Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of

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Industrial Utopia:
The History
and Architecture
of South Pueblo
Prepared by:
Jeffrey DeHerrera
Adam Thomas
Cheri Yost
HISTORITECTURE, L.L.C.
Prepared for:
City of Pueblo, Colorado
Certified Local Government Grant
Project CO-10-022
July 2011
Industrial Utopia:
The History and Architecture
of South Pueblo
The activity that is the subject of this material has
been financed in part with Federal funds from the National Historic Preservation Act, administered by the
National Park Service, United States Department of the
Interior and for the Colorado Historical Society. However, the contents and opinions do not necessarily re-
Prepared by:
flect the views or policies of the United States
Department of the Interior or the Society, nor does the
Jeffrey DeHerrera
Adam Thomas
Cheri Yost
mention of trade names or commercial products constitute an endorsement or recommendation by the Department of the Interior or the Society.
This program receives Federal funds from the Na-
HISTORITECTURE, L.L.C.
Post Office Box 181095
Denver, Colorado 80218-8822
www.historitecture.com
tional Park Service; Regulations of the United States
Department of the Interior strictly prohibit unlawful
discrimination in departmental Federally-assisted programs on the basis of race, color, national origin, age
or handicap. Any person who believes he or she has
Prepared for:
City of Pueblo, Colorado
been discriminated against in any program, activity or
facility operated by a recipient of Federal assistance
should write to: Director, Equal Opportunity Program,
United States Department of the Interior, National Park
Certified Local Government Grant
Project CO-10-022
Service, 1849 C Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20240.
July 2011
v
Table of Contents
Introduction: Highly Endowed by Nature
SECTION I: HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Chapter 1: Mythical West
5
7
Chapter 2: “Look out for the Locomotive!”
Chapter 3: A Rival Town
On the cover. The Old World and the New World meet at Mesa Junction, the
heart of South Pueblo, where a bust of Christopher Columbus, a relic of the classically influenced City Beautiful movement, stares at the postmodern Robert
Hoag Rawlings Public Library. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
1
13
19
Chapter 4: Additions and Subdivisions
Chapter 5: Neighborhood Development
27
37
Chapter 6: Neighborhood Institutions 53
Broadway Arcade Building 53
Hospitals 54
McClelland Orphanage & School 55
McClelland Public Library/Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library
58
Chapter 7: Churches and Faith-Based Schools 63
Trinity Lutheran School 65
St. Patrick’s School 67
Seton High School 67
Chapter 8: Public Schools 69
Public Education 69
Central High School 71
Keating Junior High School 72
Carlile School 75
Expansion 78
Further Education 81
Pueblo Community College 81
Gulliford Academy 83
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Chapter 9: The Cultural Landscape 85
Parks 86
Abriendo Avenue 88
Pueblo Christopher Columbus Monument
89
Chapter 10: Transportation and Commercial Development
Streetcars 91
Commercial Development 94
Bridges 98
Automobile-Oriented Development 98
Changing Street Names 99
91
Chapter 11: Architects 101
Patrick Mills 101
George Roe 102
William W. Stickney 102
Walter DeMordaunt 102
William A. Lang 104
Jacob M. Gile 104
Frederick A. Hale 104
Conclusion: Utopia Realized?
