintoaworldsystem,is
arbitraryandplainlyfalse.Theotheralternative,thattheStalinistautocracyisonly"a
parasiticgrowthonaworkers'state",Trotskylikewisetestsbysketchingafuturethatwill
confirmit."Ifthiswarprovokes,aswefirmlybelieve,aproletarianrevolution",thenthe
bureaucracywillbeoverthrownandsovietdemocracyregenerated"onafarhigher
economicandculturalbasisthan1918.InthatcasethequestionofwhethertheStalinist
bureaucracywasaclass'oragrowthontheworkers'statewillbeautomaticallysolved".
Havingsketchedthealternatives-theactualoutcome,revivalandspreadofcapitalismand
oftheworkingclass,isnotdismissedasimprobable,asitmightreasonablyhavebeen,but
asinconceivable-Trotskyconcludesthatwhatseemtobe"terminologicalexperiments"
imply"anewhistoricconception...inanabsolutecontradictionwithourprogramme,
strategyandtactics".Toadoptthemwouldbean"adventuristicjump",and"doublycriminal
now"whenintheworldwar"theperspectiveofsocialistrevolutionbecomesanimminent
realityandwhenthecaseoftheUSSRwillappeartoeverybodyasatransitorialepisodein
theprocessofworldsocialistrevolution".Trotskywritesthatwehavenot"theslightest
right"-asrevolutionaries,concernedwithactioninthenewsituation-tothrowthetheory
onwhichwemustact,andwhichwecannotquicklymendorreplace,intodisarray.The
alternativesareexaggeratedfantastically.Trotskystatesthat"if...theOctoberRevolution
failsduringthecourseofthepresentwar,orimmediatelythereafter,tofinditscontinuation
inanyoftheadvancedcountries",thenwemustreviseourconceptofthesocialistpotential
oftheworkingclass.Thisultimatumtohistoryisunwarrantedbythefactsandcouldonly
leadtodespair-orthehystericalfighting-offofincipientdespair.Laterinthearticle,
Trotskyputsitasanultimatumtotheactivists:"intheprocessofthiswarandthose
profoundshockswhichitmustengender,willagenuinerevolutionaryleadershipbeformed
capableofleadingtheproletariattotheconquestofpower?".Theurgencycomesfrom
Trotsky'spictureofcapitalismandtheprospectsforcivilisation,andpartofhispurposeis
tostiffenandgalvanisethecadres;yetitisaformofpoliticaladventurismtoposeitlike
this.Withthedefeatofhismid-30sattemptsatbroadrevolutionaryregroupment,inthelater
1930sTrotskyhasshiftedtowardsexpectingrevolutionarybenefitsfromthewar,adrive
towardsrevolutiongeneratedasamechanicalproductoftheworseningcrisisofcapitalism.
"Theharshandtragicdialecticofourepochisworkinginourfavour.Broughttothe
extremepitchofexasperationandindignation,themasseswillfindnootherleadershipthan
thatofferedtothembytheFourthInternational"[AGreatAchievement,1938].Thenotionof
"leadership"here,abstractedfromanyperspectivefortransformingtheexistinglabour
movementandstarklyjuxtaposedtoanexpectedsuddenmassupsurgeofrawworking-class
rage,canveryeasilyleadtothedisruptionofMarxistpoliticsbythetoweringneedto
"buildtheparty"andthereforetoadoptwhateverpolicieswillspeedthatwork,evenifthey
makenoMarxistsense.Itcanleadtotheconceptofbuildinganelitesect,an"alternative"
leadership,todosinglecombatwiththeincumbents:tothetypicalmixofspontaneismand
sect-isminneo-Trotskyism...NordoesTrotskygiveanyreasonwhy,ifworkers'revolution
isdelayed,thefutureofhumansocietycanorshouldbeextrapolatedfromamutationina
backwardcountry.InvertingMarx,Trotskyseemstosaythatthebackwardcountryshows
theirfuturetotheadvancedones.TheperspectiveisaderivativeformoftheStalinistidea
ofUSSR"SocialisminOneCountry"showingtheworld'sfuture.Worldrevolutionisneatly
inverted.WhatevidencefromthepresentdoesTrotskyofferfortheideathattheautocracy
hasnotyetdestroyedtheworkers'state?OnlytheviolenceoftheStalinistpurges."The
historicaljustificationforeveryrulingclassconsistedinthis-thatthesystemof
exploitationitheadsraisedthedevelopmentoftheproductiveforcestoanewlevel.
Beyondtheshadowofadoubt,thesovietregimegaveamightyimpulsetoeconomy".
Thereforetheautocracywhich,initsownbrutalway,organisedthis"impulsetoeconomy",
isbotharulingclassandprogressive?No."Thesourceofthisimpulsewasthe
nationalisationofthemeansofproductionandtheplannedbeginnings,andbynomeansthe
factthatthebureaucracyusurpedcommandovertheeconomy".Astheeconomyrosehigher,
itsneedsgrewmorecomplexandthebureaucraticregimebecame"unbearable".The
"constantlysharpeningcontradictionbetweenthemleadstouninterruptedpolitical
convulsions,tosystematicannihilationofthemostoutstandingcreativeelementsinall
spheresofactivity.Thus,beforethebureaucracycouldsucceedinexudingfromitselfa
rulingclass',itcameintoirreconcilablecontradictionwiththedemandsofdevelopment".
Thisshowsthat"thebureaucracyisnotthebearerofanewsystemofeconomypeculiarto
itselfandimpossiblewithoutitself,butisaparasiticgrowthonaworkers'state".Trotsky's
argumentheredependsentirelyonhisdualsystem,hissplit-levelviewoftheUSSR.The
"deep"realityisTrotsky'sghostlyversionofwhatmighthavehappened,rootedinOctober
1917;theempiricalrealityisthatessencedistortedandcorruptedbywhatTrotskydubs"
accidental'(i.e.temporaryandextraordinary)enmeshingofhistoricalcircumstances",
namely,thebureaucraticcounter-revolutionagainstOctober.Trotskyusesittoinsistthat
"being"-theautocraticsystemwhichhasbeenafactfor12yearsormore-isstillonlya
flickeringmomentinadifferent"becoming",todissolvebeingintobecoming,toarguethat
whatisandlonghasbeenislessthanrealbecause,hebelieves,itdoesnotexist"stably".
Alwaysthe"snapshot"isabolishedinfavourofprojectingthemovingfilmintothefuture.
Thisisthedialectichere,andthereisnothingartificialinTrotskyusingitinhispolemics
againstBurnhamandShachtman.ForTrotskyithasbecomeeverything.Methodissplitting
fromitsapplicationtobecomethelastauxiliaryargument-andhere,itissophism.
XXXIII.Revisionism?
Inasupplementaryarticlediscussingreactionsto"TheUSSRinWar"("AgainandOnce
More...")Trotskyadds:"SomecomradesevidentlyweresurprisedthatIspokeinmyarticle
("TheUSSRinWar")ofthesystemofbureaucraticcollectivism'asatheoreticalpossibility.
TheydiscoveredinthisevenacompleterevisionofMarxism.Thisisanapparent
misunderstanding".Inlateryears,Cannonandotherswillneverthelessgoonflingingthis
nonsenseabout"revisionism"atthose,likeMaxShachtman,whodevelopTrotsky'sideas.
TheywillfeelbolsteredbecauseofTrotsky'sfrequentuseintheSWPfactionfightofthe
charge"revisionist",aimedagainstelementsoftheopposition.InfactwhatTrotsky
considered"revisionist"ontheUSSRwasBurnhamandCarter'stheory,whichhetookas
claimingthattherewasnorulingclassintheUSSR.Hedefined"bureaucraticcollectivism"
notas"revisionist"butastheproperMarxistalternativetothe"revisionist"viewifone
weretoabandonhis"degeneratedworkers'state"theory-whichhewasnotyetreadytodo.
Trotskycertified"bureaucraticcollectivism"asbothMarxistandastheconclusionthatmust
followrejectionoftheworkers'statetheoryiftheUSSRneitherrevertedtocapitalismnor
wastransformedbyaworkers'revolution.InthesecondarticleTrotskysetsouttheideathat
shouldhavebeenattheheartofpost-TrotskyTrotskyismwhenitceasedtobeeven
residuallyreasonabletocontinuewhatwasinTrotskyalreadyculpablywrong,the
theoreticalpolicyof"wait"."TheMarxistcomprehensionofhistoricalnecessityhasnothing
incommonwithfatalism.Socialismisnotrealisablebyitself',butasaresultofthestruggle
oflivingforces,classesandtheirparties".Trotskybelievestheworkingclasswillconquer.
"Butwehavefullrighttoaskourselves:Whatcharacterwillsocietytakeiftheforcesof
reactionconquer?"Trotskyistalkingaboutworld-widealternatives.Yethisthoughtplainly
appliestotheUSSRnow.IntheUSSR,inthestruggleoflivingforces,thebureaucracyhas
conqueredandTrotskyisnotremissindescribingitsbarbariccharacter.Withoutfirst,as
Trotskydidin"TheUSSRinWar",runninguptheladderofgrandhistoricgeneralities,
applywhatTrotskysaystotheUSSRandboththeconclusionandtheinnerlogicof
Trotsky'sthinkingontheUSSRareclearandunavoidable.Trotskygoeson:Marxistshave
formulatedthebroadhistoricalalternativesassocialismorbarbarism.AfterMussolini's
victory-communismorfascism.ShachtmanandtheWorkers'Partywilldevelopthistrain
ofthoughtinthefaceofexpandingStalinism:socialismorStalinistbarbarism.Events,
Trotskycontinues,haveshownthatthedelayofthesocialistrevolutionengendersbarbarism
-"chronicunemployment,pauperisationofthepettybourgeoisie,fascism,finallywarsof
exterminationwhichdonotopenupanynewroad...Wehavethepossibilityofexpressing
ourselveson[barbarism]moreconcretelythanMarx.Fascismononehand,degenerationof
thesovietstateontheotheroutlinethesocialandpoliticalformsofaneo-barbarism.An
alternativeofthiskind-socialismortotalitarianservitude-hasnotonlytheoretical
interest,butalsoenormousimportanceinagitation,becauseinitslightthenecessityfor
socialistrevolutionappearsmostgraphically".HowevermuchthisisattachedinTrotsky's
articletospeculationsaboutthefuture,itappliesalsotothepresent:Stalinismisbarbarism.
ThereductioadabsurdumofTrotsky'sfinalpositioninthatwhatTrotsky,expectingthatit
willsoonbeoverthrown,callsapolitical,social,andeconomicsysteminonecountry,or
oneempire,becomesoutrightbarbarismintheprototypeofthreateningworldbarbarismif
itspreadstotheworldatlargeandisconsolidated.Itspreadonlytoafurtherlargepart
mainlyofthebackwardpartsoftheworld,butitwasconsolidatedthere-anditwas
barbarism.
Appendix:the"locum"andtotalitarianeconomism
"Itisself-evidentthatowingtotheneedsofthesystem'he[Hegel]veryoftenhadtoresort
tothoseforcedconstructionsaboutwhichhispigmyopponentsmakesuchaterriblefuss
eventoday.But...eventhoughunconsciously,heshowedusthewayoutofthelabyrinthof
systemstorealpositiveknowledgeoftheworld".FrederickEngels,LudwigFeuerbach
Therewerethustwodistinct,andbytheendsharplycontradictory,strandsinTrotsky's
politicallegacy.Theonethatwoulddominatein"orthodox"neo-Trotskyism,however,was
thestranddevelopedaroundtheideaoftheStalinistautocracybeinga"watchman",
"gatekeeper",orlocumfortheworkingclass.Letmerecapitulate.Theendofthecivilwar,
inNovember1920,broughtstalemate.TheBolshevikshadwon,buttheRussianRevolution
couldnotthriveorindefinitelysurviveunlessitspread;thecounter-revolutioncouldnot
triumphunlessanduntilitsmashedtheapparatusofstatepowersustainedbythe
Bolsheviks;andithadfaileddefinitivelytodothat.TheBolshevikscouldnotatwillspread
therevolution;buttheycould"holdon"untilitspread:fromthissituationgrewthepolicy
thattheBolshevikpartywouldact"inlocoproletariis",asstand-inor"watchman"
(Trotsky)fortheRussianworkingclass-fortheclasswhichhadbeenmassacredbythe
Whites,dispersedbygreatdislocationofindustry,orabsorbedintothestatebureaucracy
andtheRedArmy,andwhichwasonlyintheprocessofbeingrecomposedintheNEP.This
wasthesituationthatLeninatthe10thPartyCongressdescribedasa"workers'statewith
bureaucraticdeformations".Fromthispracticeandthispolicycametheideathatgoverned
Trotsky'sunderstandingoftheUSSRforthenexttwodecade,namelythatsomethingother
thantheproletariatcouldacthistoricallyfortheproletariat.Itstartedastherationaland
limitedideathatanassociationofthemostdeterminedandeducatedworking-classactivists
(theBolshevikOldGuard)couldguardanddevelopthegainsofabroaderworkingclass
thathadtemporarilybeendiminished,dispersedandexhausted.Itgrewintothenotionthat
thepost-Civil-WarRussianbureaucracyandthenthetotalitarianStalinistautocracyactedas
locumsfortheworkingclass,andrepresentedtheworkingclassinpowersolongasthey
stilldefendedthenationalisedeconomy-forthisnationalisedeconomywasthesettled
residueoftheexpropriationofthebourgeoisiein1917.Despiteallthequalificationswhich
Trotskyaddedtoit,andwhichledhimtoaprogrammeofanewfull-scaleworkers'
revolutionagainsttheStalinistautocracy,initsfully-extendedformthedoctrineofthe
"locum"impliedthattheworkerscouldruleasabstracthistoricalsubjects,in"hightheory",
evenwhereaslivingpeople,inpractice,theywerebeastsofburdenexploitedbya
privilegedautocracy.Themetaphysicsofnationalisedeconomyandtheideaofthelocum
intertwinedwithandmutuallyconditionedandsustainedeachother.Fromthisidea,
embeddedinTrotsky'sdefenceofthepropositionthattheStalinistUSSRremaineda
workers'state,neo-Trotskyistsdevelopedaseriesofextensionsandextrapolationsto
embraceTitoites,Maoists,Castroites,Ho-ists,etc.etc.etc.Thelocumstoocouldhave
locumsandthenagainlocums.Thusthepost-Trotsky"Trotskyists"solvedthe"crisisof
workingclassleadership"thatTrotskydefinedbydiscoveringthatthe"socialist"revolution
couldbemade(distortedly,unsatisfactorily,andonlyinapreliminaryway,tobesure)
withouteithertheproletariatorarevolutionarysocialistparty.InTrotsky,theideawasover
theyearsmodifiedandqualifiedbyintenseloathing,resentment,condemnationandhatred
fortheStalinistbureaucracyanditscrimes.Bytheendofhislife,sotheevidencesuggests,
Trotskywasclosetobreakingwithitentirely.Butheneverdidbreakwiththenotionthat
thesurvivalofnationalisedeconomymadetheUSSRstillworking-classandprogressiveor
-accordingtoTrotskyattheend-potentiallyprogressive,evenunderwhathehimself
denouncedasthetotalitarianruleofanautocracywithallthevicesofhistory'sruling
classes,differingfrompre-HolocaustNazism(sohewroteinTheTransitionalProgramme,
1938)"onlyinmoreunbridledsavagery".Thatnotionwas,forTrotskyandTrotskyism,the
shirtofNessus,whichonceputonseepedpoisonandcorrosionintothetissuesofits
doomedwearer.Itwasagarmentthatcouldnotberemovedapieceatatime.Solongasthe
basicnotionwasupheld,nocrimebythetotalitarianrulerscoulddestroytheircredentials
asaresiduallyprogressivelocumfortheproletariatandguardianoftheeconomyandsocial
systemcomingfromOctober-nocrimeatall,notdestructionofthelabourmovement,not
industrialenslavementoftheworkers,notthemurderofmillionsofworkersand
revolutionaries,notthecreationofhugeprivilegesandsocialinequalitieswhileworkers
starved-nocrime,thatis,exceptdismantlingthenationalisedeconomy.Solongas
nationalisedeconomyexisted,definedandassessedasTrotskycontinuedtoassessit,asthe
solidresidueoftheworkers'expropriationofthebourgeoisiein1917-18,therewasno
limit.Itwasall-defining.Thus,outofthereasonableandunavoidableBolsheviksolutionto
thedilemmaoftheRussianworking-classrevolutionattheendofthecivilwarhadgrown
therootideaofatotalitarianeconomistic"socialism"subversiveofeverykeynotionthat
haddefinedMarxismfromtheCommunistManifestoonwards.Trotskythoughtthathewas
formulatingprovisionaltheorisationsforaverybriefhistoricalaberration.TheStalinist
regime-a"workers'state"witharegimemoresavagelyanti-workerthananybourgeois
state-couldnotlastforlong.TheUSSRwouldbreakdown,eitherthroughbourgeois
counter-revolutionorthroughanewworkers'revolution.Infactitwouldlast50yearsafter
Trotsky.IdeasTrotskyjuggledwithasinterim,short-termsolutionstookonalifeoftheir
own,drawingtheirstrengthfromthesurvivalandexpansionofStalinism.Despiteenormous
shifts,inrealityandinTrotsky'sthinking,thereiscontinuityinthisideafromtheendofthe
civilwartoTrotsky'sdeathandwaybeyond.InLenin'stime,whenthepartywasapartyof
working-classrevolutionaries,whoseselflessloyaltytosocialismhadbeenprovedagain
andagain,theideawasrationalandtrue.Inthecircumstances,whatelsecouldtheydo?
Then,therulinggroupperiodicallypurgeditselfofself-seekersandcareerists.By1924
Stalin'sbureaucracywasharvestingcareeristsandpromotingself-seekers,while
persecutingrevolutionaries.In1927itexpelledtheauthenticBolsheviks,andinDecember
1929,withtheshootingofJacobBlumkin,aSovietofficialwhohaddaredtovisitTrotsky
inTurkey,itstartedtokillthem.After1928thebureaucracydestroyedtheRussianlabour
movementandbegantoreducetheworkingclassandthewholepeopletoslaveryandsemislavery.Itcouldnowbeseenaslocumfortheworkingclassonlyiftheautocratically
collectivisedsocio-economicsystemcouldbedefinedasaconquestandresidueofthe
workers'revolution.Infact,thatsystem,asitwasshapedafter1928,wasasystemerected
byanautocracywhichseizedtheinstitutionsandformscreatedbytheworkingclassin
1917-21andpervertedthemforitsownuseongroundclearedbytherevolution.Exceptfor
theeruptionofRussianimperialismandthebeginningoftheexpansionofthissystema
decadeorsolaternothingfundamentalchangedfor60years.Thedistinctionmadeinsome
ofthetextsinthisbook,thatbefore1928-30Trotskydefinedtheworking-classcharacterof
theregimeonlybythepoliticalregimeanditsallegedreformability,is,thoughvalid,fartoo
sharplydrawn.Alreadyinthemid-1920sTrotskyusedthe"socialconquests"ascentralto
hisideaoftheUSSRasaworkers'state;aslateastheearly1930shecitedthepossibility
oftheworkersregainingpowerby"reform"ascrucialtothe"proletarian"characterofthe
state;evenin1938,hisperceptionoftheStalinistleadershipwasconditionedbytheidea
thatit(unlikethenewerelementsofthebureaucracy,surroundingit)wascloselytiedtothe
nationalisedeconomyandwouldbeina"unitedfront"withtheworkersagainstthe
bourgeoiscounter-revolutionhesawasanimminentdanger.Inthe1920s,Trotskyhad
calledfor"reform"intheUSSR.HepubliclychangedhispositiononlyinOctober1933,
adoptingthenasomewhatunderstatedearlyvariantofwhathewouldfromJuly1936call
"politicalrevolution".YetTrotsky'sownwordforhispolicybefore1933,"reform",is
radicallymisleading.Howcouldtheexiled,jailed,houndedandmurderedOppositionhave
expectedtoreformtheStalinistregime?Wasthis"reform"intheusualsenseofpeacefuland
gradualchange?
Trotskyhimselfexplained:"TheDemocratic-Centralists...criticizeourroadofreformina
very"Left"manner-aroadwhich,Ihope,wehavesshownbydeedsisnotatalltheroadof
Stalinistlegality;buttheydonotshowtheworkingmassesanyotherroad.Theycontent
themselveswithsectarianmutteringsagainstus,andcountmeanwhileonspontaneous
movements."InfactallTrotsky'sperspectivesfor"reform"werecentredontheeruptionof
aradicalcrisis,towardswhichTrotskythoughtalltheregime'spolicies-positiveactions
andderelictionsalike-wereinexorablybuilding.Inthiscrisis,theapparatuswould
fragment;thescatteredforcesoftheBolshevikpartywouldregroupandreorganise
themselves;theLeftOpposition,withitsclarity,programme,far-sightednessandtempering
would,overtlyorimplicitly,assumetheleadership.Mostlikelythiscrisiswouldinclude
civilwar,orelementsofcivilwar.Notbetweenthebureaucracyandtheworkingclass,but
betweentheregimeandbourgeoiscounter-revolution,whosemassforceswouldbethe
peasantry.InthistheOppositionwouldallywiththeregimeandsupportitastheBolsheviks
supportedKerenskyagainsttheattemptedarmycoupofKornilovin1917-inLenin'sphrase
"astheropesupportsthehangedman".TheygrewinstrengthandsoondealtwithKerensky.
ReformwasdisplacementoftheStalinistregimeinthecivilwaragainstthecounterrevolution.Thepolicywas"reform"onlytotheextentthatitincludedtheretentionofthe
reformed-politically,revolutionised-apparatus.Inthisprocesstheworkerswould
reconquerpowerfromthebureaucracy.Theapparatuswhich,despiteeverything,preserved
structurescreatedintherevolutionandcivilwaragainstwhatTrotskysawastheurgent
threatoffascisticpeasant-basedbourgeoiscounter-revolution,wouldbecleansed,purged,
deprivedofitsStalinist-bureaucratictechniqueofdominationoverthepeople,and
subordinatedtoanewlyreconstitutedBolshevikparty.Thiswas"reform"inthemidstof
revolutionaryconvulsion.Therewasmuchofrevolutioninit.And,likewise,theideaofthe
bureaucraticlocumunderliesandinterweaveswithTrotsky'spolicyateverypoint,lending
toitanambivalencethatisthereeveninhisstrongestcondemnationsofbureaucraticrule
andmostardentandvehementadvocacyofworking-classactiontooverthrowthe
bureaucracy.Hewillnameit,variously,bureaucraticcentrist;Bonapartist;absolutist;
totalitarian;arulingcaste;anewaristocracy.Heaccusesitofconcentratinginitselfallthe
vicesofalltherulingclassesofhistoryand,thoughheavoidstheword,ofimperialism.In
allofthesephases,thoughthecriticismandhatredintensify,asdothenegativeevaluations
oftheelite,thereisalwayssomethingleft:nationalisedproperty,mixedinTrotskywith
increasinglytenuousbutalwayspresentdegreesofideologisingandfantasisingaboutits
connectionstotheworkingclass.Trotskycontinuestoseetheautocracy,despiteeverything,
asinsomeessentialwaysstillareflective,mechanical,passiveagencyoftheworkers'
revolution,asifthe"soul"ofthedeadpartyandthemurderedworking-classrevolutionhas
passedtothenationalisedeconomyandfromthattothestateandtheautocracy.Theworking
classdoesnotholdpower(ornot"direct"power).Theautocraticlocumrules,andrules
savagely,overtheworkers.Butthesocialconquestsofthedeadanddefeatedworkingclass
revolutionremainbecausethebureaucracyhasadualrole.Trotskyisforcedtoinsistthat
thekeyideathattheworkingclass,unlikethebourgeoisie,canonlyrulepolitically,thatis
democratically,isoperationalonlyonahigherstageandinothersituations.TheUSSRis
different.History,Trotsky,insists,isricherthansocialistnorms.Where,heasks,hasa
degeneratedworkers'statebeenobservedbefore?Trotskyisascientist-genuinelyso,but
alsoinaself-disabling"abstracted"sense,forcinghimselfintotheposeofa"disinterested
observer"."Objectivity",cautionandrestraintworkagainstdrawing"hasty"conclusions
abouttheclasscharacteroftheStalinistUSSR-conclusionsthatinfactwouldhavebeen
notatallhasty.Thesocialistnormsgetprogressivelybatteredoutofshapeandare
relegatedtothebackground,ratherasthe17thcenturyBritishempiricalscientistspushed
Godtothemarginoftheirconcerns,asthedistant"firstcause",whiletheyexplored
materialrealitybeyondthefirstcause.Theconsequencewasthedisorientationof
generationsofrevolutionarysocialists.WithneitherTrotsky'spoliticalbalancenorhis
historicalperspective,thepost-TrotskyTrotskyistsreducedTrotsky'sideatoarid
totalitarianeconomism:astatelikeMao'sChina,whichasapoliticalsystemwasfascistic
andasasocio-economicformationwasnearertoorientaldespotismthantothecapitalist
societywhichforMarxismpreparestheeconomic,socialandculturalpre-requisiteforthe
emergenceofsocialism,wasdefinedbynationalisedeconomyasworking-classandin
transitiontosocialism.Trotskydescribestheautocracyaccuratelyashavingallthevicesof
arulingclass,andyetcontinuestorejecttheideathatitisarulingclassbecauseofthefatal
combinationofthetwoideas:totalitarianeconomismandthelocum.Solongastheview
thattherecouldbealocumwasheld,andsolongasnationalisedpropertydefinedthe
USSRasworking-class,Trotsky'swasanimpregnableideologicalsystem.Solongasthe
Stalinistautocracy'spost-1928bureaucraticrevolutionremainedshroudedinmythandwas
notproperlyseparatedoutfromtheworking-classOctoberRevolutionthe"defenceofthe
nationalisedeconomy"couldbelogicallyextendedintodefenceofafull-blownStalinist
empire.Ifnationalisedpropertydefinesatotalitariansocio-politicalsystemasaworkers'
state-andifyoudonotrecogniseorbecomeinhibitedbyreductioadabsurdum-thenthe
extensionofthesystemhasinfinitepossibilities.Theideologycananddiddevelopin
parallelwiththedevelopmentoftheRussianempireandthespreadofStalinism.In
principle,youcanrecognisethe"progressive"aspectsofnewworkers'statesformedby
peasantarmiessuchasMao'sorPolPot's,orbyStalin'sconqueringarmy;and
simultaneouslyadvocateself-determinationforthecomponentpartsoftheRussianEmpire,
andpolitical'revolutionagainstthebureaucraticlocum.Onepre-requisiteofthis
ideologicalsystemisafetishoftheeconomicformofnationalisedproperty.Anotherisa
pre-Marxianformofnihilisticnegationofcapitalismor"sectarianismtowardscapitalism"substitutingafixedstanceofdesiringwhatisanti-capitalist,regardlessofwhatitmay
representpositively,fortheMarxiannotionofasocialismbuiltontheprogressive
achievementsofcapitalism.Thissystemputsthedefinitionof"workers'states"essentially
outsideallpoliticaljudgement.Ifthefetish-nationalisedproperty-exists,oriscoming
intoexistenceinChinaorCuba,thentheregimeisbydefinitionaworking-class"locum",
nomatterwhatatrocitiesitcommitsagainstlivingworkers.Theideologyisaclosedsystem
definedentirelybyitsowninnerpointsofreference.Largeareasofpoliticaljudgementare
pre-emptedandkilledoff.Withinsuchasystem,unconditionaldefenceoftheUSSR,
conceivedofbyTrotskyasapolicytomaximisethechancesofworking-classregeneration
oftheUSSRandforestallitsfullcollapseintothefascisticcapitalistbarbarismwhichwas
engulfingmuchoftheworldinthe1930s,becomessocialisthara-kiriintheserviceofthe
"progressive"systemandvicariousRussianimperialism.Trotskyshouldhavedrawnthe
indicatedMarxistconclusionswhenthebureaucracycrushedbothbourgeoisand
proletariansandmadeitself"solemasterofthesurplusproduct".Thatwasthepointat
whichtheideaoftheBolshevikPartyactingaslocumturnedintosupportforacollectivised
classofexploitersrulingovertheworkingclass.TheBolshevikPartywasgenuinelythe
locumfortheworkingclass.TheStalinist"locum"forthislocumwasanew,exploiting,
counter-revolutionaryrulingclass.WhileholdingtotheideaoftheStalinistlocumthat
remainedatleastresiduallyprogressiveascustodianofnationalisedproperty,Trotskydid
notthinkthatitcouldgoonindefinitelyandevolveintosocialism.Thisisoffundamental
importance.Trotskyfinallyputatermtoitandindicatedempiricaltestsforreassessingthe
USSR.InSeptember-October1939heputaquestionmarkoverthewholeideaand
indicatedthatiftheStalinistUSSRshouldsurvivetheconvulsionsofworldwar,thenit
mustbereassessedevenifitretainednationalisedproperty.Hadhebeenallowedtohold
thesetests,theexperienceofthenextfewyearsafterAugust1940would,onTrotsky's
publishedreasoning,havecompelledhimtobreakwiththeideathatthebureaucracywasa
locumforworking-classrule,andtheUSSRstillaworkers'state.Trotsky'sdiscipleswould
continuetoseetheautocracy-andotherbureaucraciesmodelledonStalin's-aslocums
until1991.Thisidealedtoverystrangethings.TheTrotskyists,unliketheignoranthonest
CPmembersorfellowtravellers,knewthemainfacts.FromTrotsky'sideathatthe"what"
ofaworking-classessencecontainedinthesocio-economicformation,supposedlydefined
bythenationalised-economyresiduefrom1917-21,coulddevelopautonomouslyfromthe
"who"oftheworkingclass,flowedthepossibilityofmentally"liftingout"theideaof
working-classrevolutionabovetheactualityoftheworkingclass.Withtheseideological
spectacles,theneo-Trotskyistscouldseeworking-classrevolutionsbeingmadeby
"locums"whichreducedtheworkingclassitselftosemi-slavery.Stalin'sRussiacould
spreadrevolutionbyits"Red"Armies(WorldWar2)."Workers'"revolutionscouldbe
madebypeasantarmies.Thisvisioncontainedtheseedsofreligion.Forawhileinthe
early1950s,theFourthInternationalwasdominatedbyanideaclosertomedieval
millenarianism-theideaofsocialtransformationthroughthemiracle-workingsecond
comingofChrist-thantoaMarxistviewofsocialismbeingmadebytheagencyofthe
workingclassandthroughtheopportunitiescreatedbythecontradictionsandachievements
ofcapitalism.Theneo-Trotskyistslookedtoa"War-Revolution"inwhichahiddenlogicof
history,operatingfromaboveandbeyondallparticularhumanagency,wouldtransforma
ThirdWorldWarbetweentheUSSRandtheUSAintosocialistrevolution.Thelittle
literaryapparatusthatcalleditselftheleadershipoftheFourthInternationalcouldwork
literarywonders,makefantasticcompoundsandcombinationsintheirheads,andproject
fantasiesontotheactivitiesoftheStalinistmovements,astheydidfordecades,only
becausethenotionofthelocumhadbecomecentraltoneo-Trotskyism.Consideringthe
pressuresonthem,thetrueheroismofthepost-TrotskyTrotskyistsisseenintheirstubborn
resistancetothelogicofthetheorieswhichtheyaccepted,ofthe"locum"andof
"totalitarianeconomism",andtheirpresentationinhoweverbatteredaformofaMarxist
critiqueofStalinism,togetherwithaprogrammefortransformingtheStalinistsocieties.
Sometimes,asweshallsee,theywerebentoutofshapeunderthepressure,butthey
remained-orreturnedto-whattheyfundamentallywere.Bydoingsotheykeptalivea
revolutionarysocialistmovementwhichtodaycanrenewitselfbyrediscoveringand
buildingontheotherthreadinTrotsky'sideasontheUSSR,thethreadrepresentedbythe
concreteanddetailedanalysesinTheDegenerationofTheory,TheRevolutionBetrayed
andTheBonapartistPhilosophy,bytheindicationsforreconceptualisationgivenin"The
USSRinWar",andbyTrotsky'sincreasinglymilitantadvocacyofworkers'revolution
againsttheStalinistautocracyandanindependentproletarian"ThirdCamp"againstboth
capitalismandStalinism.
3.Theneo-TrotskyistsandStalinistexpansion
I.Provisionalformulaerectedintoworld-historicinterpretation
"Theleadershiporienteditselfwithoutanysynthesisedunderstandingofourepochandits
innertendencies,onlybygroping(Stalin)andbysupplementingthefragmentaryconclusions
thusobtainedwithscholasticschemarenovatedforeachoccasion(Bukharin).Thepolitical
lineasawhole,therefore,representsachainofzig-zags.Theideologicallineisa
kaleidoscopeofschemastendingtopushtoabsurdityeverysegmentoftheStalinistzigzags.
TheSixthCongresswouldactcorrectlyifitdecidedtoelectaspecialcommissioninorder
tocompileallthetheoriescreatedbyBukharinandintendedbyhimtoserveasabasis,say,
forallthestagesoftheAnglo-RussianCommittee;thesetheorieswouldhavetobe
compiledchronologicallyandarrangedsystematicallysoastodrawafeverchartofthe
ideascontainedinthem.Itwouldbeamostinstructivestrategicaldiagram.Thesamealso
holdsfortheChineserevolution,theeconomicdevelopmentoftheUSSR,andallotherless
importantquestions.Blindempiricismmultipliedbyscholasticism".LeonTrotsky,The
ThirdInternationalAfterLenin.
TrotskyrejectedtheideathattheRussiansystemattheendofthe1930swasevenminimally
solidandcoherent:itlacked"crystallisedclassrelations".OnlybecauseofthisdidTrotsky
rejecttheideathatthebureaucracywasarulingclass.Thebureaucracywas,hethought,a
parasiticgrowthonthecontinuouslydegeneratingformsofcollectivisedeconomyrootedin
the1917revolution.Bytheend,thetimespanTrotskyprojectedwasveryshort."Mightwe
notplaceourselvesinaludicrouspositionifweaffixedtotheBonapartistoligarchythe
nomenclatureofanewrulingclassjustafewyearsorevenafewmonthspriortoits
ingloriousdownfall?",hewrotein"TheUSSRinWar".Hisrefusaltoconcludethatthe
rulingbureaucracywasarulingclasswasfundamentallyandexplicitlytiedtoand
dependentonthattimescale.Inthatsenseonly,andforthatreasononly,didTrotskydeny
thatthebureaucracywasarulingclass.Farfromhisrefusaltocallitarulingclass
expressingsoftnesstowardsthebureaucracy,Trotsky,aswesaw,compareditunfavourably
withNazism.Thepolicyof"unconditionaldefenceoftheUSSR"waspartofthiscomplex
ofideasexpressingtheconceptofan"interregnumeconomy".Degeneratingfromthe
revolution,butnotyetoverthrownbybourgeoisforces,itretainedthepotentialof
regenerationbywayofanewworking-classpoliticalrevolution'.Itwasnot,inTrotsky's
view,adegeneratedworkers'stateinstableequilibrium,butcontinuallydegenerating.Else
-hehadsaiditonlytentatively-itwasanewformofclasssociety,whosefeatureswereits
ownnorm,notadegenerationofsomethingelse.Yet,thoughthisgaveunmistakablesignsof
direction,itleftthetheoreticalquestionsatTrotsky'sdeathinastateofchaosandflux.
Nothingcouldbemoreunsatisfactorythanapoliticallegacywhicharguedpassionatelyfor
politicalconclusionsthatflowedfromthebureaucratically-statisedeconomywhenseenin
oneframework(degeneratedworkers'state)whileatthesametimeitsproponentsaccepted
thatanalternativeframework(newrulingclass)-fromwhichotherconclusionswould
follow-mightprovetobebetter:andwould,moreover,havetobeadoptedifthe
phenomenonlastedmuchlongerinitspresentform!Yetthatishowthingsstoodwhen
Stalin'sassassinMercadorstruckTrotskydown.TheUSSRdidlast,comingoutofthe
worldwarintactandinoccupationofvasttractsofeasternandcentralEurope.However,
theconclusionsdrawnthenbyTrotsky'smostloyal"disciples",hispartisansof1939-40,
werenotthosethatTrotskyindicatedforsuchaneventuality,buttheirveryopposite-views
akintothoseTrotskyhadlongagobeenforcedtojettison.Whatwastobe"official"
Trotskyismbythemid-1950shadbeencalledBrandlerismandBauerisminTrotsky's
lifetime.OntheclassnatureoftheSovietUnionthetheoreticalidentityoftheTrotskyists
hadnotbeendisentangledfromthatoftheStalinists,whoalso"defendedtheSovietUnion".
PoliticalconditionsexistedfortheinternationalTrotskyistmovement,afterTrotsky's
subtletiesdiedwithhim,torepeatthepoliticalcollapseoftheLeftOppositionin1928-30.
Continuingtocriticise,theyneverthelessacceptedas"progressive",despiteeverything,the
expansionofStalinism.TheytranslatedTrotsky'sdefenceoftheSovietUnioninto
partisanshipfortheUSSRempire.ThispatternwouldlastaslongastheUSSRdid,and
longer.Theneo-Trotskyistsolutiontotheproblemofthepost-warRussianempirerestrictingthewordempiretomeanmonopoly-capitalistempire-obfuscatedbutcouldnot
resolvetheproblem.Withoutbeingdefined,itwouldbeoneoftheissuesthatsplitthe
forcesoforthodoxneo-Trotskyismin1953atthetimeoftheEastGermanworkers'uprising.
Trotsky'sfailurestounderstandStalinismfullyarenotdifficulttounderstand.Facedwith
nineteenthcenturyindustrialcapitalism,forgenerationsthecriticsandrebelsagainstthe
bourgeoissystemhadnotfullyunderstoodit.Sometendedtounderstandcapitalismandthe
exploitationoftheworkingclassasamereextensionoflandlordismandage-oldlandbasedrobbery.MythsaboutexploitationoriginatingintheNormanConquestdid
widespreadserviceasgeneralexplanationswellintoChartisttimes.Itisnocausefor
wonderthatinthefirstyearsofthenewphenomenonofStalinism,therewasnotinstant
clarity.ColumbustriedtosailtotheIndiesandfoundanunexpected,unknowncontinent
risingoutoftheseabeforehim.Hediedwithouteverunderstandingoracceptingthatitwas
nottheIndiesbuta"NewWorld"hehadfound.SowithTrotskyandtheunexpectedsocial
systemthatwasStalinism.Trotskytoohadafalsemapofhistory.Thoughheunderstoodso
muchaboutStalinism,hepostponeddefiningitasthedistinctsocio-economicformationit
was.Muchofthedifficultywastoceaseseeingitintermsofeithercapitalismorsocialism
andtoexamineitassomethingnew,havinga"finished",settledcharacter.Itwasstrange,
newandevolving.AttheendofhislifehewouldtalkoftheUSSRasacounterrevolutionaryworkers'statedisplaying"elements"ofimperialism.Buthestillsawitin
termsofotherformations-capitalism,socialism-andonlytentatively,andasifthrougha
shiftingmist,aswhatitreallywas,asocio-economicformationdistinctbothfrom
capitalismandsocialism:distinctfromcapitalism,althoughthebureaucracywasnotamere
parasiticgrowthonabackwardworkers'state,butaformedexploitativeclasswhich,as
Trotskyputittowardstheend,seizedanddisposedofallthesocialsurplusproduct;and
distinctfromworking-classsocialism,althoughitwasanti-capitalistand,initsown
bureaucraticway,"collectivist"anda"planned"economy.