Notes
107
109
SECTION 2: PRESERVATION PLAN FOR SOUTH PUEBLO 117
Research 120
Document 122
Evaluate 124
Monitor 127
Promote 128
Steward 130
Selected Styles and Forms Found in Mesa Junction and the Blocks
BIBLIOGRAPHY 139
viii
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133
Introduction
Highly Endowed by Nature
South Pueblo was a place born of vision, of ambition, and
reluctant capitalist. In the 1850s he witnessed first-hand both
of benevolence. It marked an intersection between the ro-
the stunning achievements and sickening horrors the indus-
mantic mythology of the American West and limitless—often
trial revolution wrought in Britain. He remained uneasy as he
ruthless—industrial capitalism. For centuries the natives of this
ushered the industrial age into the relatively untouched vast-
land climbed its windswept promontories and arid bluffs to
ness of Colorado as secretary-treasurer of the Kansas Pacific
witness the Arkansas River escape the distant, granite spires
Railroad. But like so many before and after him the incompa-
of the Rocky Mountains and emerge eastward onto the im-
rable vistas of the snow-capped Front Range left Palmer a
possible vastness of the Great Plains. Here was a frontline of
changed man. While gazing upon the snow-covered peaks he
European conquest, where the King of Spain greedily guarded
had an epiphany: “Could one live in constant view of these
his empire against French incursion, though no monarch
grand mountains without being elevated by them to a lofty
would ever step foot on its soil or ever know it as more than ar-
plane of thought and purpose? …[The Front Range was] like
bitrary lines on vague maps. Some Europeans passed through
the shore of a glorious New Land, a newer and grander and
armed with gunpowder, others armed with the Word of God,
happier Columbia than that which greeted the great sailor on
turning their theology into geography: Sangre de Cristo—
the beach of Santa Domingo.”1 Palmer mused that in his
Blood of Christ. Empires rise and fall, and thus revolutionaries
hands, Colorado could provide a tabula rasa upon which to
claimed this land, first the Mexicans and then the Americans.
write a new, kinder chapter in the history of the industrial rev-
Yet natives and missionaries, kings and revolutionaries could
olution.
not have imagined what would finally conquer them all and
turn these mesas into a metropolis: steel.
With his own, new railroad as its foundation, Palmer envisioned an industrial utopia, a place where management and
In 1872 steel rails connected Pueblo to Denver and the
labor worked harmoniously together, toiling not for wealth but
rest of the nation. In turn, Pueblo manufactured even more
for enlightenment. Competition was to blame for the evils of
steel rails, nails, barbed wire, and countless other goods that
industrial capitalism, the General theorized. Palmer “thus saw
helped transform the West. Yet the railroad and the steel in-
Colorado’s isolation as an asset instead of a liability, for the
dustry and South Pueblo were all the products of one man’s
ocean-like expanses of the plains would protect Palmer’s rail-
vision, General William Jackson Palmer.
road from rivalry and give the General the free hand he
A Quaker from Pennsylvania, Palmer was in many ways a
needed to exercise benevolence while pursuing profit,” writes
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1
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
historian Thomas Andrews. “To Palmer, his interlocking visions
neighborhood was home to many of Colorado’s foremost cap-
held the promise of a better society, where business would be
italists, most of whom continued Palmer’s ethic of benevo-
more profitable, human interactions with the natural world
lence and corporate liberalism. Many grew rich from the
more harmonious, and relationships between capitalists and
railroads, steel mills, and hundreds of other enterprises that
workers more amicable than in the eastern states and Eu-
made Pueblo among the southwest’s foremost industrial cities.
rope.”2
Of particular importance were the homes, neighbor-
And with their fortunes made, they spent the rest of their lives
hoods, and cities of Palmer’s managers and workers. He would
in public service. Among them were men like Governor James
write his philosophy on the very landscape itself, in new
Orman. The Colorado General Assembly mourned his passing
utopian communities such as Colorado Springs and South
on July 21, 1919, with a resolution that could have been ap-
Pueblo.