II."InDefenceofMarxism"
InSeptemberandOctober1939Trotsky,aswehavenoted,tentativelyacceptedthatthe
USSRasitwascouldbeseeninaradicallydifferenttheoreticalframework-"bureaucratic
collectivism".Hesaiditwastooearlyactuallytoreachsuchaconclusion;butirrevocably
hehadaccepteditinprinciple.Then,closeonthisradicaltheoreticalbreakwiththepasthypothetical,conditionalasitwas,butafundamentaldeparturenonetheless-Trotsky
engagedinabitterpoliticalstruggleagainstBurnhamandShachtman.Hispolemicsthenfor
"unconditionaldefenceoftheUSSR",againstMaxShachtman,MartinAbern,James
Burnham,andabouthalfofhisAmericancomrades,hadthecatastrophiceffectafterhis
deathofhalf-buryingwhatwasnewinhisfinalpositionandobscuringthedirectionofhis
thought.His"orthodox"discipleswoulderectandfreezeas"Trotskyism"ideasand
attitudeswithwhichTrotskywas,probably,breaking,andaddforgoodmeasureideashe
(seebelow)hadspenthislast17yearsfighting.Thedramaofthe1939-40factionfightand
splitwouldbeboththeNativityandtheEasterResurrectionstoryforpost-Trotsky
Trotskyism.Itsliterature,byCannonandTrotsky-kept"authoritative"bynon-publicationof
Trotsky'sother,vehementlyanti-Stalinist,articlesontheUSSRofthesametime-would
educateandmiseducategenerations,andbetheculturalmediumofatendencywhose
perspectivesofworkers'revolutionwereelaborations(notwithoutcriticism,tobesure,
and,fortheSovietUnion,callsforpoliticalrevolution)onhopesforthesuccessof
Stalinism.Trotsky'spolemicsfromthefactionfightwerecollectedinabook,InDefenceof
Marxism,firstpublishedinDecember1942."TheUSSRinWar",whereinforthefirsttime
heacceptedthepossibilitythattheUSSR,asitwas,withoutanytransformation,mighthave
tobereconceptualised,isthefirstmajoriteminthe1942collection.Itisfollowedbya
largecollectionofpolemicsagainstthosewhoquestionedunconditionaldefenceofthe
USSRwhenStalinwasHitler'spartnerincarvingupPoland,andtheninvadedbourgeoisdemocraticFinland,andagainstthosewhosaid,orimplied,thattheUSSRwasalreadyto
bedefinedasabureaucratic-collectivist(orstate-capitalist)state.InInDefenceof
Marxism,theheavyemphasisisontheideathattheSovietUnionisnot,ornotyet,tobe
givenup.Thisbook,andacompanionvolumebyJamesPCannonfromthesamefactional
struggle,cametoembody"orthodoxTrotskyism".AroundInDefenceofMarxismwasbuilt
theallegedcontinuitywithTrotsky'smovementofthepoliticallyreconstructedandradically
changedpost-war"Trotskyism".From1942to1969-70,whenthefirst"scrapbook"
versionsofTrotsky'scollectedwritingsfromthe1930sbegantoappear,working
backwardsfrom1940,InDefenceofMarxismwasthemainaccountofTrotsky'sviewson
theSovietUnionknowntoEnglish-languagereaders,apartfromTheRevolutionBetrayed,
writtenbeforetheMoscowTrials.IfyoutakethearticlesonStalinismfromTrotsky'slast
18monthsandreadtheminsequence,puttingthepiecesinInDefenceofMarxismintheir
properplaceintheseries,yougetaverydifferentpictureofwhatTrotskywassayingand
wherehewasgoing,andaradicallydifferentbalance.Youcould,carefullypickingthrough
"TheUSSRinWar",getanideaofwhatTrotskywassaying,orhalf-saying"fornow",and
wherehemightbegoing;butthecountering,numbing,neutralisingeffectoftherestofthe
unbalancedcollection,withitsharshdenunciationofthe"petty-bourgeoisopposition"of
Shachtmanandtheothers,weighedmassively,andformostpeopledecisively,againstdoing
that.Bycontrast,had"TheUSSRinWar"beenpublishedinitsproperplaceinthe
sequence,itwouldhavebeenhardnottogetTrotsky'sdrift,andhardtoseehisratherwild
polemicalsalliesasthelastword.AndhardertotaketheroadtheofficialTrotskyistsdid
take.ButtheselectioninInDefenceofMarxismwasitselftheresultofdecisionsabout
whichroadtotake.Whatwasputandkeptincirculationembodiedpoliticalselectionand
politicalalignment.FromthedeathofTrotskyonwardshisworkswerepickedoverand
usedinsteadoflivingtheory,togarnishempiricalpoliticalresponsesandnever-againcoherentpoliciesarrivedatbymeansofadaptationtootherforces.InDefenceofMarxism
appearedinDecember1942,astheSWPenteredintoawhiteheatofsovietpatriotismwhichwasverypopularinallthelandsalliedwithStalin,includingtheUSA;inmost
people'smindsitwouldhavemergedwiththelocalpatriotism,whichtheSWPofcourse
rejectedandrepudiated.ThepublicationofInDefenceofMarxismanditsslantreflected
thatwartimepro-sovietismandperpetuatedit.ItwasatimewhenTheMilitantwasinclined
todeny,orhalf-deny,thattheSoviet-Nazialliancehadeveroccurred,andwhenitwas
admitted,theyarguedthatsuchanalliancewasunnaturalanyway,theplaceoftheSoviet
Unionbeing,itwasimplied,naturallywiththegoodguys.Thebook,withitsextremely
violentandunqualifiedcondemnationofthe"petty-bourgeois"opposition,appearedata
timewhen,oneyearaftertheUSA'sentryintoWorldWar2,thatcondemnationhadalready
beenproveninlifetobenonsensicalateverylevel.Shachtman's"petty-bourgeois"
oppositionhadbeenaccusedofrecoilingagainsttheHitler-Stalinpactbecausetheywere
capitulatingtoAmericanbourgeoisdemocracy.In1942,thatopposition,organisedinthe
WorkersParty,stoodbeforetheAmericanworkingclassasdefendersofneitherthenewly
popularSovietUnionnoroftheUSA.TheShachtmanitespreachedstarkoppositiontothe
USA'swar.Theiryoungpeoplehadsystematicallygoneintoindustry,wheretheywould
consistentlyhaveahigherprofilethantheSWP,whosetradeunionistsweretoldto
"preservethecadre"inindustryduringthewarbykeepingtheirheadsdown.Factionfights
generateexaggeration,suspicion,wildextrapolation.EventshadshownbyDecember1942
whathadbeenwhatintheoldpolemics.Topublishthesecommentsfromlate1939and
early1940,commentswhichflewinthefaceofthesubsequentdevelopments,wasanactof
wilfulandheedlessfactionallibel.ItisimpossibletothinkthatTrotskywouldhave
approved.Andyetthestoryisworsestill.Ifyoureadthereprintedrecordsofthe1939-40
fightyouareledtoassumethattheSWPinthewarwasalwaysardentlyfordefenceofthe
SovietUnion.TheMilitantandtheSWPwerefordefenceoftheSovietUnion.Butthey
becamethepassionateupfrontpublicdefendersoftheUSSRonlyafterthetideofthewar
hadturnedinStalin'sfavouratStalingradlatein1942.TheywerepartofwhatCPersknew
as"theStalingraddraft".Beforethat,forawholeyear,defenceoftheSovietUnionhadhad
lowpriorityinthepagesofthepaper.SuchistheoriginofthecompilationthatshapedpostTrotskyTrotskyismforover30years,andstilldoessonowthatTrotsky'sotherwritingsof
thetimeareinprint.Itwasbothsymptomaticandcentraltotheshapingof"orthodox"neoTrotskyism.TheelementofaccommodationtoStalinism'ssuccessiscentralandmassive.
III.Freezing"Trotsky"intodogma
In1929,manymembersandleadersoftheLeftOppositionintheUSSRsurrenderedto
Stalinbecause,inerectingthetotalitarianpowerofthenewbureaucraticclassand
destroyingwhatwasleftofthelabourmovement,healsokickedthefeebleNEPbourgeoisie
intoitsgrave.Trotskydidnot.Trotskyhadhadanindependentaxis,whichhispartially
falseconceptionsofStalinismtwistedbutdidnotuproot.SotooatTrotsky'send.TheneoTrotskyistshadnosuchaxis.NorhadtheyTrotsky'spoliticalandtheoreticalculture.They
madeofTrotsky's"unconditionaldefence"ofthe"workers'state"adogmawhichhadless
andlessgripontherealityofStalinism,andcombinedthatblindincomprehensiononthe
leveloftheorywithopportunistadaptations.TheydidremaincriticsofStalinismand
advocatesofworking-classdemocracy-whilesupportingStalinism"againstcapitalism".
Thiscombinationofeyelessdogmatismandsometimesexuberantopportunistadaptationto
successfuland"victorious"Stalinismproducedverybizarreresultswithintwoyearsof
Trotsky'sdeath,andwouldcontinuetodosoforalmosthalfacentury.ByerectingTrotsky's
conclusionsofaparticulartimeagainsthismethod,theofficialTrotskyistsbothexpressed
theirownunwillingnesstothink,andsealedoffthepropensitytothinkofnewcomers-for
generations.MummerydisplacedMarxismasalivingthing.Theoreticalpoverty,together
withareligiosityrootedinfeartotrytothinkalongTrotsky'slinesandfacetherealworld,
feartolookuncongenialrealityintheeye,fearof"disillusionment",fearofnotbeing
"objective",fearofnotbeingwiththereal"revolutionsofourtime",ledtoahardeningof
theheartandofthemind.Thisproducedaviewoftheworldintheearlyforties,andthenin
theearlyfifties,akintomillenarianreligion.Itisnotsurprisingtofindthelong-timeBritish
adherentsofthissortofneo-Trotskyism,theHealyites-albeitinthe1970saftertheyhad
goneseriouslymad-engaginginpublicceremoniesstructuredaroundTrotsky'sdeath-mask.
Trotsky'stentativeandquestioningposingofanalternativetotheworkers'stateframework
unavoidablyalsoimpliedaquestioning,protemattitudetotheoldposition.Buttheold
positionwasfrozenbyhisardentdisciples.TheycutawayTrotsky'slastqualificationsand
questioningsandhypotheticalconclusions,andchoseinduetimetointerpretthesurvival
andexpansionofStalinismasproofthatnothingintheUSSR's"working-classcharacter"
hadchangedorrequiredreconsideration.Trotskyhadinanticipationsaidplainlythat
oppositeconclusionswouldbeindicatediftheStalinistsystemsurvivedandhadtobe
consideredasstabilised.Trotskyhad,attheend,setempiricalandtemporaltestsfor
decidingthatStalinismwasanewformofclasssociety.Thosewhoinsistedtheywerethe
"orthodox"Trotskyistsignoredandimplicitlyrejectedthesetests.TheeventsafterTrotsky's
death-whentheSovietUnionsurvived,conqueredgreatterritories,becamethesecond
powerintheworld,andwasreplicatedinforeigncountries-wereentirelyoutsidewhat
wasevenconceivabletohim;buttheypointedallthemoreforcefullytotheconclusions
TrotskyhadindicatedintheeventthattheUSSRprovedmorestablethanhehadthought.
Havinginthecourseofthefactionstruggle,whichcontinuedasrivalrybetweenthetwo
partiesthatresultedfromit-theWPandtheSWP-declaredthealternativebureaucraticcollectivistframeworkwhichTrotskyhadtentativelyposedinSeptember1939asthe
greatestheresyand"revision"ofthe"programmeoftheFourthInternational",theneoTrotskyistshadboxedthemselvesofffromresumingTrotsky'strainofthoughtwhentimeand
experienceoftheUSSR'ssurvivalinwarmadeitimperative.WhereasTrotskyhadin
anticipationsaidplainlythatnewconclusionswouldbeindicatediftheStalinistsystem
survived,hisdisciples,ignoringTrotsky'sthoughtwhileusinghiswords,stillheldthatso
longasnationalisedpropertyremained,andwasbeingspread,nothinghadchangedor
requiredreconsideration.TrotskyhadbrokenwiththatpositioninSeptember-October
1939.TheyweretakenintowbytheStalinistempireofcountrieswhichtheysoon
discoveredwere"intransitiontosocialism".
IV.Stalinistsocietyintransitiontosocialism?
FacedwiththesurvivalandexpansionofStalinism,Trotsky'srealandevolvingideaof
StalinismwasdestroyedamongsthisfollowersevenwhiletheyheldtotheletterofhispreSeptember1939reasoning.ThenewbureaucraticformationsinChina,etc.couldnotbe
understood,asTrotskyhadsaidtheUSSRbureaucracywas,tobeinconflictand
contradictionwiththecollectivistpropertytheycreated:bureaucraticallycollectivised
propertycouldnotnowbeidentifiedevenobliquelywithaformofworkingclassproperty.
JamesConnolly'smordantjoke,"ifstateownershipissocialism,thenthejailerandthe
hangmanaresocialistfunctionaries"hadtakenonagrimnewmeaninginthefaceof
Stalinism.Theoldbasicnotionofsocialism,thatpoliticalpowerwasdecisive,logically
cameintoitsown,eveniftheconfusionsengenderedbyTrotsky'sattemptstoaccountforthe
USSRhadbeenjustified.Theneo-Trotskyists,whochoseinsteadtoholdtotheletterof
Trotsky'sideas,didsobecauseoftheseemingresemblanceofStalinistsocietytosocialist
forms-nationalisedeconomyandtheeliminationbothofthecapitalistmodeofeconomic
activityandofthebourgeoisiewhichpersonifiedit.Andbecauseattemptstoanalysethe
worldafreshthreatenedtocollapsewhattheyunderstoodasthewholeMarxistsystem.
WithintheverbiageofTrotsky,whichtheyturnedintoasacerdotallanguage,theyradically
alteredTrotsky'sideas.Insubstance,despitetheformsofproperty,theUSSRforTrotsky
wasnotpost-capitalistinthesenseofbeingaheadofworldcapitalism.Itcouldnotbe:the
mostbasicideasofMarxismonsocialism'snecessaryrelationshiptocapitalisminhistory
ruleditout.Withitsexpansion,Stalinismhad,saidTrotsky'sepigones,miraculously
changedthedirectionofitssocialandclassevolution,asTrotskyhadseenthem:wherethe
USSRhadinexorablybeenmovingtowardsaconvulsiverestorationofcapitalism,
StalinismintheUSSRanditsclonesacrossanadditionalsixthoftheworldwerenowpostcapitalistsocieties"intransitiontosocialism".Wheresocialisminonecountryhadbeenin
Marxistterms,asunderstoodbytheCommunistInternationalandtheTrotskyistmovementof
Trotsky'stime,apieceofilliteracy,expressingtheworldoutlookofthebureaucracy,andin
USSRlifeagruesomemockeryofsocialism,amodifiedversionofitbecamethe
operationalideaoftheneo-Trotskyists.Itwas,wroteErnestMandel,forexample,nolonger
onecountry,butaclusterofcountries.Mostofthemwerebackward(thoughnotall:
Czechoslovakia,EastGermany)buttheywereevolvingtowardssocialismbywayofwhat
earlierMarxistswouldhavedismissedasutopiancolony-buildingonagiantscale,onthe
peripheryofworldcapitalism.Socialismwas-"fornow"-evolvingnotoutofadvanced
capitalismandasitsspawnandreplica,butasitscompetitor,movingfromtheperipheryto
thecentre.Formallipservice,onceremonialoccasionsandinceremonialdocuments,tothe
ideathattheworldrevolutionwouldonlybecompletedwhencapitalismwasoverthrownin
theadvancedcountriescouldnotmakesenseofthisintermsoftheMarxismofMarx,Lenin
andTrotsky.Thatideawasforthefuture,moreorlessremote;andmeanwhiletheUSSR,
etc.,were"societiesintransitiontosocialism"sidebysidewithcapitalism.The"actually
existingrevolution"wasamatterof"one,two,manysocialismsinonecountry".Onan
internationalscale,itboremorethanapassingresemblancetothevisionofMichael
BakuninintheFirstInternationalandafterabouttheeffectivemovementforrevolution
comingfromthesocialfringesandthesocialdepths.Notfromtheproletariatofadvanced
capitalism,onthebasisofthebestachievementsofthatcapitalism,butfromthe"wretched
oftheearth"ontheedgesofcapitalism.Inthisway,Trotsky'sideas,proclaimedas
"official"orthodoxTrotskyism,wereturnedontheirhead,turnedinsideoutandturned
upsidedown.Socialisminonecountry-or"socialisminanumberofbackwardcountries",
wasproclaimedtobethepermanentrevolution.TheviewthatbecamedominantasneoTrotskyismwasalreadypresentinTrotsky'stime.Itexistedinthecommunistmovement,
withthe"RightCommunists"(Brandler,Lovestone,etc.),butalsoamongsocial-democrats.
TheoldFabian,GeorgeBernardShaw,forexample,regardedbothStalinismandFascism
asprogressiveagentsofthecollectivistspiritimmanentin20thcenturycapitalistsociety.
TheirideaswerebroughtintothefringesoftheTrotskyistmovementbytheItalian,Bruno
Rizzi,whoisrememberedbecauseTrotskypolemicisedwithhimin1939-40.LikeShawwhomusthaveinfluencedhim-RizziregardedtheStalinistsystem,whichhedefinedasa
newformofclasssociety,asprogressive;and,liketheRightCommunistsandIsaac
Deutscher,whowouldpopularisetheirviewsmixedwithelementsofTrotskyism,he
thoughtthissystemcouldgroworganicallyandsmoothlyintosocialism,withoutrevolution.
ThisideaofStalinismasviableandprogressivecametobeadoptedbytheso-called
officialTrotskyists,thosewho,afterTrotsky'sdeath,madeapalimpsestofhiswordsand
textsintowhichtheyinterpolatedalienideas.Thedegeneratedanddeformedworkers'state
theorieswereBrunoRizzi'sprogressive"bureaucraticcollectivism","Trotskyised"!Itis
possibletoarguethat,facedwiththereshapingoftheworldinandafterWorldWar2,
Trotskywouldhaveabandonedthepathofthoughtwhichhesketchedin"TheUSSRIn
War","AgainandOnceMore...",andinhislastarticles,andagreedwithhis"orthodox"
disciples.Itiscertain,ontheliteraryevidence,thatthe"disciples",inelaboratingwhat
becameofficialpost-TrotskyTrotskyism,didnotfollowTrotsky'smethodanddidnotheed
whathewrote.TheyerectedpartofTrotsky'stentativeconclusionsabovereality,andfor30
yearssuppressedmuchthathewrotealongsideInDefenceofMarxism.Trotskywasflatlyat
variancewiththepositionsthatwere,fordecadesafterhisdeath,falselypresentedashis
"lastword".Theallegedcontinuityof"orthodox"neo-TrotskyismwithTrotskywasnotin
factcontinuity,butregressiontotheTrotskyismofbefore1933,inaworldwhereStalinism
hadplainlymovedonveryfarfromtherealityofthe1920s,whichstillshapedTrotsky's
viewsupto1933.ItsangrycriticismsofStalinismwerevitiatedbyitscommitmentto
"unconditionaldefence"oftheStaliniststate,andlatertheStalinistempire,against
capitalistforces.Trotskywasreceptivetoeventsandtheirimplications.Theneo-Trotskyist
movementused"Trotsky'sposition"inlieuofthoughtandrealanalysis.Neo-Trotskyist
analysiswascutandtailedandtoppedandprunedtofitintoastaticframemadebytakinga
snapshotofonemoment(onesideofTrotsky's1939-40writings)outofwhatforTrotsky
wasamovingandevolvinganalysis.Whenalltheoldconceptionsofthenatureofthe
SovietUnionandthebureaucracyhadtobemeasuredandreassessedagainstthesurvival,
expansionandself-replicationofStalinism,the"officialTrotskyists"-thosewhohadtaken
Trotsky'ssidein1939-40,ledbyJamesPCannon,joinedsoonaftertherefluxofNazi
GermanybyErnestMandel,MichelPablo,andothers-turnedideassuchasdefenceofthe
SovietUnionintofrozendogmaandletthatdogmacommitthemtodefenceoftheStalinist
empire,thesecondpoweroftheworld.Theycame,aswewillsee,toregarditsexpansion
inwaroritsreplicationinAsiaorEasternEuropeasadvancesfortheworkingclass.They
turnedTrotskyismbackinitstracks,fromwhatitwasin1940,intoacriticaladjunctofthe
full-blownStalinistempires.TheydefinedStalinistexpansionastheexpansionofa
deformedworking-classrevolution.Theymaintainedthebeliefintheworkers'revolution,
whichforTrotskywasabeliefthatthelabourmovementcouldbe"turnedround"sothatit
wouldplaythenecessaryrevolutionaryrole,bymystifyingitoutofallrealityandbeyond
alltestsofreality;theyevenrechristenedStalinistChinesepeasantarmiesasworkers'
parties.Infact,thiswasonlyanotherwayofdeclaringthewholerealperspectiveofthe
Bolsheviksdead-everythingthatTrotskyhadtriedtoavoidinthe1939-40debate.Ithad
theadditionalfaultofnotdoingthisclearlybutbywayofnamingsomethingelseasthe
working-classrevolutionandevenfortheworkingclass.Their"revolutionary
perspectives"cametohaveastheirimmediateprotagonisttheStalinistmovement.They
evolvedavariantofdegeneratedworkers'statetheory,supposedlyTrotsky's,ordeveloped
fromTrotsky,thatswitchedallthedirections,definitions,classaffiliations,andlinesof
movementinTrotsky'sactualtheory,arrivingatdefinitionsoftheStaliniststates-thatthese
weresocietiesintransitiontosocialism-thatweretheoppositeofTrotsky's.Theywound
upacceptingvariantsoftheperspectiveof"socialisminonecountry",ofsocialism
advancingfrombackwardnessontheperipheryoftheworldeconomytothecentre.Itwasa
procedurewiththelegacyofTrotskybelongingtothesameorderofthingsastheStalinists'
scholasticismandmummeryover"Lenin",andwiththesameconsequence,thatwordsand
termslosttheirmeaningsand,filledwithdifferentcontent,acquirednewandsometimes
oppositemeanings-exceptthatthoseengagedinthisworkweresincereandhonest
revolutionarieswhoretainedademocraticcriticismofStalinismandmadepropagandafor,
andtriedtoorganisetowin,Trotsky'sworking-classprogrammeagainstStalinism.
Suspiciousofinnovationandmotivatedatrootbythedesiretodothebesttheycould,they
werecautiousaboutchallengingTrotsky'sauthorityforfearthattheywouldthereby
succumbtothepressureoftheirownrulingclasses.Neo-Trotskyismwasrootedinthe
abortivefactionaldisputeof1939-40andinthelinesprematurelydrawnanddefended
there.Forthe"orthodox"Trotskyists,whoremainedcriticalofStalinismandadvocatesof
eitherreform(as-anachronistically-forChinauntil1969,Yugoslavia,Cuba,etc.,asif
theseweresocietiesanalogoustotheUSSRintheearlyperiodofdegenerationinthe
1920s)orpoliticalrevolution-intheUSSRandeasternEurope-itwasawaytocometo
termswiththerealityofStalinismasagreatcollectivistanti-bourgeoispowerwhichwas
alsoandsimultaneouslyananti-working-classpower.TheStaliniststates,nomatterhow
criticalofthemtheneo-Trotskyistswere,usurpedtheplaceinMarxisttheoryoftheworking
classintheanti-capitalistrevolution-initsfirststage.Allthetypicalword-playandallthe
mystifiedandmystifyingassertionsthattheworkingclass-crushedandenslavedbythe
newstateanddeniedthemostelementarylibertiesandcivilrights-ruled,couldnotchange
thatfact.Butwhatelsecouldthesebebutworkers'states,degeneratedlikeRussiaor
deformedatoriginliketheothers?ForTrotsky,the"degeneratedworkers'state"idea
existedwithinacomplexwebofideasandperspectives.Forhis"disciples",thesystem
withinwhichTrotskysawtheUSSRasaworkers'statetendedtoshriveltoa"totalitarian
economism".ThatisthereinTrotsky,butthereisalotmore.Forpost-TrotskyTrotskyism,
thebarefactofnationalisedpropertyandasystemmodelledonStalin'sUSSR,andtherule
ofStalnistforcescommittedtothismodel,definedaworkers'statewhateverhappenedto
theworkers.Itwas,forthisstageofhistory,carryingthroughthetransitiontosocialismandwastobevaluedabovethelivesandlibertiesoftheworkers.Wordsindefenceofthe
workers,howeversincereanddeeply-felt,couldnotbalanceoutthislogic.Fromthelate
1940s,asthe"orthodox"acceptedtheextensionoftheStalinistsysteminvariouswaysas
creatingworkers'states,theycoulddoitonlybytakingnationalisedpropertyastheultimate
criterionoftheallegedclasscharacterofthosestates.
V.Millenarianism:"ThirdPeriod"neo-Trotskyism
Thelogicoftheneo-Trotskyists'conditionallypositiveassessmentofthenewStalinist
"revolutions"turnedthemtomillenarianism-totheideathatsocialistprogresscouldbe
madebysomeforceof"history"or"worldrevolution"above,beyondandoutsidetheliving
workingclass.Echoingthe"ThirdPeriod"ofCommunistPartypolicy,1928-34,whenit
wasadogmalaiddownbyStalinistcommandthatrevolutionwasimminentalwaysand
everywhere,theneo-Trotskyistsprofessedcertaintythattherevolutionwascomingand,like
seersseekingconfirmationofprophecies,lookedfororredefinedeventstofittheir
expectations.ThistoohadrootsinsomeofTrotsky'ssweepingpredictionsofrevolution
whenhecouldnotclearlyidentifytheagency,otherthantheworkingclassinthemost
generalterms-andinhisfinalviewthatcapitalismwas"finished".Thepointisthatthe
neo-Trotskyistswereled,byextrapolationfromtheideathattheUSSRremainedaworkers'
stateandthefactthatStalinistforcescouldcreateothersimilarstates,toaccept-fornowassubstitutefortheworkingclassthosewhocreatedin,forexample,China,asmuchas
"remainedof1917"intheUSSR.Therewaslogicinit.Thefirstessayinmillenarianism
cameoutofWorldWarTwo.IntheperiodbeginningwiththeendofthesiegeofStalingrad
(late1942),theneo-Trotskyiststurnedtoperspectivesforsocialistgainsandcapitalist
defeatsspunaroundtheadvancesofthe"Red"ArmyfromtheEasttotheverycentreof
Europe.ThenewapproachwasmostpreposterousinitsattemptstoclaimtheRussianArmy
as"Trotsky'sRedArmy"-astapleofTheMilitantthroughoutthewar-anditspromotionof
theideathatitwasthenationalisedeconomythatwaswinningUSSRvictoriesandinspiring
theRussianworkersandsoldierstofight.Thesebizarrefatuities,onthelevelofcrude
advertising-agencyorpublicrelationsmaterial,cantooeasilydivertattentionfromthe
importantandcontinuouscoreideawithintheblatantnonsense-acceptanceofapositive
revolutionaryroleforwhatinfactwasStalin'sarmyandStalin'sstate.Therewastalkofthe
"Red"Armyrousingworkersandinspiringthem-astherehadbeenin1939atthestartof
theeventsinPolandandFinland-asifnothinghadbeenlearnedfromthefactthat,in
Trotsky'swords,"theinvasionsimmediatelybringaboutthetransferofpowerintothehands
ofthelocalStalinistcandidatesfortotalitarianrule",and"notonlythemajorityofthe
FinnishpeasantsbutalsothemajorityoftheFinnishworkersprovedtobeonthesideof
theirbourgeoisie".Therewasnonsensicalpretencethattherewasnotmuchtoworryabout
inthe(sometimesmentioned)counter-revolutionarycharacteroftheKremlinand,
implicitly,ofits"Red"Army,becausethatwouldbelightweightcomparedtothe
"revolutionaryimpulse"fromStalinistadvance.Therewasutterunclarityabouttherelation
between"progressive"nationalisationsimposedbythe"Red"Army,asin1939-40in
Poland,andtheworkingclassastheagentofrevolution.Therewasabsolutesubordination,
inthelastanalysis,ofallelsetothesupposedoverridingprincipleof"defenceofthe
USSR".AslateasMarch1945,onlyafewweeksbeforetheendofthewarinEurope,this
fictitiousviewofthe"Red"ArmywasthedominantoneinthemostimportantneoTrotskyistpublicationintheworld,theUSMilitant.(Seechapter6.)Thefundamentalidea
was,aswe'veseen,anidentificationofnationalisedpropertywithprogressandofStalinist
policy,despiteStalin,asamerereflexofthatprogressiveeconomy.Everythingelsewas
fadedintothebackground.Withoutdroppingtheircriticisms-especiallyoftheCommunist
PartiesinwesternEurope,againstwhichtheyfoughtbitterly-theUSofficialTrotskyists
andthosetheyinfluencedtookupthepostureofhopefulexpectancy,ofapushforsocialist
revolutionconnectedwiththeadvanceofStalin'sarmy.Theprincipleof"defenceofthe
USSR"leddirectlytothis;buttoassertastraightlinefromTrotskytotheneo-Trotskyist
politicsof1942-5youhavetoignoreTrotsky'sprognosisof1939-40.Thiscouldnothave
beenthepolicyoftheTrotskywhowrotewhathedidin1939-40.No,afterStalingradthe
"orthodox"Trotskyistshadtakenasharpforkintheroadawayfromboththespiritandthe
letterofwhatTrotskywrote.Post-Trotsky"Trotskyism"asitexistedfrom1942wasindeed
partofthe"Stalingraddraft"thatledvastnumberstojointheCommunistParties.Foolish
triumphalismaboutthevictoriesoftheworkers'statewastheirresponsewhenhistory
offereduptheevidencethatTrotskyhadindicatedwouldconclusivelyfalsifythe"workers'
state"thesis:thebureaucracyremainingstableintheconvulsionsofaworldwar.The
leaderofthe"orthodox",JamesPCannon,hadhimselfputtheperspectivemostsharply,ina
passagewhichIhavealreadyquotedfromalettertoTrotsky:"Stalincouldtakethepathof
Napoleonicconquestnotmerelyagainstsmallborderstates,butagainstthegreatest
imperialistpowers,onlyononecondition:thattheSovietbureaucracyinrealityrepresents
anewtriumphantclasswhichisinharmonywithitseconomicsystemandsecureinits
positionathome,etc.Ifsuchreallyisthecase,wecertainlymustreviseeverythingwehave
saidonthesubjectofthebureaucracyuptonow"(StruggleforaProletarianParty).When
StalindidconqueralargepartofGermany,however,Cannonmadenosuchrevision.What
herevised,orlicensedotherstorevise,whileholdingtoTrotsky'swords,werethe
frameworkandcriteriaofTrotsky'sentireapproachandTrotsky'srootandbranchrejection
ofsocialisminonecountry.Neo-Trotskyismbecameachaosofcrazilydistortingmirrors.
Attheendofthewartheworkadaymillenarianpoliticsabout"Trotsky'sRedArmy"were
stillclothedinshredsoftheoldTrotskyism.AstheRussianArmyconsolidateditselfas
masterofhalfofEurope,theUSSR,thoughinfactthesecondpowerintheworld,andthe
greatpowerofEuropeandAsia,was-sotheventriloquisedTrotsky,usedasLeninhad
longbeenusedintheUSSR,toldreadersofTheMilitant-stillindanger."Onlytheworld
revolutioncansavetheUSSRforsocialism.Buttheworldrevolutioncarrieswithitthe
inescapableblottingoutoftheKremlinoligarchy".Readingthecoverageofcurrentaffairs
inthefilesofthe"Shachtmanite"LaborActionandNewInternationalandthe"orthodox"
MilitantandFourthInternationalislikebeingwith,ononeside,peoplewholiveonthe
planetEarthandreadbourgeoisnewspapers,and,ontheother,citizensoftheMoonpeering
attheaffairsofEarththroughaweaktelescopeandrelyingonoldphotographsandaccounts
oflifeonEarththousandsofyearsinthepasttodecipherwhatisgoingon.Millenarianism
istheall-tuningnoteinpost-war"orthodox"Trotskyism.Itwasinfullcontrolbylate1942;
by1951itwasrunningriot,asthe"FourthInternational"lookedtoaRussianvictoryinan
imminentnuclearworldwar(a"War-Revolution")toputanendtocapitalismandbeginthe
transitiontosocialismonaworldscale.Buttherewasnotastraightline.Inthe1940sthere
wasaninterruption,andperhapsthepossibilityofthe"orthodox"evolvinginadifferent
direction.
VI.ThelessonsofItaly
IntheirtimeBurnhamandShachtmanhadwrittenalmostallthepolicystatementsand
analyticalarticlesfortheSWP.AfterthesplitofApril1940,thosewhotookoverthiswork
-butnowwithnohelpfromTrotskyotherthanoldtexts-wereAlbertGoldman,Felix
MorrowandJohnGWright.Inthe1939-40disputeGoldmanhadatfirsttakenaflatand
crasslineofpositivesupportfortheRussianinvasionofPoland(seechapter7).No-one
elsehadsuchaposition.Morrowwrotedaffybutlogicalextrapolationsabout"theclass
significanceoftheSovietvictories".Butthesewerehonestpeople,andthoughtful.
Goldman'scrassnessin1939wasevidentlythatofadownrightmanwhowantedtosay
plainlyandbluntlywhathethoughtthepositionofhisownsidecamedownto.Soon
Goldman,Morrow,andanumberofothers,includingJeanvanHeijenoort,Trotsky's
secretaryforsevenyears,becameconvincedthateventswerefalsifyingtheperspectiveof
"theFourthInternational"(whichatthistime,thoughithadactivistsinEuropeand
throughouttheworld,was,asanorganisation,notmuchmorethanasub-committeeofthe
SWP).WhenItalianfascismfellinmid-1943theybegantofaceuptorealities.Bourgeois
democracyandStalinismweretheimmediatelypowerfulforcesinItalyaftertwodecades
offascistrule;theTrotskyistswereatinyforce,facingimmensedifficulties.Trotskyhad
understoodandwrittenabouttheprobabilityofillusionsinbourgeoisdemocracybeing
generatedbyfascism;hehadcounterposedtotheravingsofThirdPeriodStalinism,for
which"revolution"waseverywhereandcontinuouslyimminent,arationalMarxist
assessmentofwhatittooktomakearevolutionarysituation(seechapter9).Someofhis
generalcommentsattheendofhislifewerevaguer.TheCannongrouphad"perspectives"
forimminentEuropeanworkers'revolution,asifitcouldbeproducedmechnicallyoutof
thewar.Working-classexperienceandMarxistandBolsheviktheorysaidthatasocialist
revolutioncouldnotbemadeandconsolidatedjustbyasuddenupsurgeofrawworkingclassangeragainstcapitalism,butrequiredpreparatoryeducationandorganisation.The
Cannonitesimplicitlyhadaviewofrevolutionasemergingspontaneouslyfromworkingclasseconomicgrievances.Theyoccasionallypaidlip-servicetoMarxistABCsbytalking
ofthesuper-rapidgrowthofTrotskyistgroupstoleadershipoftheworkersinEurope-in
abstractionfromanyrealperspectivesfortheevolutionandself-developmentofworkingclasspolitics.Thismixture-animplicitviewofrevolutionasproducedbyrawrage,
combinedwithasectariandriveto"buildtheparty"whichwouldunblockthespontaneous
revolutionarylava-wouldbecomethecentralcharacteristicofcertainneo-Trotskyist
currents,inBritainoftheSLL-WRPanditssplinters.TheCannonitesatfirstrejected
democraticslogans.TalkingasifvictorywasassuredtotheTrotskyists,theywantedtoand
didexcludefromthere-formingranksoftheFourthInternationalgroupswhichdidnotshare
theirviewsontheRussianquestion(seechapter10).Theyweretoobusytryingtocatcha
littleofthegloryof"Trotsky'sRedArmy"tonoticethatmassStalinistmovementsexistedin
Europe,ortothinkofwhatthatimpliedforsocialistrevolution.Itwasalldeeply
unrealistic,andinfactultra-left,withimplicitunderlyingassumptionsmoreakinto
anarchismthanMarxism.TheThird-Period-styleultra-leftismandthemillenarianism-the
expectationthatotherandnon-humanforcessuchas"crisis"and"history"wouldpush
throughtherevolution-wouldfeedoffeachotherfordecades,invaryingcombinationsand
changingsituations.Bycontrast,the"Shachtmanite"WorkersPartynotonlyproposedmore
earth-groundedassessmentsofandresponsestoworldevents,butsubjectedtheCannonites
toarunningfireofcriticism;andin1943andafterwardsthatcriticismcametobeechoed
insidetheSWPbyGoldmanandMorrow.TheyaccusedtheSWPofultra-leftismand
unrealism,andoflivingonandpurveyingalethalmixtureofdogmatismandempirical
opportunism.AfterthefallofMussolinitheyadvocatedrecognitionoftherealitiesof
EuropeandtheuseofdemocraticandtransitionaldemandsbytheTrotskyists.Immediately,
asin1939-40,thepoliticalquestionsbecamesnarledupwithissuesofpartylifeand
democraticprocedure.GoldmanandMorrowbecameanembitteredopposition,andbegan,
piecemealandempirically,toseewhatthetriumphsofStalinismimpliedforthehopesof
socialisminEurope;andtheyrecognisedthefactofStalinistimperialism.Therewasa
moreeminentcriticoftheSWP's"softness"onStalinism:NataliaSedova,Trotsky's
companionof40years,whostilllivedinMexicoandparticipatedintheaffairsofthe
movement.AfterthesiegeofStalingrad,Nataliaveeredslowlytowardstheoppositeforkof
thepoliticalroadtothattakenbythe"orthodox"Trotskyists.Shebegantofindthefantasies
anddelusionsabout"Trotsky'sRedArmy"distastefulandnonsensical,butalsopolitically
dangerous:theStalinistadvancewasamortalthreattotheEuropeanworkers'prospectsof
socialism,Nataliabegantoinsist.Natalia'spressureslowlyproducedacertainshiftin
emphasis.BytheendofthewaraFourthInternationalhadbeenrecreatedinEurope.Real
discussiondeveloped-aboutwhatthefuturewouldbeforEurope,theeconomicprospects
forcapitalism,assessmentoftheareasunderStalinistdomination,and,oncemore,the
natureoftheUSSR.TheWorkersPartyconsidereditselfasectionoftheFourth
InternationalandwasacceptedbytheEuropeansassuch;therewereradicalanti-Stalinist
currentsinthesmallEuropeanparties.UnitydiscussionstookplacebetweentheWPandthe
SWPin1946and'47;agroupfromtheSWPjoinedtheWP(Goldmanandsomeofhis
comrades;Morrow,expelledfromtheSWP,droppedawayfrompolitics),andthenagroup
fromtheWPjoinedtheSWP(CLRJamesandRayaDunayevskayaandfiveorsixdozen
people).TheWorkersPartyparticipatedintheSecondWorldCongressoftheFourth
InternationalinMarch1948,whichmadeaformaldistinctioninoneofitsdocuments
between"revolutionarybureaucratic-collectivists"liketheWorkersPartyand"reactionary"
oneslikeDwightMacdonald.
VII.Thedilemmasof1945-8
ThethreeyearsbetweentheendofthewarandTito'sbreakwithStalininJuly1948were
aninterregnumintheevolutionof"orthodox"neo-Trotskyism,attheendofwhich,much
depletedinforces,itreturnedtothemillenariancourseof1942-5anddevelopeditintoa
wholenewsystemofpolitics.Afterwardsitwoulddevelopbywayoffraying,partial
recoils,andeccentricmovementsfromthedoctrinalclarityaroundtheperspectiveof
"Stalinist-ledworldrevolution"whichithadbythe"ThirdWorldCongress"of1951.In
1945-8,however,therewasrealdiscussionandrealfluidity.TheUSSR'spowerhad
expandedenormously.InEasternEurope,"Trotsky'sRedArmy"hadrepressedtheworkers
andsetup"coalition"regimesinwhichStalinistshadthekeypolice-military,thatis,statecontrolling,ministries.IndigenousYugoslavStalinistswonpowerinalongwaragainst
Germanoccupiers,CroatfascistsandSerbianmonarchists.Havingoccupied
Czechoslovakiaandsetupa"mixed"government,theRussianArmywithdrew.Everywhere
else(Poland,EastGermany,Hungary,Bulgaria,Rumania)theRussianArmyremainedin
occupation.CzechoslovakiahadhadamassCommunistmovementbeforethewar;the
GermanCommunistPartyhadbeenstrongbefore1933;nowhereelseinthesestateswere
therestrongCPs.TherehadbeenastrongindependentMarxisttraditioninPoland,but
Stalinismhaddestroyedit,formallydissolvingtheCPin1938,shootingitsleaderswhohad
takenrefugeinMoscowfromPolishmilitarydictatorship.AnewPolishpartyhadtobe
createdforRussia'spurposesin1942afterGermanyinvadedtheUSSR.Everywhere,
partiesbredtorulewerecreatedoutofoldCPers,turncoatSocial-Democrats,and
nondescriptcareerists.Thetop-rankingStalinistsreturnedfromMoscow"withpipesin
theirmouths"(likeStalin),asthesayingwent.After1949,mostofthoseStalinistleaders
whohadbeenathomeintheunderground,andnotinMoscow,duringthewarwouldbe
purged,triedforimaginarycrimes,andhangedorjailed.Thebourgeoisiewasweakorhad
beenheavilydiscreditedorsmashedbytheNazis.Chauvinismakintothetribalismofthe
DarkAges,andtoHitlerism,characterisedtheseStalinist-runstatesintheirrelationswith
eachother.TheUSSRkepttheareasofPolandithadtakenin1939andgavetoPolandlarge
areasofRussian-occupiedGermanyinreturn.TenmillionGermanswereclearedoutofthat
territoryatgunpoint,andwithappallingsufferingandmanycasualties.Threemillion
GermansweredrivenoutoftheSudetenlandintheCzechoslovakstate.Largenumbersof
Hungarians,too,weredrivenfromCzechoslovakia.Howtoevaluatethesestates?Plainly
they,liketheBalticstatesin1940,andtheareasofformerPolandStalincontrolled,were
being"sovietised".Nobodypayingattentionandreadingnewspaperscoulddoubtit.Ifthe
"orthodox"Trotskyistsdiddoubtit,itwasbecausethis"sovietisation"presentedthemwith
allthequestionsthattheyhadbeenavoidingsinceStalingrad,orsince1939,or...sincethe
Stalinistbureaucracyestablisheditsself-definedruletwodecadesearlier.Thequestions
werewrittoolargetotolerateevasion,nowthattheUSSRwasthesecondpowerinthe
world,controllingagiantempire.Theneo-Trotskyistswouldtrytoevadetheminwhatwas
bynowthetraditionalway:jugglingwithwordsanddefinitions,whosemeaningswere
merelyshifted.The"orthodox"attitudeontheStalinisationofeasternPolandandtheBaltic
stateshadnowtobereassessed.Whyshoulditnotbeappliedtothestatesnowbeingturned
intoreplicasoftheUSSR,andmatchingitforhorrorswithsuchthingsasthemass
deportationofovertenmillionGermans?Ifthesameapproachwerenowappliedtothe
vastlygreaterStalinistexpansion,wouldthatnotdestroywhatevercoherenceremainedto
the"orthodox"position,compellingtheneo-Trotskyiststoseepolice-staterepressionof
wholenationsassomehowsimultaneouslybeingaformofsocialistemancipation?Buthow,
ifthemovementwerenottofallintoagibberinglunacy,coulditnotbeapplied?Not
applyingitwoulddisarrangethe"orthodox"neo-Trotskyistpositionasmuchasapplyingit,
onlydifferently.Thehardfactwasthatanti-capitalistrevolutionswerebeingmade.
HowevertheStalinisttransformationsinEasternEuropeweredefined,theywerethat,antibourgeoisrevolutions.ForthosewhocontinuedtoseetheUSSRasadegeneratedworkers'
state,theassimilationoftheothercountriesintoitsmodelhadtobedefinedassomevariant
ofaworkers'revolution-ananti-worker,counter-revolutionary,bureaucraticworkers'
revolution.ThelabourmovementswerebeingsubvertedanddestroyedbytheStalinist
policestates,andreplacedbytotalitarianentitiesintheserviceofthetotalitarianising
states.Theworkingclasswasbeingsubjugatedatleastasmuchasunderfascism,andmore
thanundertheramshacklepre-warlooselyauthoritarianregimessuchasthatofHungary,for
example.Butifacategorisationasworkers'statesofthenewStalinistsystemsnow
congealingineightEastEuropeancountriesandNorthKorea-andby1948theMaoist
armieswereontheroadtocontrolofallmainlandChina-wastoberejected,thenhow
couldsucharejectionnotlogicallyimplythatthewhole"degeneratedworkers'state"
assessmentoftheUSSRwasuntenable?Ifthedilemmawereresolvedbydefiningthenew
StaliniststatesasbeingofthesamenatureastheUSSR,thatisasbeingworkers'statesof
somesort,thenanotherandmorefundamentalquestionwasposed(thoughIdon'tthinkit
everwasposedexplicitlyinthoseterms):whatthenwasthetheoryaccordingtowhichthe
USSR,withorwithoutitsempireofsatellites,wasaworkers'state?Theanswer,"Trotsky's
theory"-whichbecamethe"orthodox"Trotskyistanswer,meaningthatnothingbasichad
changedsolongasnationalisedpropertyremained-wouldsatisfyonlythosewhohad
forgottenornotunderstoodthewholetrendofTrotsky'sthoughtinthe1930sandwhatthe
termsofhisworkers'statetheoryhadbeen.TheSovietUnion,evenapartfromitssatellites
andreplicas,couldnotin1945beconsideredaworkers'stateaccordingtotheapproach
indicatedinTrotsky'sevolvingandconstantly-revisedassessmentsinthe1930s.The
bureaucracyhadproveditselfinthehardestpossibletesttobenomeremalignanttumouron
society,nocollectivebanditseizingtheeconomyforashorttransitionalperiodinthereflux
oftheworkers'revolutionbeforeitgavewayeithertocapitalismortorenewedworkers'
power,nofreakinthehistoricalintersticesbetweenworkers'powerandcapitalist
restorationorworkers'renewal.EventshadmadeTrotsky'soldtheoryimpossible:anew
onehadtobedevelopedandwithintheoldnameitwas:that,aswehaveseen,cametobe
BrunoRizzi'sthesisofprogressivebureaucraticcollectivismasastageontheroadto
socialism,renamedas"degeneratedworkers'states".OnlyamodifiedversionofTrotsky's
nameforhisverydifferenttheoryofthedegeneratedworkers'statewouldremain.The
changetooktime.Plainfactsthatcouldnotbeevadedhadcancelledouttheentirestructure
ofreasoningaccordingtowhichTrotskyhadhungontothe"degeneratedworkers'state"
theoryin1939-40.Thefactsofthemidandlate40spointedimperativelytoother
conclusions,thoseprovisionallyindicatedbyTrotskythen:thattheUSSRwasaspeciesof
newclasssociety.Thequestioninthediscussionafter1944-5waswhetherthecollapseof
Trotskyismintoflat"totalitarianeconomism"-theideathatstateownership,or,inthegiven
case,totalitarianstateownership,supposedlyrooted,directlyormoreloosely(China,etc.)
intheOctoberRevolution,wasnecessarilyworking-class-wouldspreadandprevail,or
bereversed.TherewasalargebodyofclassicalMarxistwritingagainstthe"totalitarianeconomist"idea.Itanswerednorealquestions,butbeggedeveryquestionofworking-class
socialism.Suchareductionofthecriteriatostatisedeconomywasalwaysthe"bottom
line",thehard-factbasis,ofTrotsky'stheory.Trotskywasdealingwithsomethingnewin
historyandcompelledtomeasureitbycomparisonwithknownphenomenaandbythe
patternofpreviouslyexistingmodernclasssocieties.Evenso,hisdenialoftheautonomyof
theautocracyafter1928waswrong;wasbythemid-1930sblamablywrong.Thewar-time
fantasieswereanabandonmentoftheresponsibilitytothinkrealisticallyabouttheworld.