plied to so many of South Pueblo’s residents who followed in
In the end, Palmer’s experiment in corporate liberalism
failed tragically, leaving behind an irrevocable structure of hos-
Some men are so highly endowed by nature with ca-
tilities between labor and management that ultimately led to
pacity for large achievements, that they can conduct
deadly labor disputes, including the Ludlow Massacre. But in
enormous enterprises, wide in scope and varied in
South Pueblo, much of Palmer’s vision remained intact: careful
feature, with an ease and success impossible to men
consideration of public spaces and civic culture could en-
of smaller caliber in projects of limited range and lit-
lighten the lives of residents. The neighborhood was marked
tle moment. Such a man is Hon. James B. Orman, for-
with distinctive, deliberate design: the curvilinear streets of the
mer governor of Colorado, contractor, mining man,
Blocks, the broad promenade of Abriendo Avenue, monu-
financier, politician and almost everything else in the
mental edifices and plazas, and Pueblo’s preeminent places of
way of a promoter of the welfare and the advance-
learning. Moreover, Palmer’s comprehensive vision for South
ment of the state.3
Pueblo meant that it did not develop like the city’s other
The town platted as South Pueblo originally consisted of
neighborhoods. As platted, South Pueblo was enormous. Thus,
three different regions south of the Arkansas River, each
it grew within itself, through resubdivisions, rather than ex-
shaped by its topography and later the geometry of its streets
panding outwardly via additions and annexations. Because all
(figure i.1). Nearest the river in the flat terrain of the river bot-
growth remained within South Pueblo’s originally platted
tom is Union Avenue, or today’s downtown Pueblo. Above the
boundaries and the neighborhood saw little development fol-
Arkansas River sit the Blocks, historically known as Corona
lowing World War II, it retains an unusually high level of archi-
Park. Here curvilinear streets meander along the bluffs, which
tectural cohesiveness and monumentality.
visually and physically separate it from downtown. Finally,
Almost all of South Pueblo’s later developers and prominent residents, ranging from corporate moguls to governors,
were connected through Palmer to his industrial utopia. The
2
the footsteps of General Palmer:
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across the main thoroughfare of Abriendo Avenue sits the flat
topography and rigid geometry of Mesa Junction.
Though the Union Avenue area has flooded many times,
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3
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
neither the Mesa Junction nor the Corona Park area has suf-
Pueblo; this historic district is also well-documented in pho-
fered the same fate, due to their high elevation. At the time of
tographs. As such, the City requested that this study focus on
South Pueblo’s platting, the Arkansas River was free to roam;
the present-day South Pueblo neighborhood, not the town of
today it is bound in concrete and moved to the southwest. The
South Pueblo. As such, only the buildings and houses south-
original river channel hosts the Riverwalk. Therefore the river
west of the current Arkansas River channel are included (Mesa
today divides the Union Avenue area from the Mesa Junction
Junction and the Blocks). These two neighborhoods host a va-
and Blocks neighborhoods.
riety of architecture and landscape architecture that have
It is this divide too that defines the content of this historic
context. Much has been written of the Union Avenue area in
4
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
shaped the character of the city and the citizens themselves.
Section I
Historical Context
5
Chapter 1
Mythical West
Whether subject to the domain of the kings of Europe or
grant of over half a million acres. The land was hot in summer,
the kings of capital, South Pueblo figured prominently in the
dry and windy year-round. Sandy soils covered the ground.
course and contention of empire. Unlike the portions of the
There were few trees beyond the river channels and usually
city north of the Arkansas River, title of land in what would be-
dry creek beds. It was ranching country.
come South Pueblo was hotly debated. The Spanish Empire
Nolan applied for the grant November 14, 1843, and on
asserted its control of the area south of the Arkansas River be-
December 1,1843 the governor of the New Mexico Territory in
ginning in the early 1600s and remained its master for about
Santa Fe granted the petition. The grant was recorded at Taos,
200 years. Although Spain claimed the land, French traders
New Mexico, on December 15, 1843, and the 575,968 acres be-
and trappers had moved their way down from what would be-
came known at the Nolan Grant (map 1.1). It was a triangle-
come Canada and found prosperity in the area of the Arkansas.
shaped piece of land that included everything in the St.
When France sold the Louisiana Territory to the United States
Charles River watershed west to the Greenhorn Mountains.
in 1803, the southern boundary of the purchase was unclear;
Gervacio Nolan's plans for the land he acquired were sus-
the United States contended that it included all land north of
picious to say the least. Nolan was born about 1800 in pres-
current-day central New Mexico and east of the Continental
ent-day St. Charles, Ontario, Canada. He began work as a
Divide. The Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 set the boundary be-
trapper and trader in the Montreal area before moving west
tween New Spain and the United States as the Arkansas River,
and south into New Mexico Territory about 1824. On August 5,
with Spain controlling the land south of the river.
1828, Nolan married twelve-year-old Maria Dolores Lalande;
These lands changed hands once again when Mexico be-
she was the daughter of Jean Baptiste Lalande, the first Amer-
came a free state, independent of Spain, in 1821. The Repub-
ican to establish commercial contact with the outpost at Santa
lic of Texas claimed Mexico's land south of the Arkansas River
Fe. The Mexican government eased naturalization require-
from 1836 to 1845, but never actually controlled the region of
ments in April 1828, allowing Nolan to become a naturalized
present-day New Mexico and southern Colorado. Texas
Mexican citizen in June 1829. This act was a crucial step be-
dropped its claim of the region when the United States an-
cause only citizens could own land and or petition for grants in
nexed all of the Texas Republic in 1845.
Mexico. After his marriage and naturalization, Nolan shifted in-
During the era that Mexico controlled the land south of
terests from trapping to blacksmithing and mining. By 1835,
the Arkansas, Gervacio Nolan applied for an enormous land
he was operating a store and mine at Real del Oro, located
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7
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Map 1.1. While it encompassed the entire South Pueblo area, the Nolan Grant
was tiny compared to other land grants in the region. (Map based on one found
at http://cozine.com/2001-december/colorados-mexican-land-grants)
south of Santa Fe. He applied for and received his land grant in
8
namesake grant.2
1843, His brother-in-law served as the justice of the peace, re-
The heirs of Gervacio Nolan—Maria Dolores Lalande, Ire-
ceiving the order from the governor that gave Nolan posses-
nea Delgado, Martina Delgado, Francisco Nolan, Fernando
sion of the land. Nolan himself was illiterate. Thus his business
Nolan, Lionor Nolan, Eugenio Nolan, and Antonio Nolan—
partners, also land grant recipients, signed his paperwork for
were left to contest their grant before the United States gov-
him and Nolan might not have even attended at transfer.1 His-
ernment, which now controlled the territory. The size of the
torians suspect that Nolan and his brother-in-law never par-
family's landholdings decreased dramatically as the American
ticipated in the walking of the land grant's boundaries, as the
government ruled that the grant was in violation of the laws of
law prescribed. In requesting the land specified in the grant,
Mexico at the time it was created. The law stated that no grant
Nolan reasoned that he was part of a well-established Mexi-
could be greater than eleven square leagues, or 48,695.48
can family (his wife was half Mexican) and that he had served
acres, in size. Prominent traders Ceran St. Vrain (another land
for a short time in the Mexican military. In 1849 Nolan and a
grantee) and Kit Carson testified that settlers in Nolan's em-
son joined the California Gold Rush. Nolan returned to north-
ploy had been living on and working the land. The testimony
ern New Mexico within a year and employed neighboring set-
convinced the Surveyor General on October 31, 1860, that the
tlers to build a homestead on his grant. But Nolan may have
entire tract should be deeded to Nolan's heirs. The United
never resided there; he died on January 27, 1857, leaving his
States Congress deferred the matter for a decade, finally rul-
wife, five children, and two grandchildren as the heirs to his
ing on July 1, 1870, that the homestead preempted Mexican
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City of Pueblo
law and could not exceed eleven square leagues. The legal de-
River, leading him to plat the town of Auraria on the west side
scription of the land was now as follows:
of Cherry Creek less than a month after arriving in the region.