Butnoteventhewar-timefantasiesabout"Trotsky'sRedArmy"completelyandflatly
replacedtheworkingclasswithsomeotheragency.The"Red"Armywassupposedto
stimulateworking-classaction.Therewasstillsomerationalnotionofendsandmeans
hovering,orflappinglooselyintheair,aroundthe"Trotsky'sRedArmy"fantasies.Now
therewereonlyhardbrutefacts.Foraperiod,thehardfactsundidthemillenarianismof
1942-5.Itneedstobestressedandkeptinmindthatthepeopleinvolvedweresincereand
honestadvocatesofworking-classsocialism.Theyunderstood-andinawaythatlater
generationsofneo-Trotskyistsoftenwouldnot-themonstrousaberrationfromanysortof
socialismthattheStalinistsystemwas.Withfascismarecentandvividmemory,they
understoodthehorrorofevencontemplatingthenotionthatthefascist-stylestatesthatthe
USSRwaserectinginEasternEurope(inpart,withpoliceforcesstaffedbyrecentfascists)
couldbeacceptedasavariantofworkers'state.Buttheyneededtomakesenseofthe
world.Theyneededtowardofftheconclusionofdespairsomedrewfromtherepeated
defeatsoftheworkingclass,theideathattheworkingclasscouldnotplaytherole
indicatedinMarxisttheory.Thelessonsofhistoryprovedtheopposite-theParis
Commune,the1917revolution,theworkers'strugglesinSpaininthe1930s,andmany
others-lessonsthatareindelible.Buttheysawdepressionanddefeatsoftheworkingclass,
sidebysidewithvictoriesagainstthebourgeoisiebypeoplecallingthemselves
"communists"-victoriesthatachievedasmuchasremainedoftheOctober1917
Revolution.RevolutionaryStalinismbeckonedaswellasthreatened.Theyneededto
preservehopeforsocialism,andparadoxicallymanyofthem-likethenotoriousUS
generalwhosaidhehaddestroyedaVietnamesecity"inordertosaveit"-preservedtheir
hopeforsocialisminthisepochbykillingtheoldideaandperspectiveofsocialismand
substitutingforitsomethingelse(for"now",for"thisstage").Thesedilemmasopeneda
periodofdiscussioninthereorganisingFourthInternational.MaxShachtmancouldatthe
endofthewarwritethatthe"degeneratedworkers'state"thesiswaswitheringanddying.
Hewaswrong,butthatseemedtobethetrend.(Hewasrighttoo:thelastechoesof
Trotsky'sworkers'statetheoryweredying;itwouldbereplaced,byquitedifferenttheories.
Thedeathoftheoldworkers'statewassurelytheonlyconsistentandlogicaldevelopment
ofTrotsky'sfinalposition.InJune1946theinternationalcentre,newlyre-locatedin
Europe,declaredforthewithdrawaloftheUSSRarmy-whathadbeensorecentlyandfor
solong"Trotsky'sRedArmy"-fromEurope.The1948Congressdocumenttalkedabout
"defendingwhatremainedoftheconquestsofOctober1917"inplaceof"defendingthe
SovietUnion".Thisreflectedaverymuchchangedmood.
VIII.TheBritishRevolutionaryCommunistParty
IlluminatinghereisthecaseoftheBritishRevolutionaryCommunistParty.Atitspeak
around1945thisorganisationhad500members;thereafteritsteadilydeclined.By1946its
leaders,JockHaston,MillieLeeandTedGrant,hadprovisionallydecidedthattheUSSR,
itssatellitesanditsYugoslavreplica,wereofasimilarclasscharacter-state-capitalist.
Aftermullingthisoverforawhiletheychangedtheirminds.TheUSSRandtheotherswere,
theystillthought,ofthesamesort,buttheywere...workers'states.TheRCPbecamethe
majorproponentsofthispositionintheFourth-Internationalistmovement,representingthe
oppositepoletotheWorkersParty,whichwasarguingthatStalinismwasaformofclass
system,bureaucratic-collectivist(theWPmajority)orstate-capitalist(theminority).The
RCPheldthattheStalinistsatellitespartookofthesameclassnatureastheUSSRandwere
thusworkers'states.Forthisphenomenonanewadjectivewouldbecoined:theyhadnot
degenerated,astheUSSRhad,fromaworkers'revolution,sothesewere"deformed"
workers'states.Themajoritysupportedneitherpole,andtheRCPweremuchdespisedand
muchcondemnedfortheirposition.TheShachtmanitessaidthattheRCPwereatleast
logical;theothersupportersofthethesisthattheUSSRremainedaworkers'statespurned
theRCPforcreatingareductioadabsurdumofit.TheRCPleaderswereregardedas
peoplewhohadguttedTrotskyismandbestowedonStalinismundeservedrecognitionasa
progressiveanti-capitalistforce.ErnestMandelandothersdealtwiththeissuebydeclaring
thesatellites-mostofthemoccupied,exceptCzechoslovakia,byRussiantroops,andwith
governmentsdominatedbyStalinists-tobestate-capitalist,whiletheUSSRremaineda
workers'state.Mandel,themajoracademictheoreticianofneo-Trotskyismfromthelate
1940s,managedtocombinethesetwopositionswithathird:greatenthusiasmforthe
victoriousChineseMaoists.
IX.Tito
TheMarch1948secondworldcongress,inParis,consistedof50delegatesand
represented22organisationsin19countries,includingtheWorkersPartyoftheUSA.The
shapeoftheworldwhichwouldlastwithsecondarymodificationsuntilthecollapseofthe
USSR43yearslaterwasnowplain.Capitalismhadstabilisedandbeguntorevive,though
muchofEuropewasstillinruins.Themainchangesstilltoworktheirwaythroughwould
comefromarangeofanti-colonialstruggles.JustbeforetheCongress,on25February
1948,theStalinistsinCzechoslovakiaorganisedacoupwhichwasthelastactinthe
StalinisationofallofRussian-occupiedEasternEurope-acoupinwhichmassworkingclasssupportallowedtheStalinists,whoalreadycontrolledthekeyministries,tostage
something,withmassdemonstrations,likeaparodyofaworkers'revolution.Thetoneof
the1948congressresolutionsisthatofdefeatandperplexity.[TheCongresslaunchedthe
sloganforthetransformationofthesmallTrotskyistpropagandagroups(someverysmall)
into"partiesofmassworking-classstruggle".Thesamecallhadbeenmadebyaprevious
conferencein1946,butthistimeitwasmadeinthefaceofamajordeclineofallthe
groups.AbouthalfthemembershipoftheFrenchgroup,whichwasthelargestinEurope,
quitsoonaftertheCongress,anditspaper,previouslyweekly,appearedonlythreetimes
betweenAprilandNovember1948;theBritishRCPwasalsoonthepointofcollapse].
TheUSSRremainedaworkers'state.How,why?"Thesocialrevolutionstilllivesinwhat
remainsoftheconquestsofOctober[i.e.thenationalisedproperty]andinthevanguard
layersoftheworkingclass",declaredthecongressdocument.Fourteenyearsafterthestart
oftheGreatTerror,andtwentyyearsaftertheconsolidationoftotalitarianrule,theideaof
the"vanguardlayersoftheworkingclass"stillbeingabletodeterminetheclasscharacter
ofthestatewassurreal.Thecongressresolutionplacedmuchstressonthe"instabilityofthe
socialrelations"andtheneedtostudythetrendsbywhich"theprogressivecharacterofthe
Russianeconomy...tendstobecomeeliminatedbythebureaucracy"and"thepossibilitiesof
reactionandregressioninallfields,includingtheeconomic,withintheframeworkofthese
[nationalised]propertyrelations,havebeenshowntobeinfinitelyvasterthananyonecould
havethought".WiththeexperienceofNazirulefreshintheirminds,thecongressdelegates
describedtheUSSRas"themosttotalitarianpolicedictatorshipinhistory".Allthewelter
ofqualificationsandcontrivedargumentsreflectedmindsattheendoftheirtether,aboutto
flipbackintotheplain"totalitarianeconomist"definitionofaworkers'statebynationalised
propertyalone.Infactthecongresssolvednothing.ByholdingtothepositionthattheUSSR
wasaworkers'stateitindicatedhowthemainstreamwouldsolvetheproblem:butthe
congressitselfstoodbetweentwoopendoorsoneithersideofthatfinalbivouackingofthe
oldTrotskyistmovement.Withinthreemonthsthe"orthodox"neo-Trotskyistswouldtroopno,stampede-throughtheonemarked"Stalinismisrevolutionary".Tito'sYugoslaviawasa
fully-formedsmallerreplicaoftheUSSR:if,asthecongresssaid,itwascapitalist,thenit
wasafasciststate.TitohadwonpowerwithnodependenceontheRussianarmy.InJuly
1948YugoslaviaandtheUSSRfelloutviolently.Yugoslaviaresistedthepredatoryimperialist-relationsthattheUSSRimposedonthesatellites.Overnight,fortheRussian
propagandists,Titobecameafascist,along-time"agent"intheCommunistmovement,and
thenewTrotsky.Titoactedtorepresspro-Stalinpeopleinhisownstate.Awarof
propagandaopenedup.TheStalinistscalledfortheremovalofTito.Russianinvasion
seemedadistinctpossibility.Titohadamassbaseofsupport,andappealedtotheYugoslav
people.Notimmediately,butovertime,theTitodictatorship,whileretainingallthe
Stalinistbasics,includingtheByzantinecultoftheleader,loosenedup,andorgansof
(firmlycontrolled)popularrepresentationappeared.TheYugoslavscriticisedRussian
Stalinism:theywouldsoondesignatetheUSSRasstate-capitalist,andthe"orthodox"
Trotskyistswouldpolemicisewiththemindefenceoftheworking-classcharacterof
Stalin'sstate;theywoulddenouncetheorthodoxTrotskyistsforbeingsoftontheUSSR!
Nowmillenarianism-lookingtootherforceshalf-miraculouslytomaketherevolutionfor
theworkers-camebacktothe"official"Trotskyistswithaforceandanall-conquering
logicthatshowedtheperiodof"Trotsky'sRedArmy"tohavebeenamereexperimental
half-rehearsalofahalf-writtenplay.ImmediatelytheleadersoftheFourthInternational
recognisedthatwhatonitsmeritshadseemedaYugoslavfascist,capitaliststatewasreally
asocialiststate.AllTito'stypicalStalinisttalkofsocialismandworkers'power,whichhad
beendismissedascantattheMarch1948congress,wasnowunderstoodtobegoodstuff.
Therecentfascist,capitaliststatewastobesupportedagainstthedegeneratedworkers'
state.Everythingwasredefined.Anopenletterwasquicklydispatchedtothe"comrades"at
theheadoftheYugoslavCP.Speculationonthepossibilityoffishinginthepro-Titocurrent
whichemergedintheWesternleftwerepartofit,butthiswasagenuinenew"revelation".
Atthecongress,the"worldrevolution"hadseemedtobeinacul-de-sac,apartfromthe
colonialstruggles.Noweverythingwasonthemove.ByApril1949theInternational
ExecutiveCommitteewasreadytorecognisethatthecountrieswhereRussianStalinismhad
overthrowncapitalismandcreatedsocietiesinitsownimagewereafterallworkers'states
-deformedworkers'states.Theyhadadoptedthepositionofthelong-despisedandmuchderidedRCPmajority.Theirallreshapingideanowwasthattheyshouldnotbe"sectarian"
towardsthe"livingrevolution".Noneoftheimplicationthathadledthemtodespisethe
RCPhaddisappeared.NowtheydrewconclusionsthatrepelledeventheBritish.Aloneof
alltheTrotskyistcurrentsintheworldtheBritishRCP,inafrontpagearticleinSocialist
AppealbyJockHaston,hadwelcomedtheStalinists'finalcoupinCzechoslovakiain
February1948:nowHastoncouldwithjusticecriticisethe"orthodox"forTitoworship!
Acceptanceofthe"livingrevolution"inYugoslaviatoppledthe"orthodox"neo-Trotskyists
overintoacceptanceofStalinismasrevolutionary.NowtheysawthattheRussian
bureaucracyhadplayedatremendousinternationalrevolutionaryrole-asintheUSSRafter
1928.SohadTitoplayedagreatrevolutionaryrole;sowouldMao;sowouldothers.
Implicitly,thisacceptanceoftherevolutionaryroleoftheStalinistbureaucracy
internationallywasalong-rangingbackwardrevisionofTrotsky'sviewofthebureaucracy,
andimpliedamuch-neededunderstandingofitsindependentroleafter1928;butitwas
accompaniedbypositiveacceptanceoftheStalinists'newinternationalachievements,and
lednottoacriticismandcorrectionofTrotsky'sconclusionthattheUSSRwasaworkers'
statebuttoathoroughgoingrevisionofhisaccountofhowandwhyitwasadegenerated
workers'state.Thelabel"workers'state"waskeptfromTrotsky;littleelsewas.Inthenew
millenarianworld-view,thesocialistrevolutionwasmovingforwards.Ithadmade
tremendousstridesinthesuppressionofcapitalism.Hesitantlyandwithzig-zags,the
"orthodox"hadleveredthe"workers'state"theoryupawayfromTrotsky'swholemethodof
analysis,sothateventuallyitrestedonasinglepoint,nationalisedproperty.Then,pivoting
onthatsinglepoint,thetheorywasturnedroundsothatitcametobe,notaone-sided
versionofwhatTrotskyhadargued,butinmanyrespectsitsopposite.Anationalised
economydefinedaworkers'state.TheStalinistscreatednationalisedeconomies.Therefore,
theStalinistswereaforcewhomadeworkers'states.Therefore,forsome,Stalinistpower
definedaworkers'state,andwasinfactthepoliticalcoreofit,nationalisedeconomybeing
onlytheeconomicresult-asinTrotsky'stheorynationalisedeconomywastheeconomic
resultdemonstratingthecontinuedvitalityoftracesfromthe1917workers'revolution.
Chinacouldbeseenbymanyofthe"orthodox"asa"workers'state"assoonasthe
Staliniststookpower,longbeforetheygotroundtocomprehensivestatisationofthe
economy-and,inthetermsofthe"orthodox",rightlyso!Thoughthe"orthodox"stillupheld
anormofdemocraticworkers'power,whattheymeantby"workers'state"inimmediate
politicswasastatewheretheworkerswerecrusheduninhibitedlybyamonopolistic
bureaucracy.TheinversionofmeaningswasascompleteasanythatStalinhadworked.The
"orthodox"Trotskyistshadsavedtheir"beliefinsocialism"byalteringtheirsocialist
perspectiveandbyredefiningsocialism-fornow-outofrecognition;nowtheyregained
theirvisionofaworldrevolutionbyraisingitaboveandseparatedfromthereallabour
movements.TheyhitchedtheirhopestotheStalinistmovement,andcutloosefromtheonly
possibleagencyofrealsocialism,theworkingclass.ThewidevarietyofTrotskyistgroups
permutingbasicpositionsproveshowmuchfreedomthereistojuggleintheframeworkof
the"newTrotskyism"definedin1949-51.Yettherewasinallthestrandsalogical
connectionwiththebasictheoryontheSovietUnion.IftheUSSRwasanysortofworkers'
stateoradvancebeyondcapitalismandtowardssocialism,thenthestatesmodelledafterit
bythe"RedArmy"orTitoorMaowereadvancesbeyondcapitalism-perhapsonlyafirst
stageofadvance,butadecisiveone.Historyhadfounditswayoutoftheimpasseofthe
1930s.Onecouldnotbe"subjective"aboutit.Inplainlanguage,thismeantthatotherforces
weredoingatleastthefirststageofthejobthatwastheworkers'inMarxisttheory.In
backwardcountries,thesolution,protem,tothecrisisofleadershipoftheworkingclass
wastoacceptthathistory,fornow,haddispensedwiththeworkingclass.
X.The"ThirdWorldCongress":anewTrotskyismisfounded
Inthenextfewyearsafter1948,the"orthodox"neo-Trotskyistswouldreconceptualisethe
worldasoneofongoingstrugglebetweentheproletarianclasscamp-theUSSR'sempire
anditsallies-andimperialism.Russianimperialismwasrevolutionaryanti-imperialism.
Allthesignswereturnedround.Trotskyismexperiencedasprofoundaninner
transformationofideasastheCommunistInternationalafter1923.Wehaveseenthatone
reasonforthegreatdifficultiesthatTrotskyexperiencedwithunderstandingStalinismwas
thathehadthoughtoftheautocracy'srulenotasaregime"inandofitself"butasafreak
short-termphenomenonoftransition.Sincetheexpectedrupturingofforms(ofstate
propertybythebourgeoisie,orofbureaucraticpoliticalpowerbytheworkingclass)had
nothappened,onlyreconceptualisationoftheUSSRopenedawayoutofthecul-de-sac.
MesmerisedbythesurvivalandsuccessandthechallengetocapitalismStalinism
embodied,andfearfulofinnovation,Trotsky'sfollowers,whentheycametothe
unavoidablereconceptualisation,veeredoffintheoppositedirectiontothatindicatedby
Trotskyin1939:tocriticalbutpositivereassessmentofStalinism.BetweenTito'sbreak
withStalinandtheirApril1949decisionthatthestatesoftheRussianempirewereall
workers'states,theyperformedaspectacularreconceptualisation.Theonlychangeshad
beenthetransitiontherefromthelooserpost-1945regimestothefull-scaleairtightStalinist
totalitarianterrorsystem.Yetwhatthesecondworldcongresshaddefinedasstatecapitalistsystems,withfascist-styleregimes,becameprogressivevariantsofworking-class
rule,andwouldbedesignatedas"intransitiontosocialism".Regimesinwhich,since1945
thefascist-likedestructionoflabourmovements,ofcivillibertiesandofallworkers'rights
byRussianquislingregimeshadbeenobserved,condemnedandsummedupinthe
resolutionsofthe1948congress,werenow"reconceptualised".Youwouldhavetolookto
themostspectacularvoltes-facesoftheStalinternforaparallelswitch.Heretherewerenot
thecomplexitiesanddifficultiesthatTrotskyhadunavoidablyfacedinanalysingthestageby-stagedegenerationoftheRussianRevolution.Evolving,open-ended,seemingtobe
radicallyunstablebyallavailablemeasures,theUSSRcouldnotlooktoTrotskyasitdoes
inretrospecttothosewhoknowthewholestoryandapproachitashistory.The1948-9
"official"Trotskyistsapproachedtheiranalysisfromtheotherend.Theyhadseenthe
systemsforsomethinglikewhattheywere:andthenthey"saw"themagaininablinding
lightofrevelation.Sofarhadnormsandstandardsbeenpulped.Forthesatellitestatesthe
neo-TrotskyistsadvocatedthesameprogrammeasfortheUSSR:theydidnotabandonthe
workingclass.Fortheautonomous"workers'states"-Yugoslavia,China,Cuban-they
wouldnotdothat.Theywouldadoptthepostureofloyalcriticswithsuggestionstomake
forreform.WhensomeChineseTrotskyistsfledtoHongKongfromtheMaoists-thosewho
didnotwerekilledorincarceratedforthreeorfourdecades-MichelPablo,secretaryof
thenew"FourthInternational",dismissedthemas"refugeesfromarevolution".Comradely
openletterswerewrittentothevictoriousChineseStalinists,too-andwouldbewrittento
thecentralcommitteeoftheCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnionaslateas1962.[Itwas
1969beforetheMandelFourthInternationalcameoutfora"politicalrevolution"inMao's
China.]Bowingdownbeforesuccesswaspartofit;sowasasupineattitudetohistorythat
wastheoppositeofthatappropriatetorepresentativesofarevolutionaryclassatbay.The
reconstitutedFourthInternationalconsistedofverysmallgroups(mostlyonlyafewdozens
strong)withaninternationalleadershipdependentonthebestowedauthorityofJamesP
Cannonraisedasaliteraryapparatusofcommentatorsandfantasystrategistsaboveavery
weakmovement.Asitturnedout,theywouldnotlongremaintractabletoCannon'sbidding
orlongletthemselvesbeheldincheckbyCannon's"oldTrotskyist"inhibitions.The
implicationsdrawnfromthe1948-9turnanditsworking-throughwerenowthatthe
transitiontoworldsocialismwasmovingforwardsofitsownmomentum.Itwassurging
forwardsandseizingonandusinganyorganisationalinstrumenttohand.AsErnestMandel
putitinJanuary1951:"Theworldwiderevolutionaryupsurgecontinuestoexpandand
deepen,evenifbetween1948and1950itsawatemporaryretreatinEurope:todayitpulls
allAsiainitswake,tomorrowitwillcrosstheAtlanticandattackCapitalinitslast
bastion.Thedevelopmentofthisupsurgeisthealmostautomaticproductoftheextreme
decompositionofcapitalism.Itisintheabsenceofasufficientlypowerfulrevolutionary
leadershipthatthisrevolutionaryupsurgetemporarilytakesnewandtransitionalforms,like
thosewehaveseeninYugoslaviaandweseenowbloominginAsia."Fortenyearsthe
advanceoftheworldrevolutionhastakenthemostdiverseandunexpectedforms,themost
outlandishandconfusingcombinations...Nottounderstandthisconcretedevelopmentofthe
worldrevolution,andtoretrenchbehindschemaofanideal'worldrevolution,istoturn
one'sbackontherealmovementinthenameofachimera,topushcommunismbackfrom
thelevelofsciencetothatofutopia"("TenTheses").Therewasanongoing,evolutionaryrevolutionary,process.Itnolongerdependedontheworkers,atleastnotfornow.Where
democracyandeverysortofself-determinationorself-rulehadbeeneliminated-not
becausetotheneo-Trotskyistsitwasundesirable;buteventshadprovedthatfornowitwas
inessentialandunnecessaryforthecreationofthissortofworkers'state-sonowtoowas
theactionoftheworkingclassitself.Eventheactionofrevolutionarysocialistssubstituting
fortheworkingclass-whichwoulditselfbefarfromMarxism-waseliminated:inits
placewerepeasantarmiesortheRussianarmy.ForTrotskythebureaucracywasacorrupt,
usurpingstop-gaplocum:forneo-Trotskyistsitcametobetheprimeagency.Theevolutionrevolutionwasanongoing,self-movingprocess,raisedoutfromrealityandabstractedfrom
theactualitiesofStalinistrevolutions,whichintrueThird-Period,orreligiousprophet,
styleweremerelyphenomenalexpressionsoftheGrandDesign.Thisprocesswasseenas
somethingthatmovedasthough"striving"teleologicallytowardssomegoalalready
determined.The"transitiontosocialism"wasmovingforward,andcontinuously,ofitsown
momentum,takingmanyandvariedformsandwithvaryingtypesofprotagonist.The
ongoingWorldRevolution,asifimpatientwithdelay,abstractedfromactualrevolutions.