Commencing on the south bank of the Arkansas
Seven men founded Auraria, two of them Blake's future broth-
river, a league and a half below the confluence of the
ers-in-law: Dr. Charles M. Steinberger and A.B. Steinberger. All
Don Carlos river with the former river, was placed the
of the men involved were granted an 'original share' of the
first landmark; thence following up the same
town; in this case it equaled several hundred lots apiece. When
Arkansas river five leagues above the confluence of
a settlement sprung up across Cherry Creek from Auraria only
the Don Carlos river, was placed the second land-
weeks later, Blake once again helped organize a town—Den-
mark; thence running half way up the brow of the
ver. Blake Street in lower downtown Denver is named in his
mountain, was placed the third landmark; and
honor. Historians also credit Blake with operating the first gen-
thence following from north to south the same brow
eral store in Denver and helping to found the first masonic
of the mountain to a point opposite the first land-
lodge in that city. The discovery of gold west of Pikes Peak the
mark, where was placed the fourth and last land-
following summer led Blake to once again partner and plat a
mark; thence running to the point of beginning.3
town, this time Colorado City near the headwaters of Fountain
Though this description of the grant is basically identical to
Creek. Colorado City did not prosper as Auraria and Denver
the original grant, the heirs had just lost over ninety-one per-
had, but the town's founders still managed to sell enough lots
cent of the original Nolan Grant.
to make a small profit.5
Rancher Charles Blake and his wife, Annie, purchased the
Annie Blake assisted her husband in operating the busi-
Nolan Grant from the heirs of Gervacio Nolan in 1868. Charles
nesses until 1863, when Charles enlisted in the Union Army
Blake was born on January 3, 1831, in Northborough, Massa-
during the Civil War. Ranking as a colonel, he was assigned the
chusetts, and came to what would become Colorado in Octo-
task of furnishing supplies to troops scattered throughout the
ber 1858. He married Anna E. Steinberger on January 15, 1861,
New Mexico Territory. While south of the Arkansas River, it is
in the Rocky Mountain region of the Kansas Territory a month
possible that Annie met the heirs of Gervacio Nolan and began
preceding the formation of the Colorado Territory. She was
a relationship that culminated in the Blake's purchase of the
born on June 14, 1837, in Pennsylvania. They had five sons: Al-
Nolan Grant. The Blakes decided to remain in the region of the
bert S., George Eben, John Anthony, Justus Dunott, and
Arkansas at the end of the war. Annie appeared alone in front
Charles Porter Blake.4
of the justice of the peace, F.A. Gutierrez, at Mora, New Mexico
The elder Charles Blake recognized that, as with the Cali-
on November 5, 1868, to purchase what she thought was ap-
fornia Gold Rush a decade earlier, more money could be made
proximately 80,000 acres for $10,000. The Nolan heirs had yet
from outfitting and supplying miners than by competing in
to confirm the grant with the United States Congress, however.
the much more difficult task of mining itself. Blake's business
The purchase proved to be a financial risk, as the Blakes footed
thrived near the confluence of Cherry Creek and the Platte
the bill to petition Congress. When the federal government fi-
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
9
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
nally approved the grant in 1870, its size had again been sub-
northern carpetbaggers who wished to profit from the south-
stantially reduced, but Annie Blake decided not to pursue Ger-
ern power vacuum and federal reconstruction policies. In re-
vacio Nolan's heirs for compensation. The Blakes added to their
sponse, Goodnight gathered 2,000 head of cattle and drove
holdings by purchasing land on the north side of the Arkansas
them north and west out of Texas. He arrived in New Mexico,
and west of Pueblo on Hardscrabble Creek. Annie's sister,
selling part of his herd at Fort Sumner. Goodnight realized the
Lavinia Robinson, also purchased and subdivided land in what
market in New Mexico was not to his advantage, and he re-
would become Pueblo's North Side; she named the develop-
turned to Texas to gather another herd that he would take into
ment Blake's Addition in recognition of Charles and Annie.
Colorado. In the fall of 1867, Goodnight and his cattle had
Blake Street, in Pueblo’s North Side neighborhood and just one
reached Raton Pass at the New Mexico-Colorado border. Dick
block east of Blake's Addition, is also named for the couple.