Theactualrevolutionsweregiventhenameofproletarianrevolution,butintheold
meaningsofsuchwordstheywerenamelessandclassless-manifestationsofaprocess
elevatedintoashadowyhistoricalactor,aspectrestalkingtheEarth.Thiswasideologising
the"historicalprocess",rationalisingandprettifyingreality,notMarxistanalysis.Aman
likeErnestMandelrationalised"thehistoricalprocess",includingStalinismas,earlier,
KarlKautskyhadrationalisedthedoingsofthedominantparliamentaryandtradeunion
leadersinGermanSocial-Democracy.NataliaSedovawrotebitterwordswhenshebroke
withthenewFourthInternational:"In1932and1933,theStalinists,inordertojustifytheir
shamelesscapitulationtoHitlerism,declaredthatitwouldmatterlittleifthefascistscame
topowerbecausesocialismwouldcomeafterandthroughtheruleoffascism.Only
dehumanizedbruteswithoutashredofsocialistthoughtorspiritcouldhavearguedthis
way.Now,notwithstandingtherevolutionaryaimswhichanimateyou,youmaintainthatthe
despoticStalinistreactionwhichhastriumphedinEuropeisoneoftheroadsthroughwhich
socialismwilleventuallycome.Thisviewmarksanirremediablebreakwiththe
profoundestconvictionsalwaysheldbyourmovementandwhichIcontinuetoshare."Most
insupportableofallisthepositiononthewartowhichyouhavecommittedyourselves.The
thirdworldwarwhichthreatenshumanityconfrontstherevolutionarymovementwiththe
mostdifficultproblems,themostcomplexsituations,thegravestdecisions.Ourpositioncan
betakenonlyafterthemostearnestandfreestdiscussions.Butinthefaceofalltheevents
ofrecentyears,youcontinuetoadvocate,andtopledgetheentiremovement,tothedefense
oftheStaliniststate.YouareevennowsupportingthearmiesofStalinisminthewarwhich
isbeingenduredbytheanguishedKoreanpeople.Icannotandwillnotfollowyouinthis."I
knowverywellhowoftenyourepeatthatyouarecritizingStalinismandfightingit.Butthe
factisthatyourcriticismandyourfightlosetheirvalueandcanyieldnoresultsbecause
theyaredeterminedbyandsubordinatedtoyourpositionofdefenseoftheStaliniststate.
Whoeverdefendsthisregimeofbarbarousoppression,regardlessofthemotives,abandons
theprinciplesofsocialismandinternationalism."Whatmightbecalledthepeakexperience
theclearestpossibleproofthatthepicturepaintedhereisnotfalseorartificial,wasthe
neo-Trotskyists'preparationsforwar.AThirdWorldWarwasalmostuniversallyexpected.
Instead,theUSSRdevelopedanatombomb,andtheerainhistorycharacterisedbya
balanceofnuclearterrorbegan-thoughthatisaviewinhindsight.InJune1950aproxy
warbeganinKorea,whentheStalinistNorthinvadedtheSouth.WorldWarseemed
imminent-all-out,partiallynuclearwar.Whatdiditmeanforsocialists?Basing
themselvesontheexperienceofStalinistresistancemovementsintheSecondWorldWar,
andonthemilitantdisciplineofthenon-RussianCommunistParties,theapparatusofthe
FourthInternationaldevelopedthefollowingthesis:aThirdWorldWarwillinfacttrigger
theEuropeansocialistrevolution.The"RedArmy"andtheindigenousCommunistParties
willconquerEuropeandmakethatrevolution.ItwillbeacombinedWar-Revolution.
MichelPablo,whowasbynowthemaininternationalleaderofthecurrent,would
speculatethatthiswouldleadto"centuriesofdeformedworkers'states".Whatothers
fearedasArmageddon,andwhatTrotsky,writingabouttheprospectofaworldwarafter
theSecondWorldWar,saidwouldbe"thegraveofcivilisation",wasforthese
millenarians,nowtheyhadhitchedthemselvesfirmlytotheStalinistempireanditsworldconqueringmission,thesocialistrevolution.TheRedFlagdecoratedwithapictureof
Trotskyinmilitaryuniforminfrontofahammerandsickle,andtheredflagwavingbehind
thefourhorsemenoftheApocalypse-fire,famine,pestilenceandwar-wouldhave
properlyemblematisedthisvision.MichelPabloexplainedin1949:"Thetwonotionsof
RevolutionandofWar,farfrombeingopposedordistinguishedastwomarkedlydifferent
stagesofevolution,arebroughtcloserandinterlacedtothepointofbeingmergedinplace
andtime.Intheirplace,itisthenotionoftheRevolution-War,theWar-Revolution,which
emerges,andonwhichshouldbebasedtheperspectivesandtheorientationofthe
revolutionaryMarxistsofourepoch."Suchlanguagemayperhapsshocktheloversof
dreamsandpacifist'bluster,orthosewhoarealreadylamentingtheapocalypticfateofthe
worldwhichtheyforeseeasfollowinganatomicwaroranexpansionofStalinism.But
thesesensitiveheartshavenoplaceamongthemilitants,andespeciallyamongthe
revolutionaryMarxistcadresofthisepoch,themostterribleofall,wherethesharpnessof
theclassstrugglehasrisentoitsparoxysm.Itisobjectiverealitywhichpushesthis
dialecticalcomplexoftheRevolution-Wartothefirstplace,whichimplacablydestroys
pacifist'dreams,andwhichleavesnorespiteinthesimultaneousgiganticdeploymentofthe
forcesoftheRevolutionandofWar,andtheirbattletothedeath..."Totheeffortsofthe
bourgeoisieandofimperialismtomobilisethemassesintheirwaragainsttheUSSR,the
people'sdemocracies',China,andtheotherAsiaticrevolutionsunderway,andtocrushthe
CommunistPartiesandtherevolutionarymovementoftheirrespectivecountries,broad
layerswillrespondbyrevolt,openstruggle,armedstruggle,thenewResistance,butthis
timewithaninfinitelyclearerclasscharacter.Itispossiblethatonthebasisofthesemass
reactions,andofthechaosandaggravationthatsuchawarwouldrapidlycreate,different
CommunistPartieswillseethemselvesobligedtoundertake,pushedbythemasses,pushed
bytheirownbase,astrugglewhichwouldgobeyondthesovietbureaucracy'sown
objectives."Suchawar,farfromstoppingthestrugglewhichiscurrentlygoingontothe
disadvantageofimperialism,wouldintensifyitandbringittoitsparoxysm.Itwouldshatter
allbalance,pullingallforcesintothestruggle,acceleratingtheprocesswhichhasalready
begunnamelythatoftheconvulsivetransformationofoursociety,whichwillonlysubside
withthetriumphofinternationalsocialism.ThefateofStalinismwillbedecidedprecisely
inthisperiodofgiganticoverturns."Peoplewhodespairofthefateofhumanitybecause
StalinismsurvivesandevenwinsvictoriesarecuttingdownHistorytotheirmeasure.They
hadwishedthatthewholeprocessoftransformationofcapitalistsocietyintosocialism
shouldbeaccomplishedinthespanoftheirshortlives,sothattheycouldberewardedfor
theireffortsfortheRevolution.Asforus,wereaffirmwhatwewroteinthefirstarticlewe
devotedtotheYugoslavaffair:Thistransformationwillprobablytakeawholehistorical
periodofsomecenturies,whichwillbefilledinthemeantimewithtransitionalformsand
regimesbetweencapitalismandsocialism,necessarilydistancedfrompure'formsand
norms..."Thosewhothinktheycanrespondtotheanxietyandtheembarrassmentofsome
peopleattheso-calledvictoriesofStalinismbyminimisingtheobjectivelyrevolutionary
significanceofthesefactsareobligedtotakerefugeinasectarianism,anti-Stalinistatall
costs,whichscarcelyconcealsunderitsaggressiveappearanceitslackofconfidenceinthe
fundamentalrevolutionaryprocessofourepoch.Thisprocessisthemostcertainpledgefor
theinevitablefinaldefeatofStalinism,anditwillberealisedallthemorerapidly,the
quickertheoverthrowofcapitalismandofimperialismprogressesandgainsabiggerand
biggerpartoftheworld".("WhereAreWeGoing?")Pablorestatedtheperspectiveina
pamphletofAugust1952,"TheComingWar".Thewarwouldbe"thatofunited
imperialism,ledbyWashington,againsttheRevolutioninallitsforms...Theforceswhich
threatenthecapitalistregimeare...thoseoftheRevolutioninallitsforms:thenon-capitalist
states,thecolonialrevolution,theinternationalrevolutionarymovement.Inallthese
elementsisexpressed...directlyorindirectly,inmoreorlessclearandconsciousforms,the
fundamental,objectiveprocessoftheworldsocialistRevolutionofourcentury".This
drum-tightvisionofapocalypticStalinist-ledworldrevolutionwouldchangeastension
relaxedin1953andafter,andtheworldsettledintothelongyearsofnuclearstalemate.The
methodofrelyingonforcesotherthantheworkingclasswouldnotchange,thoughtheforces
wouldchangeandproliferate.Thepatternhasbeensetout,andthereisnopointintracingit
further.Thenumberofpermutationsitproducedisimmense.
XI.The1953split
Onebreakinthepattern,whichcreateditsownkaleidoscopicvariations,remainstobe
indicated.Againstthelogicaldrifttherewouldberecoil.ThePablo-Mandelcurrentitself
wouldrecoilfromthewildspeculationsof1949-52.Theseweresinceresocialistsand
anti-Stalinists,howeverinadequatetheirideasseemwithhindsight.Themostimportant
recoilwasthatofJamesPCannon.In1953heledasplitintheFourthInternational-the
mono-factionalandveryshrunkenrumpthathadineffectrefoundeditselfasadifferent
movementinmid-1951attheso-called"ThirdWorldCongress".Itwasanutterly
incoherentrecoil,whichkeptallthebasicideasofthe1951congressbutdemandedmore
emphasisonthebuildingofTrotskyistparties.Cannon,whohadpioneeredmillenarianism
inthe1940s,reshapedtheFourthInternationalafterthewar,anderectedthe"world
leaders",nowrecoiledfromthem.1953wasanincoherentandhystericallurchtowards
whathadbeen"Shachtmanism"intheearly1940s-theemphasisonthecentralityof
buildingTrotskyistparties.ButCannonandhiscomradeswereheldasbyachaintoovera
decadeofconfusedhistorythathadculminatedinthe"ThirdWorldCongress".Inhisown
way,incoherently,CannontriedtodowhatShachtmanandhiscomradeshadbeguntodoin
1939.ThereisevidencethatCannonthoughthecould"lifthisfinger"andPablowouldfall.
Cannonwasmistaken.ThesignificanceofCannon'sbreak(joinedbygroupsinBritainand
France)isthatallcoherencewaslost.Likeripplesspreadingoutfromastonedroppedin
stillwater,thereverberationsspread.Groupsproliferated,somequitemad.Auseful
distinctioninsortingoutthesegroupsisbetweenpeoplehonestlytryingtounderstandthe
worldandtryingtofunctionpolitically-andbothCannonandhisopponentsin1953were
that-andthecharlatans.Anincreasinglyconspicuoussectionoftheneo-Trotskyist
movementconsistedofcharlatans,groupsliketheFrench"Lambertists",thelaterBritish
"Healyites",theMorenistsinLatinAmerica-peoplewhowouldsayordoanythingfor
catchpennyadvantage,forwhomtheoldideathatthepoliticalprogrammebuildstheparty
hadbeeninvertedandforwhomtheexigenciesofparty-buildingdictatedpoliticsand
"programme".
XII.Conclusion:TheCommunistManifestoandTrotskyism
"Historydoesnothing;itpossessesnoimmensewealth',itwagesnobattles'.Itisman,real
livingman,thatdoesallthat,thatpossessesandfights;history'isnotapersonapart,using
manasameansforitsownparticularaims;historyisnothingbuttheactivityofman
pursuinghisaims."MarxandEngels,TheHolyFamily.
Trotskytriedtomakesenseofthebureaucratic-collectivistStalinistsocietyintermsof
classicalMarxismandthe1917Bolshevikversionofthoseideas.Histardinessindrawing
thesharpandclearconclusionswhichcanbeseennowasnecessarywreakedhavocwith
theMarxismhesetouttodefend.HewasforcedtofollowinthestepsofStalinism,putting
hisownglossoneventswhilecriticallyaccommodatingtothebruterealityoftheUSSR.In
Trotskyismandthenneo-Trotskyismtherewasatransformation,oftenoutofrecognition,of
theideasandlanguageofMarxism.Throughoutthe1930s,Trotskystretchedandadaptedthe
oldBolshevikandMarxistideasandterminologytoaccommodatethenewthings,adding
qualifyingadjectivesandusingtermswithimpliedquote-marks,suchas"caste"forthe
USSR'srulers.Beyondverynarrowlimits,suchaprocedurecouldnotbutcorruptmeaning
andconfusedefinition.Bytheendithadbecomeascholasticgameorevenaformof
jugglingwithwordsakintowordmagicandsuperstition.Forexample,whatmorethan
superstitionwastheideathattoholdbackfromgivingtheUSSRbureaucracyanamerulingclass-impliedinallTrotsky'sconcretedescriptionsofitsrealitywouldsomehow
wardoffthedisturbingimplicationsofthatrealityfortheoldMarxistschemesofhistory?
Thetolltakenbythisattemptto"savetheoldtheory"wasthatthemeaningsofmostofthe
termsofthattheorywerechanged.Forexample,"defenceoftheUSSR"againstasmallnonimperialistnation,intheUSSR-Finnishwar,the"defence"thatledanti-Staliniststoback
thosewhomTrotskyhadcalled"therapistsintheKremlin"intheirattempttotakeover
Finland,wasnotthesamethingastheold"defenceoftheUSSRagainstimperialistattack".
Withintheoldterminology,theretookplacewhatinotherfieldshasbeencalleda"shiftof
paradigm".Thishappenedagainandagainaseventsshuntedbrutallyintoeachandevery
oneofTrotsky'stheoreticalpositionsonStalinism,pushingthemoffwhathadseemedsolid
ground.Trotskywasworkingwithinafalsetheoreticalframefromasearlyasthemid1920s,whenhesawtheStalinist"centre"asaminorthreatcomparedtotheBukharinite
"rightwing".Trotsky'sframeandtheimpactofrealityonitcombinedtocreatedoctrinal
havocwiththeverybasicsofcommunism.ItwasnotenoughthatTrotskyconscientiously
restatedthosebasicsfromtimetotime.ThefactthatStalinistsociety,callingitselfsocialist,
wasmisidentifiedbyitsmostbittercriticsasaworkers'state,inevitablydebasedthe
meaningofallthekeywordsinvolved.Therewasafurtherinfusionofnewmeaningsinto
oldwordsasStalinismspreadafter1944.ThisprocessinTrotskyismparalleledwhat
StalinismdidtoMarxismandrepresentedadegreeofideologicalconquestbyStalinismof
itsmostconsistentcritics.Byaround1950,neo-Trotskyismhadstoodonitsheadthe
CommunistManifestoanditsbasicideas,thatis,thefoundationofMarxismasitwasin
1917.
1)MarxandEngelsmadesocialism"scientific"byconvertingitfromamoralscheme,
counterposedtocapitalism,intoalogical,althoughrevolutionary,dialecticaldevelopment
frommaterialpreconditionscreatedbycapitalism.Inneo-Trotskyism(thatis,mainstream
revolutionarysocialism,forawholeera)apre-Marxistsectarianrejectionofcapitalismon
aworldscale,andanidentificationwithStaliniststatesasaprogressivealternative
(becausetheywereanti-capitalist),hadreplacedthisideaoftherelationshipofcapitalism
tosocialism.Theideathatcapitalism(andevenonsomelevelsimperialism)isprogressive
wasexcisedfromMarxism.Sowastheideathattorejectandnegatetheprogressivework
ofcapitalism(technology,bourgeoiscivilisation,thecreationoftheworkingclass)is
sectarianandbackward-looking.Marxistsrevertedtothespiritofthosewhointhemidnineteenthcenturywantedtogobackwardsfromindustrialismandofthoseagainstwhom
Leninpolemicisedfortheir"petty-bourgeois"desiretounscrambleimperialist
concentrationsofindustrybacktoanearlierstageofcapitalism.Theneo-Trotskyistidea
thattheStaliniststateswere"intransitiontosocialism",followinginthetracksofStalin's
"socialisminonecountry",turnedelementaryMarxismonitshead.The"movement"was
fromtheperipherytothecentre.ThiswasthepoliticsofMarx'sanarchist-populistopponent
MikhailBakunin,notofMarxhimself,orLeninorTrotsky.Evenreactionaryalternativesto
capitalism,andnotStalinistonesalone,wereseenasprogressive,eventhoughthey
destroyedthefruitsofworldcivilisationsincetheRenaissance.Worldhistorywasseen
teleologicallyasaprocesswithanoutcome-worldsocialism-mechanicallyfixedin
advance,irrespectiveofwhatlivingwomenandmendidorfailedtodo.
2)Thepatentlyfalsenotionthatcapitalismhadreacheditshistoricendwasusedinthe
spiritofutopiansocialistswhofelttheyhaddiscovered"thelastword".ThatStalinismwas
replacingcapitalismwassupposedlyproofofthisproposition.Acceptanceofthemidnineteenthcenturyideaofsocialistcolony-building,whichwouldcompetewithadvanced
capitalismandreplaceit,wasattheheartofpost-1951"ThirdWorldCongress"neoTrotskyism-acceptanceofStalinismasrepresentingaviable"transitiontosocialism",
albeitonethatwouldeventuallyneeddrasticworking-classreform,oreven"political
revolution",toperfectit.
3)Theideathattheproletarianrevolutionismadebytheproletariatandcannotbemadefor
themhadbeendisplacedbytheideaofalocumactingtocreate,ifnotsocialism,thenthe
firstdecisivesteptowardssocialism-thecreationofa"workers'state".Workingclassrule
wasseentoinhereintheformsofbureaucraticallynationalisedproperty.Atotalitarian
economism-afetishofnationalisedeconomy,separatedofffromallthesocialandpolitical
conditionsthatmightgiveitaworkingclasssocialistcharacter-wassubstitutedforthe
traditionalpoliticsofMarxism.Actualworking-classpoliticalrule-"towinthebattlefor
democracyandmaketheworkerstherulingclass",astheCommunistManifestoputit-was
pushedtothemarginsandrelegatedtothefuturebytheongoing"revolutionaryprocess"that
wasspreadingworker-enslavingandlabour-movement-destroying"workers'states"across
theglobe.That"process"wasthefirstandimmediatestageofthesocialistrevolution.
Workers'rulewouldbeasecondandsubsequentstage.Theoldcommunistcentralityof
democracy-evenduringthedictatorshipoftheproletariat-went.Democracywasa
desirableextra.Itcouldbedonewithoutinthe"workers'revolution",atleastinthefirstand
immediatestage.TheideaofsocialistrevolutionwasdetachedfromMarx'snotionofthe
organised,self-awareworkingclassastheforcethatcouldmakeit,andreducedto
millenarianism,thehopeforasuperhumanagentofliberation.Marxistsbecame
millenariansscanningthehorizonfortherevolutionaryagency.Again,Stalinismwas
central;itwastheprototypeofthenon-proletarianforcewhichnonetheless,througha
perversetwistofhistory,becomestheagentofproletarianprogress.
4)MarxandEngelsintheCommunistManifestosawthedevelopmentoftheorganised,
consciouscommunistpoliticalpartyasintegrallyinterlinkedwiththeself-developmentof
thewholeworkingclass.Thecommunistswould"representthefutureofthemovementin
themovementofthepresent".Thiswasreplacedbythenotionofa"party"self-definedby
thepossessionofanesotericdoctrineandrevelation.TheMarxistswerethosewhocould
seethehiddenandsecretprocessleadingtoasocialistfuturewithinthehorrorsof
Stalinism.Havingoncediscoveredthattruth,theirjobwasprimarilytogainenoughforces,
anyhow,topresentthemselvesas"theleadership"totheelementalworking-classrevolt
guaranteedbythedecayofcapitalism.Neo-Trotskyism,rationalisingfromStalinistreality
andbuildingits"revolutionaryperspectives"aroundit,regressedbackbehindthepolitical
levelattainedin1848atthedawnofMarxism.
4.MaxShachtmanandJamesPCannon
I.MaxShachtman
TheauthorofmostofthematerialinthisvolumeisMaxShachtman.Histextschampionthe
RussianRevolutionandrevolutionarysocialistpoliticswithincomparableverve.Through
mostofthe1930sMaxShachtmanhadplayedarolesecondonlytoTrotskyinpropagating
revolutionaryMarxism.Butbythetimehediedin1972hehadmovedfarfromsuch
politics.Sometimeinthelater1950sShachtmanbecameconvincedthatrevolutionary
politicsintheUSAwerenot"operational"intheforeseeablefuture.LiketheWorkersParty,
whichheandothersfoundedin1940afterbreakingwithTrotskyoverRussia,andits
successortheIndependentSocialistLeague,Shachtmanbelievedittobehisdutytohelpthe
Americanworkingclassdevelopamasspoliticalparty,ofthesorttheBritishLabourParty
thenwas,butwithbetterpolitics.In1958theISLliquidateditselfintothetinySocialist
Party,andsoonShachtmanandhisfriendscontrolledthatparty.TheDemocraticParty,since
Roosevelt,hadhadtheactivesupportofmostofthetradeunionmovement.Soonthe
SocialistPartywasworkinginthebroadDemocraticPartyforastrategydevisedby
Shachtman:theywouldtaketheAmericanworkingclassagiantstrideforwardinpolitics,
bytransformingtheDemocraticPartyintoalabour-controlledparty,ineffectaLabour
Party.How?TheracistsouthernDemocrats,whoseaffiliationtotheDemocraticPartydated
backtotheCivilWar,wouldbehivedoff.ShachtmanbecameasortofoperationalFabian,
workingbehindthescenestomanipulatedevelopmentsinthetradeunionsandthe
DemocraticPartyinthedirectionhethoughtwouldbestservethenextstageofworkingclassdevelopmentontheroadtoasocialistconsciousness.InthisguiseofAmerican
Fabian,Shachtmanhelpedorganisethecivilrightsmovement.Hehadatthebeginning
describedthisDemocraticPartyrealignmentstrategyas"foulanddiscreditablework",but
necessary.Inpursuitofan"openingtotheright"whichdominatedthelabourmovement,he
himselfmovedontotherightwing'spoliticalterrain.Howmuchwasinitiallya
pedagogicaladaptation,Idonotknow.Heworkedwiththeexistingtradeunionleaders,
whomhehadoncejustlydescribedasagentsoftherulingclass-thelabourlieutenantsof
capital.InanexactreplicationofthefateoftheUSA's"RightCommunist"groupingofthe
1930s,headedbyJayLovestone,manyofShachtman'ssupportersbecamepartofthetrade
unionbureaucracy.Shachtmanceasedtobelieveina"ThirdCamp"oftheworkingclassand
oppressedpeoplethroughouttheworld,andopted-likethe"orthodox"Trotskyists,onlyon
theotherside-foroneofthetwogreatcampsintheworld.Hechosethecampledbythe
USA.Liketheworkingclassitself,asarevolutionarypoliticalforce,the"ThirdCamp"
existedonlyasapotential,assomethingtobewon,workedfor,propagandisedabout,
wroughtintheclassstruggle.Shachtmanhadinsistedonthatagainstthosewhofeltimpelled
tostand,withhowevercriticalademeanour,inStalin'scamp.Afterthecrushingofthe
HungarianrisingbyRussiantanksin1956,increasinglyShachtmangaveuponit.He
acceptedliberalcapitalismasa"lesserevil"toStalinism.Hebelievedthattheimposition
ofStalinistregimes,whichwouldstifleanddestroythelabourmovementanddemocratic
freedomswonoverdecadesandcenturies,asStalinismdideverywhereitruled,wastobe
resisted,onpainofdeathforthelabourmovement-resisted,eveninalliancewithliberal
bourgeoisandAmericanimperialistforces.
ii
Inthepost-warworldwheretheUSSRwasthesecondgreatglobalpower,recognitionthat
theUSAandWesternEurope-advancedcapitalism-wasthemoreprogressiveofthe
contendingcamps,theonewhichgavericherpossibilities,greaterfreedom,morefor
socialiststobuildon,was,Ibelieve,anecessarypartoftherestorationofMarxistbalance
tosocialistpolitics.Itwasapre-requisiteforthereconstructionofMarxismafterthe
systematicdestructionofconceptsoverawholeperiod.Thatdestructionbeganwiththe
early1920sconversionofBolshevikcivil-warexigenciesintorevolutionarylawand
culminatedinthefinalideologicalconvulsionsofTrotsky.Butreconciliationwith
capitalisminthemannerofShachtmaninhislastyearswasnonecessarypartofit,any
morethanitwasforKarlMarxinTheCommunistManifestowhenherejectedthe
"reactionarysocialists".MarxwasabletoanalysetheprogressiveworkofBritishrulein
Indiawhilealsoopposingit;Lenincouldwrite"Cananyoneinhissensesdenythat
BismarckianGermanyandhersociallawsare"better"thanGermanybefore1848?...Did
theGermanSocialDemocrats...voteforBismarck'sreformsonthesegrounds?".ForMarx,
forLenin,andfortheclassicalMarxists,torecognisesomethingas"objectively"
progressivedidnotatallnecessarilyentailsupportingitorendorsingitpolitically;their
task,astheysawit,wastoeducate,organiseandmobilisetheworkingclassandtohelpit
toutiliseitsopportunities-nottopromoteprogressingeneralinabstractionfromtheclass
struggle.ThustheideaofdefendingevenbourgeoislibertyagainstStalinism,whichwasan
internationalextensionofthetacitalliancerevolutionariesmightenterintowithliberal
bourgeoisforcesagainstthreateningreaction,didnotnecessarilyimplysurrenderof
working-classindependence,ordemandofrevolutionarysocialiststhattheyshouldcommit
hara-kiriforitssake.Shachtmandrewconclusionshehadneverdrawninthefightagainst
fascism.Hejoinedthedemocraticcapitalistcamp.Atthetime(1962)oftheCIA-backed
CubanémigréinvasionofCubaattheBayofPigs,Shachtmanbrokewiththoseofhis
comrades,HalDraperandPhyllisandJuliusJacobson,andotherswhowouldcontinueto
standonWorkersPartyandISLpolitics.ShachtmanthoughtthataStalinistCuba,whereno
reallabourmovementcouldexist,wasthegreaterevil,andbackedtheinvaders.
Shachtman'shopesforthedevelopmentoftheDemocraticPartyintoapartycontrolledby
thelabourmovementflounderedasLyndonBJohnson'sAmericagotdrawndeeperand
deeperintowarinIndochina-awarofmechanisedslaughterwreakedfromtheair
indiscriminatelyonVietnamandCambodia.Shachtmanbelievedthatonlybehindthe
bulwarkagainstStalinismwhichtheUSAthusprovidedcouldtheforcesthatwouldresist
Stalinismonthebasisofprogressivepoliticsanddemocracybegivenachancetoemerge.
HebackedtheUSA.Hediedofaheartattackon4November1972,astheUSAwas
preparingto"bombCambodiaintotheStoneAge"-whichitdid,leavingtheultra-Stalinist
KhmerRougeasmurderingkingsoftheruins.ThefollyofrelyingonUSimperialism
againstStalinismcouldnothavebeenmorehorriblyproven.AthisendShachtmanstoodas
anegativeexampleoftheneedforthepoliticshehaddefendedforfourdecades-socialist,
working-classindependentpolitics.Yethiswritingscontinuetostandasanimmensely
valuablepositiveembodimentofsuchpolitics.
iii
Itisonlyfromthepointofviewoftheso-called"ThirdCamp"-thatis,oftheconsistently
independentworking-classpoliticswhichhedidsomuchinhistimetoclarifyanddefendthatShachtmancanproperlybeevaluatedorjustlycondemned.Thosewhooptedfor
Stalinism,howevercritically,asaprogressiveanti-capitalist,anti-imperialistforce,were
Shachtman'smirrorimage,onlyintheother"camp".ThosewhosupportedVietnameseselfdeterminationagainsttheUSAwererighttodoso,butmanyofustooblithelydismissedthe
concernsthatledShachtmantohis"foulanddiscreditable"coursebecause,inthelast
analysis,weacceptedthatStalinism,theforce,fornow,fightingimperialisminIndo-China,
wasalsoprogressivelyanti-capitalist.NorwereShachtman'smachinationstofindaroad
forwardsforthemasslabourmovementnecessarilydiscreditable.Evenifonethinksthe
strategyforturningtheDemocraticPartyintoalabourpartyunlikelytosucceed,orsimply
fantastic,andthetechniquesemployedbyMaxShachtmanandhisfriendstohelpengineerit
suicidalforsocialists,itdoesnotfollowthatdawdlinginsectarianaloofness-stillless
doingthatwhilebaskinginimaginaryreflectedgloryfromforeignStalinistdictatorships-is
therebycertifiedtobethebestsocialistpolitics.Shachtman'seffortstoavoidrelegationto
theroleofpassivepropagandisthavemerit,evenifoneemphaticallydisagreeswithhis
actions.Nonetheless,ShachtmanattheendwasdeeplymiredinconventionalAmerican
dirtybourgeoispolitics.ThemanwhohadwithsomejustificationdenouncedJamesP
Cannon'sconceptionoftherevolutionarypartyasowingtoomuchtoconventionalAmerican
machine"boss"politics,diedinthecompanyoftherealmachine-politics"bosses".His
sectionoftheSocialistPartyineffectsupportedRichardNixonintheelectionthatwasheld
aweekafterShachtman'sdeath.ThisendtoShachtman'spoliticallifemustforsocialists
castadarkshadowonhismemory.Therearethoseeagertomakesureitdoes,whouseitto
discredithisideasandhisstruggleinthe'40sand'50sforrationalrevolutionaryworkingclasspolitics-thatis,todeveloptherealheritageofTrotsky.Itisnotsosimpleor
straightforward.ThepositionofHalDraperandhiscomrades,theirresistanceto
Shachtman'scourse,andtheirbreakwithhimwouldalonerefutethecanardthat
Shachtman'sendwasimpliedinhisdifferenceswithTrotsky.Shachtman,whenhetook
himselfintothecampofAmericanimperialism,didnottakehislife'sworkwithhim.He
couldnot.Againsthisfutureself,hehadlaiddownimmensebarriersofpassionatereason,
unanswerablelogic,truthfulhistory,righteouscontemptforturncoatsandfaintheartsand
scornforthosewhoinmiddleagemakepeacewiththecapitalismonwhichintheirbraver
youththeyhaddeclaredwartothedeath.Shachtman's"ThirdCamp"writingsarethebest
commentaryon,andthebestcondemnationof,Shachtmanattheend.Thosewritings,andthe
writingsofShachtman'scomrades,areanimportant,indeedauniquepartofthecapitalof
revolutionarysocialism.Arguably-Iwouldsoargue-theyarethelinealdefence,
elaborationandcontinuationofTrotsky'sideas,thatisofunfalsifiedMarxism,astheyreally
wereandastheyreallyweredevelopingatTrotsky'sdeath.Thesewritingsareaprecious
partoftheheritageofrevolutionarysocialism:inthepost-Stalinistworldtheyarenosmall
partoftheseedfromwhichanunfalsifiedsocialismwillbereborn.Thereareparallels.
LeninadvocatedthattheliteraryremainsofGeorgePlekhanovshouldbekeptinprintand
studiedbysocialists.Plekhanov,oneofthegreatestandthefirstofRussianMarxists,had
backedtheRussianTsar'swarin1914-18.Leninalsoadvocatedthatthepre-WorldWar
OneworkofKarlKautskyshouldbetreatedinthesameway.SoshouldShachtmanandhis
work.Isn'tittoaggrandiseShachtmanandhiscomradestoomuchtobracketthemwith
PlekhanovandKautsky?Onthecontrary,itistoriskunderstatingtheirimportance.
PlekhanovandKautskywereverytalentedandaccomplishedparticipantsinalargeschool.
ThegroupofwhichShachtmanwasthepoliticalleaderandtheoutstandingwriterwerethe
rearguardofanoverthrownandruinedpoliticalcivilisation,whichtheyworkedtopreserve
andrestore.ItwasapoliticalworldinwhichStalinismfosteredamnesia,charlatanism,
spiritualdarkness,aworldinwhichsocialismwaseclipsedbyvilefraudulenceandtheold
socialistmovementhadbeenengulfedbypoliticalbarbarism.Shachtmanandhiscomrades
keptaliveMarxistmethod,culture,politicalmemory,andtheaspirationtoworking-class
libertyinthatageofpoliticalbarbarism.Eventheirnearestbrothersandsisters,the
"orthodox"Trotskyists,who,despitetheirfaultsandinadequacies,hadgreatmeritoftheir
own,wereinfectedandtaintedbytheforcesdominantinthelabourmovementduringthe
Stalinistdarkage.NeitherPlekhanovnorKautskywasirreplaceableinhistime:therewere
othersasgoodorbetterandalargemovementfromwhichtheycouldbeexpectedto
emerge.TheworkShachtmanandhisfriendsdidwasirreplaceableintheirtimeandplace.
No-oneelsedidit.Theywerepartofnobigschoolofthought.Theyhadtoresistthe
gravitationalpullofthefarmorenumerousforcesof"official"Trotskyism,itselfcaughtin
thegravitationalpullof"Communism",inordertodotheirwork.Mostwhocalled
themselvesTrotskyistsmisrepresentedthemthen,andhavesincetriedtoobliteratethe
memoryoftheworkShachtmanandhiscomradesdid.Makingthesewritingsaccessibleisa
necessarypartofrebuildingsocialisminourtime.Noraretheliteraryremainsof
Shachtmantainted,exceptintheeyesofthosewhowantthemtobetainted,byhispolitical
end:itwasnotinhispowertotaintthem.AsfarasIknowShachtmanmadenoserious
attempttorepudiatehisearlierwork.Thesmallprefaceshewroteinhislateryearsto
editionsofTrotsky'sbooksputoutbytheAnnArborPress-TerrorismandCommunismand
ProblemsoftheChineseRevolution-makecriticismsoftheBolsheviksnomorestringent,
thoughone-sidedlyput,thanwhathesaid(Ithinkjustly)in"TheMistakesofthe
Bolsheviks"inNovember1943(chapter1ofthisbook).
iv
Inthenatureofthingsrevolutionarypoliticsisgenerallyayoungperson'sgame.Hope
wells;realityisperceivedraw;indignationisuntemperedbythesenseofpowerlessness
andresignation;sensibilityisuncalloused,rawhumanresponsesuncowed,couragenaive
andunchastenedbyfearofconsequencesorasenseofitsowninsufficiency.Ageand
experiencecow,makecallous,teachresignation.Theyimpressthepainfulcostofbanging
yourselfagainstwallsthatfornowmaybeimpregnable,ofpittingyourselfagainstthings
youcannotsoonchange,offorgoingthesustainingandcomfortingcommunityofthe
acquiescent;oflivingwitharawsharpawareness,likeanailinyourshoe,thatoursisa
worldofiniquityandintolerableinjustice-theworldwhich,yet,evenwhenyoustruggleto
changeit,youmustlivein.Thesenseofpowerlessnessreplacestheyouthfulideathat
anythingispossible.Vulnerabilityreplacestheyouthfulsenseofindestructibility.Thebrutal
foreshorteningwithageofpersonaltimeandperspectivedimsorblotsoutthelonger
perspectiveofacollectivesocialiststruggle.Thatisespeciallysowhenthatstruggle
againstcapitalismandforsocialismisnarroweddowntomaintainingasmallgroupof
socialistsnowandpreparingthefuture.Thenespecially,thesenseofpersonal
impermanenceandweakeninginfectsandsapstheideaofanongoingstruggle.Thedesireto
achievesomethingbecomesseductiveandwarpsandreplacesthefresh,clean,youngsense
ofwhatisnecessaryandworthstrivingtoachieve,whateverthecostandhoweverlongthe
struggle.Thelongviewandtheoverviewgivewaytoshorter,discrete,unintegratedviews.
Impatiencebreedsopportunismandinducesindifferencetotheseeminglylessimmediate
concerns.Thebusinessofachievingalittlebitnowdisplacestheoldgoal,orpushesit
beyondthehorizon.SoitmusthavebeenwithMaxShachtman,whoinadditionsawthe
worldthreatenedwithengulfmentbyStalinistbarbarism.JuliusJacobson,along-time
associateofMaxShachtman'sbefore1961,wroteinanobituaryofShachtmaninNew
Politicsthat,bytheend,itwasanabuseoflanguagetocallhimasocialistatall.Yetthere
iscontinuity,despitethewaningandattritionofindividuals.Thereisamovement,whether
agreatmassmovementorafalteringandstrugglingclusteroflittlegroups.Thereisan
accumulationoftextsandliteratureandideasthat,oncecreated,onceputintocirculation,
areindependentofthemindandthepersonalityinwhichtheyoriginatedandofthefateof
thatindividual.Thoughindividualsbackslide,growoldandtired,orcowardlyorcorrupt,
theycannotalwaysundowhattheydid,unwritewhattheywrote,erasethecriticismsthey
madeofclasssociety,dimthesocialistvisiontheyconjuredup,eventhoughithasnow
growndimforthem-norcantheysnuffouttheactivitiesofthosetheywonandinspiredand
settoworktowinotherstotheoldideals.Capitalistsocietyhasatrootnotchangedevenif
itsoldcritichas.AndsoitiswithMaxShachtman,aswithKarlKautsky,aswithGeorge
Plekhanovandmanyothers.ThatitissowithShachtmanisoftremendousimportance.For
Shachtmanwithhiscomrades,bore,foralmosttwodecades,themainburdenofensuring
thecontinuityofsocialism.Theyknewthemselvestobethesurvivorsofasubverted
socialistcivilisationthathadalmostvanished;andtheyknewthatitcouldeventuallybe
recreatedbythewill,energyanddedicationofsocialistslikethemselves,actinginaccord
withtheinnerlogicofhistoryandbasingthemselvesonthestrugglesoftheworkingclass.
Inthatsense,MaxShachtmanremainsagreatforceforsocialism.
II.JamesPCannon
Inmanyofthepolemicsinthisvolume,JPCannonisnotonlyantagonistbutvillain:heis
whatShachtmanistothe"orthodox"Trotskyists.Lucifer,Satan.SinceCannondidmorethan
anyoneelsetodeterminethefateofthe"official"Trotskyists-thosewhostoodwithTrotsky
in'39-'40-thereis,Ithink,somejusticeinthis.Nonetheless,itisone-sided,inadequateand
essentiallyunfair.Cannonwasnovillain.HewasandremainedaMarxistworkingwith
ideasonStalinismhetookfromTrotsky,andconceptionsofsocialistorganisationthat
provedwrongorinadequate.Heinsistedoncallinghimselfan"agitator",indicatingperhaps
atoomodestconceptionofhisowncapacities;atthesametimehehadtoomuchconfidence
andtoomuchself-assurancethatheknewwhatwaswhatinthefieldofsocialist
organisation-andfartoomuchassurancethatitcouldbesufficient.Cannonwould,
accordingtoShachtman,saytohisintimatesthathewasaTrotskyistinhispoliticsbuta
"Leninist"inorganisation.ShachtmanplausiblyarguedthatCannon'sorganisationalnotions
hadbeenshapedbythemid-'20sZinoviev-ledCommunistInternational.Thefactionalbattle
in1939-40,andTrotsky'sdeath,leftCannontheundisputedleaderofthebiggestTrotskyist
organisation,andtheonearoundwhichtheFIwouldregroupattheendofthewar.To
Cannonandthosehecouldfindfortheworkfellthetask,iftheycoulddoit,ofliquidating
Trotsky'spoliticalerrorsandrepairinghistardinessinre-evaluatingtheUSSR.ButCannon
wastiedasbyanironshackletothelogicofthelocumworkers'statethatwouldremaina
comparativelyprogressiveforcenomatterwhatitdidsolongastheeconomyremained
nationalised.InresponsetotheWorldWarexperienceofStalinism,hemighthavechosento
followthroughonTrotsky's1939-andhisown-indicationoftheneedtorevisethewhole
position:hechoseinsteadtofollowthelogicof"totalitarianeconomism"throughtotheend.
Possibly,hewasalatecasualtyofthe'39-'40factionfight:hehadspenttoomuchenergy
denouncingtheindicatedchangesascriminal"revisionism"andbetrayalof"theprogramme
oftheFI"tofinditeasywork.Thecontinuingcompetitivestrugglewiththe"Shachtmanite"
WorkersPartydidnotmakeiteasier.Thereisperhapsasuggestionofreliefinthewayin
whichCannoninlate'41seemstohaveacceptedthatthedestructionoftheUSSRhad
virtuallybeenaccomplished.TherecanbenodoubtthatCannonhatedandtaughtothers[the
writer,forexample]tohateStalinism.Butultimately,Cannonchosetotiehimselfandthose
forwhomhehadtheauthorityofguardianofTrotsky'slegacy,to"progressive"Stalinism;he
chosetofreezethemovementpoliticallyandtheoreticallyatthepointTrotskydied.Heused
hisauthorityafterthewarto"appoint"andbackofficialtheoreticianswhoextrapolatedand
developedinascholasticspiritsocialistperspectivesfromtheexistenceoftheanticapitalistRussianStalinistempireandthenewautonomousStaliniststatessuchasChina.
HereconstructedtheFI(afterthecloseofdiscussioninthethree-yeartransitionalperiod
after1945)asamono-tendencysectaroundthefrozenTrotskyof1940,inaworldthathad
notremainedfrozen.Cannonplayedlittletraceablepartinthetheoreticalre-evaluationafter
1945.Hecouldnothavedoneworsethanthosehelicensedandendorsed.TheCatholic
ChurchisamutatedpieceofthebureaucracyofthelaterRomanEmpire,thathasfloated
downtoourtimethroughanumberofdifferenttypesofsociety;thetypical"official"
TrotskyistorganisationsshapedandinfluencedbyCannon'sorganisationalconceptionscan
beseencollectivelyasafragmentofthemid-20sZinovievistCommunistInternational.
Evenwherecomparativelysizeableorganisationshavebeenbuilt,theyhavebeen
politicallysterile.
5.Trotskyandthefutureofsocialism
"Tofacerealitysquarely;nottoseekthelineofleastresistance;tocallthingsbytheirright
names;tospeakthetruthtothemasses,nomatterhowbitteritmaybe;nottofearobstacles;
tobetrueinlittlethingsasinbigones;tobaseone'sprogrammeonthelogicoftheclass
struggle;tobeboldwhenthehourforactionarrives-thesearetherules".LeonTrotsky
TheOctoberRevolutionshowedforalltimewhattheworkingclassiscapableof
achieving,whatworking-classsocialists,democraticallyorganisedandclear-headed,can
do.Itprovedthattheideaofworking-classsocialismisnochimera.ButtherealOctober
hasbeenburiedfordecades,firstunderthefoundationstonesoftheautocraticStalinist
systemandnowundertheruinsofStalinism.TogetherwithotherbankruptStaliniststock,
thebourgeoisvictorshavetakenoverStalinism'sgreatlie-oneofthemostpoisonouslies
ofthetwentiethcentury-thatStalinismwasBolshevism.Inthewarofideas,theghostof
Stalinisenlistednowonthebourgeoisside,stillinsistingthatStalinismwasBolshevism.
Thebourgeoisieproclaimthathistoryhasendedandthattheyarethevictors.Butdothey
believeitthemselves?Marxistsocialismistheconsciousexpressionoftheunderlying
unconsciousprocessesofhistory.Thoseprocessesgoon.Whateverthefondideologuesof
capitalismsay,thelawsofcapitalismuncoveredbyMarxhavenotbeensuspendedor
superseded.Theclassstrugglegoeson:itisineradicable.Despitethetriumphantcrowing
ofthebourgeoisie,socialismnowandintheperiodaheadhasabetterchanceofbeing
revivedthanatanytimein75years.Stalinismasaforceintheworking-classmovementis
dead!Socialismisrootedincapitalismitself:inthebeginningofsocialismisthecritiqueof
capitalismfromthepointofviewofitsexploitedvictims,theworkingclass.Thebourgeois
claimtohavekilledsocialismistheclaimtohavefrozenhistory.No-onecandothat.All
thecontradictionsofcapitalremain.Thebourgeoisiemustabolishtheclassstrugglebefore
itcaneliminatesocialism.Itcan't.Thebourgeoisiehavewonthelongcoldwarwiththeir
Stalinistcompetitors.Butcapitalhas,inStalinism,merelyseenoffabackward,inestimably
moreprimitivecompetitor.Theirideologicalvictoryover"socialism"isanimaginary
victory.Thetextsinthisbookestablishwhattherealrelationshipofunfalsifiedsocialism
andhistoricalBolshevismwastoStalinism,andthereforewhatvalueistobeplacedonthe
capitalistversionoftheoldStalinistmythsandlies-rightnow,theliethatStalinismwas
socialism,andthatsocialismdiedwiththecollapseoftheUSSR.Classstruggleis
ineradicablebecausetheworkingclassisineradicable.Itisthelawoflifeofcapitalist
society,becausecapitalismcannotdowithouttheproletariat.Capitalismrepeatedly
revolutionisestechnologyandtheorganisationofproduction.Therebyitchangesthe
proletariat.Itdisruptsworking-classorganisationsbytechnologicalchangeandbyblowsin
theclassstruggle.Butthelabourmovementtoorevives,reorganises,redefinesitself.The
handloomweaversandotherswhomadethefirstmasslabourmovement,TheChartistsin
the1830sand40s,werenolongerasocialforcewhenthemodernlabourmovementwas
created.Theworkingclass,renewed,changed,augmented,was.Theexploitationoflabour
bycapital-thebasiccellofcapitalistsociety-continuesgeneratingclassstruggleandselfrenewinglabourmovements.Itwillcontinueuntiltheworkingclassabolishescapitalism.
ii
Marxistscriticisethewaste,theirrationalityandthesavageinhumanityofcapitalism,butat
thesametimeseecapitalismasthenecessaryforerunnerofsocialism.That,notthat
capitalismisvindicated,istheproperconclusionfromtheexperienceofthedefeatofthe
RussianRevolutionandofthecollapseofthesocietysetupbyitsStalinistgravediggers,
whotriedintheirownwayandfortheirownreasonsto"by-pass"and"dispensewith"
capitalism.Capitalismhasnotceasedtobeirrationalandinhuman,norhavemarket
mechanismsceasedtobeblindandwasteful,justbecauseofthefailureoftheStalinist
experimentin"statesocialism".Wageslaveryandexploitationhavenotceasedtobeatthe
heartandrootofcapitalism.Millionsofpoorchildrendieneedlesslyunderthissystem
eeveryyear.IntheUnitedStates,therichestcapitalistcountryintheworld,thousandsof
peoplesleeponthestreets,orgetalivingonlythroughthedrugtrade.ThirdWorldslum
conditionsexistsidebysidewithobsceneopulenceinitsleadingcities.InLatinAmerica
unemploymentrunsat40%inmanycities.Cocainegangstersrulehugeareas.Malnutrition
andevenstarvationarewidespread.ThatStalinism's"authoritarianstatesocialism"failed
tobypasscapitalismandemergeasahistoricalalternativetoitdoesnotmeanthat
socialismhasceasedtobetheanswertocapitalism!Stalinismwasanexperienceonthe
fringesofworldcapitalism,arisingoutofthedefeatofaworkingclassrevolution,and
stifilingunderitsowncontradictorybureaucraticregime.Stalinismwaspartoftheprehistoryhumankindmustgrowbeyond.So,still,iscapitalism!Theideathatonlythemarket
systemoftheWestcanbethebasisfordemocracyistheideathatonlywageslaveryforthe
massestogetherwiththephenomenalconcentrationofwealth-andthereforepower-atthe
topofsocietycanbethebasisofdemocracy!Itisaprizeexampleofthecrazylogic
satirisedbyGeorgeOrwellaccordingtowhichwarispeaceandliesaretruth.Ithasalot
incommonwiththeoldStalinisthabitofassertingthatblackwaswhite,truthwaslies,
bureaucratictyrannywassocialism.EvensuchdemocracyaswehaveintheWestowesits
existencetodecadesandcenturiesofstrugglebytheworkingpeople.Democracyin
capitalismislimited,imperfect,andfrequentlynotverystable.Massself-rulebythe
producers,dominatedneitherbyabureaucraticstatemonopolynorbytheeconomicruleof
themultimillionairesandtheirofficials,isabetterformofdemocracy.Itisdemocracy
worththename.Itissocialistdemocracy.Themodelofsocialismrestoredtoitsproper
shapeandcolourbythedisintegrationofStalinismandtheopendisavowalofsocialismby
theStalinistsistheonlymodelofsocialismthateverdeservedthename-thefightto
organisetheworkingclassasaclearconsciousforce,aclassforitself,tobreakbourgeois
statepowerandabolishwageslavery."Toraisetheproletariattothepositionofruling
class,towinthebattleofdemocracy...tocentraliseallinstrumentsofproductioninthe
handsoftheState,i.e.oftheproletariatorganisedastherulingclass...Inplaceoftheold
bourgeoissociety,withitsclassesandclassantagonisms,weshallhaveanassociation,in
whichthefreedevelopmentofeachistheconditionforthefreedevelopmentofall".(The
CommunistManifesto).
Socialismwillreviveasamassforce.Theonlyquestionsarewhatsortofsocialism,and
howsoonwillitrevive?Andhowfreewillitbefromthedefectsthathaverenderedita
nullityorworseformostofthetwentiethcentury-sincethecrushingoftheBolshevik
Revolutioninthe20s?Thatdependstoaconsiderableextentonthesocialiststhemselves,
onwhattheydo.Thatinturndependsgreatlyonhowwecometotermswiththetwentieth
centuryexperienceofsocialism.Inthe1880sinBritainlessthan200socialistpioneersset
toworktowinovertheworkingclass,toexpandthelabourmovementandtransformitinto
asocialistworkers'movement.Theirinadequaciesneednotdetainushere.Worklikethat
willbedoneagain:andwestartonaverymuchhigherlevel,withamasstradeunion
movement.Heretraditionisveryimportant.Traditionisourcollectivememory.The
Marxistsarethememoryoftheworkingclass.Thehistoricalmemoryofaclassisworked
andreworked;learnedfromorforgotten,lostandregained,relearnedandreinterpreted,and
puttoworkaspartofthepoliticalcapitalofthemovement.Muchdependsonthesocialists.
Not"history",or"capitalistcrisis",noranymechanicalagencywilldoit,butliving,
conscious,determined,rememberingpeople.
iii
Thisbookisarelentlesscriticismofthe"Trotskyist"traditionthatfordecadeshasina
hundredpermutationsbeenthemostwidespreadvariantofrevolutionarysocialism.Itis
criticismfromwithinthatcurrent.Alargepartoftheintroductionisasystematiccriticism
ofTrotsky'sthoughtontheUSSRallthroughthe1930s:butitisTrotskyistcriticismofLeon
Trotsky,anditis,Ihope,loyalcriticisminthespiritofTrotskyhimself.Thepublishersof
thisbookareproudtonamethemselvesinpoliticswithTrotsky'sname.However,we
refusetomistakepietyforpoliticalrigourormimicryandmummeryforfidelitytoTrotsky.
Trotskymimickedno-one;andhehadthecontemptofareasoninghumanbeingforall
mummeryandallmumbo-jumbo.TrotskymadegrievousmistakesontheUSSR.Inthelight
ofhistorythisisindisputable.TheseriousTrotskyistsarethosewhocriticallyapply
themselvestorectifyingandrenewingtheideologicalfabricwiththehelpofwhicha
renewedmassrevolutionarysocialistmovementwillbebuilt.Thatdemandsacritical,and
self-critical,appraisalofthehistoryofsocialism.Trotskyonceaskedrhetorically:Whatdo
wedowhenthe"goodoldbooks"failtogivethenecessaryanswers?Trytomanagewith
one'sownhead!AfterTrotsky'sdeath,hismistakesontheUSSRwerefrozenintheworkof
piousbutuncomprehendingorirresponsibledisciplesintosomethinginimicaltohiswhole
spirit.Trotskywastherebylost.TherealTrotskywasboththeherooftheworkers'victory
andtheembodimentoftheRussianworkers'resistancetotheStalinistcounter-revolution.
HeisnotonlytheTrotskybutalsotheSpartacusandtheBlanquiofthetwentiethcentury.
Trotskypersonifiedawholeepochofproletarianculture,tradition,experience,and
unbreakablebeliefintherationalandhumanisttraditionsofMarxismandoftheproletariat.
Trotskyhascometosymboliseandpersonifyrevolutionarycommunismitself,theelemental
driveforfreedomoftheslavesofcapitalistclasssociety.Trotsky'swritingsembodythe
lessonofworking-classstrugglesthatendedinunprecedentedvictory,andofstrugglesthat
endedincatastrophicdefeat.Trotsky'swritingsconstituteourbestlinkwiththeRussian
RevolutionandtheearlyComintern:hereTrotskyistheBuonorottiofthetwentiethcentury,
thepasseronofgreattradition,thelinkbetweenthepastanditsfuturerenewalonahigher
level.Hiswritings,mistakesontheUSSRaside,embodythelessonsofthegreatest
strugglesinworking-classhistory.Theyareanirreplacablepartofthepolitical,theoretical
andmoralresourceofextantsocialism.ButTrotsky'slegacywillnecessarilyhavetobe
assimilatedcritically,andreworkedinthelightofnewexperiencesandnewrealitiesjustas
Trotskyhimselfreworkedanddevelopedtheheritageofhisteachers,as,forexample,onthe
theoryofpermanentrevolution.Hecanonlybereappropriatedcritically.Trotsky,rescued
fromtheposthumouscaptivityinwhichforsolonghehasbeenimprisonedbywell-meaning
disciples,offersguidance,traditionandanincomparableexample.Hecannotthinkfor
socialiststoday,buthecanhelpuslearntothinkbetterforourselves.NotmisplacedpietyloyalMarxistcriticism!Itisinthisspiritandtocontributetothatworkthatpeoplewho
thinkofthemselvesasTrotsky'speoplehavesubjectedTrotsky'swritingsontheUSSRto
severecriticism.Trotskyisinfinitelymorethanhismistakes.
iv
Historyisunendingstruggle-economic,politicalandideological.Thetruthofhistoryison
thesideofsocialism.Thisvolumewill,wehope,makethatclearer.Thatthebourgeoisie
shouldnowbetriumphantisnatural.Itisshortsighted.Allaroundtheglobe,wherever
capitalismhascreatedamoderneconomyithasraisedupamilitantworkingclass-in
KoreaandIndonesia,forexample.Evenwhenmostsuccessful,capitalismonlycreatesits
owngravediggers.Thepathsofcapitalistgloryleadbuttothegrave!Classwargoeson.
Whatsocialistsdointhiswarcanbedecisive.Whattheyareabletododependsonhow
theyseetheworld,howtheycometotermswiththepast,howwelltheyresistthepressure
oftheconservativeanti-socialistclasses-inshort,howtheyfareinthebattleofideas.The
ideasinthisbookareacontributiontothatbattle.
6.Thepurposeofthiscollection
Thiscollectionhasanumberofpurposes.Weaimtoputintocirculationcertainkey
documentsofrevolutionaryMarxism,longlosttoanyonenotpreparedtorummagein
libraries,andunavailableeveninmostgoodlibraries.Thoughsomeofthepublicationsin
whichthesetextsfirstappearedhadasmallcirculationinBritainandIreland,eventhemost
importantofthem,suchas"IsRussiaaWorkers'State?",wereneverprintedorgivenany
decentcirculationhere.NeitherwasShachtman'scollectionofarticlesTheBureaucratic
Revolution(1962).Withoutbeingtoofanciful,andindulginginnomorethanalittle
permissibleexaggeration,onecouldcallthesedocumentstheDeadSeaScrollsof20th
centuryrevolutionaryMarxism.Wewanttoprovideanapproachtotherealhistoryof
Trotskyism,thatis,ofunfalsifiedBolshevismandMarxism,anditspost-Trotskymutations;
togiveascomprehensiveaspossibleanaccountofthedissidentTrotskyistswhocontinued
alongthebasiclinesindicatedbyTrotskyin"TheUSSRinWar",andthetrajectoryofhis
concretedescriptionsandpoliticalresponsestotheUSSR,from"TheTheoryof
Degeneration"(1933)to"TheCominternandtheGPU"(1940).Wewanttoputthesetexts
intothelivingstreamofarevivingleft,oneofwhosepre-requisitesisapropercomingto
termswiththeexperienceoftheRussianRevolutionanditsgravedigger,Stalin,andwithits
ownrealpoliticalhistory.Itisnotamatterhereofimaginingthatonecangoandfindand
putonatradition,likeanoldgarmentfoundinanattic.Revolutionarypoliticsisnotlike
that.ItisnotaDisneythemeparkwhereyoucanchoose:todayweareintheWildWest,or
theMiddleAges,ortheAmericanorFrenchRevolutions.Maoistsinthe1960sand'70sdid
thatwithvariouspastperiodsoftheStalinistmovement-theThirdPeriod,theNorthern
IrelandCommunistParty'sWorldWar2Unionistperiod,PopularFrontism...Itdoesnot
work.Realpoliticaltraditionisalivingthing,madeupofthepracticeandassumptionsand
mutualrelationsofactivemilitants.[Forexample,thetraditionofWorkers'Liberty/Phoenix
PressisanevolutionfromthetraditionofJamesPCannon,anevolutionthathasledusto
criticiseandrethink,butnottorepudiateanddisavow].
Thesetextsareanirreplaceableelementintheworkofre-elaboratingalivingTrotskyist
tradition.Itshouldnotbethoughtthatonehastotakeorleavethepoliticallegacyofthe
Workers'PartyandtheISLasawhole.Nothingcouldbemoreforeigntothespiritofthat
organisation.TheWorkers'Partywasnota"monolithic"party;noraretheorganisationsof
thosewhowanttolearnfromit(forexample,someofthosewhohaveworkedwithmeto
producethisvolumewouldfind"statecapitalism"-thoughnotasunderstoodbythe
Workers'Partyminority-abetterframeworkforunderstandingtheStaliniststatesthan
"bureaucraticcollectivism").Therearethingstocriticiseandrejectinthattradition.They
gottheoverallperspectiveofStalinismwrong.Fromourvantagepointitisplainthat
Trotsky,andthenShachtmanuntil1946or'47,wererighttoregardtheStalinistphenomenon
asanaberrationinthebroadsweepofhistory.Itisunderstandablethatthespreadof
Stalinismafter1944toafurthersixthoftheEarthshouldhaveledShachtmanto
misunderstand.NonethelessitisplainnowthattheStalinistsystemsemergedasparallelsto
capitalism,notasitssuccessor.Theywerehistoricalblindalleys.Apartfromthehistorical
importanceofsomeofthepiecesreprintedhere,thelabourmovementcanlearnaverygreat
dealfromthesetextsaboutwhatlivingMarxismisandisnot.
TableofContents
Introduction
I:Constructingthesocialistorder
II:TheBolshevikprogramme
III:Thepreconditionsforsocialism
IV:Theisolationoftherevolution
V:Thecivilwarregime
VI:Thepost-civil-warregime
VII:Practicereshapestheory
VIII:LeninagainstStalin
IX:Thecounter-revolution
X:TheCommunistInternational
XI:Counter-revolutionwithintheformsofMarxism
XII:RevolutionandDemocracy
XIII:Thenew"ReligionofSocialism"
XIV:TheBolshevikRearguard
2.BolshevismatBay:TrotskyontheUSSR
I:Trotskyinexile
II."Abureaucraticeconomy"
III.Statepropertyandsocialism
IV.Catchingupwithcapitalism
V.ThenatureoftheStalinistautocracy
VI."ThesystemofBonapartistgangsterism"
VII.Gangsterstateandworkers'state?
VIII:Programmeandanalysis
IX.Dissolvingbeingintobecoming
X."Thegatekeeperofthesocialconquests"
XI.Theendofcapitalistprogress?
XII.A"locum"fortheworkingclass
XIII.Propertyformsandsocialistnorms
XIV."Politicalrevolution":firstapproximation
XV.TheunitedfrontwithStalin
XVI.The"workers'state"theoryandpoliticalrevolution
XVII.Nationalisedeconomyandflux
XVIII.Progressivetyranny?
XIX.Politicsandeconomics
XX.TheUkraineandUSSRimperialism
XXI.ThepartitionofPoland
XXII.Trotskyismin1939
XXIII/XXIV.ThetwosoulsofTrotskyism
XXV.USSRimperialism?"Againandoncemore..."
XXVI.TheinvasionofFinland
XXVII.Trotskywarsonhisownpolitics
XXVIII.Bureaucraticrevolution?
XXIX.BalanceSheetoftheFinnishEvents
XXX.TheotherTrotsky
XXXI.Trotskyonbureaucraticcollectivism
XXXII.Onceagain,beingdissolvedintobecoming
XXXIII.Revisionism?
Appendix:the"locum"andtotalitarianeconomism
3.Theneo-TrotskyistsandStalinistexpansion
II."InDefenceofMarxism"
III.Freezing"Trotsky"intodogma
IV.Stalinistsocietyintransitiontosocialism?
V.Millenarianism:"ThirdPeriod"neo-Trotskyism
VI.ThelessonsofItaly
VII.Thedilemmasof1945-8
VIII.TheBritishRevolutionaryCommunistParty
IX.Tito
X.The"ThirdWorldCongress":anewTrotskyismisfounded
XI.The1953split
XII.Conclusion:TheCommunistManifestoandTrotskyism
4.MaxShachtmanandJamesPCannon
II.JamesPCannon
5.Trotskyandthefutureofsocialism
6.Thepurposeofthiscollection