Wootton had built a toll road from Trinidad to Willow Springs,
Charles H. Blake died on September 17, 1894, at the family's
New Mexico, and charged everyone except law officers and In-
Hardscrabble homestead; Annie died on December 28, 1926,
dians to use his road over the pass. Wootton informed Good-
in Los Angeles.6
night that the toll would be ten cents per head of cattle, and
The Blakes did not act alone when they acquired the
Goodnight subsequently informed Wootton that he would
Nolan Grant. On a deed dated August 15, 1871, and recorded
find another route to take his cattle into Colorado. Goodnight
October 2, 1871, the heirs of Gervacio Nolan 'officially' sold the
would not be deterred from finding another route; even
property to Annie E. Blake, Charles Goodnight, and Peter K.
though Wootton told him that no other route existed. Good-
Dotson for the sum of $10,000 (now that Congress had offi-
night soon discovered a route to the east of Raton Pass, a place
cially recognized the grant). As of that date, Blake had already
he christened Trinchera Pass. Goodnight’s route had easier
sold two-thirds interest of the grant, transferring one-third
grades, was free of tolls, and achieved a two day savings over
each to Goodnight and Dotson.7
using Raton Pass. Trinchera Pass became so popular for cattle
Famed cowman and rancher Charles Goodnight was born
drives that Wootton even offered to let Goodnight use Raton
on March 5, 1836, in Madison County, Illinois. He moved as a
Pass for free. But with no obvious benefit to be gained, the
child with his family to Texas in 1845, receiving only two years
rancher refused. Goodnight drove cattle from Texas to Denver
of formal schooling there. Goodnight joined the Texas Rangers
and sometimes Cheyenne throughout 1868 and 1869, making
in 1859 to help protect the Texas frontier from raiding Indians;
his longest stop at Denver—all of four days.
the Rangers supported the Confederate Army during the Civil
On May 3, 1869, Goodnight filed a homestead claim along
War, defending the massive region between the Red River and
Apishapa Creek in southeastern Colorado. Only a few months
the Rio Grande. Goodnight's service with the Rangers expired
would pass, though, until price wars for cattle would bring
after five years, at which time he immediately returned to rais-
Goodnight's near monopoly of trailing cattle through the re-
ing cattle.
gion surrounding the Apishapa Ranch to an end. Goodnight
At the end of the Civil War, Texas was not immune from
10
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
purchased a ranch about five miles west of Pueblo during the
City of Pueblo
winter of 1869. The land was described as “a triangular range
12, 1929, and is remembered by biographer J. Evetts Haley as
outlined by twenty-five miles of the Arkansas on the north,
a true pioneer:
with Hardscrabble Creek on the west. The Greenhorns along
He rode bareback from Illinois to Texas when he was
with the St. Charles River pointed back toward the Arkansas to
nine years old. He was hunting with the Caddo Indi-
form.”8
Goodnight's purchase included part of
ans beyond the frontier at thirteen, launching into
the Nolan Grant, and it was at this time he purchased a one-
the cattle business at twenty, guiding Texas Rangers
third interest in the grant. Goodnight named his operation
at twenty-four, blazing cattle trails two thousand
Rock Cañon Ranch and built a residence there in 1870. The
miles beyond the frontier at forty, and at forty-five
ranch headquarters were located about one and one-half
dominating nearly twenty million acres of range
miles west of the house; at the same location Goodnight built
country in the interests of order. At sixty he was rec-
a bridge so his cattle could cross the Arkansas.9
ognized as possibly the greatest scientific breeder of
complete the
Charles Goodnight married Mary Ann (Molly) Dyer on July
range cattle in the West, and at ninety he was an ac-
26, 1870, in Hickman, Kentucky. He met Dyer the year before
tive international authority on the economics of the
in Texas. The couple set off for Pueblo immediately after the
range industry.11
ceremony. But General Palmer’s railroad was still a couple of
Goodnight shared part of the Nolan grant with Peter K.
years off. Thus the couple traveled by steamboat to St. Louis,
Dotson, who was born on July 3, 1823, in Lewisburg, West Vir-
then to Abilene, Texas, by railroad; the couple completed the
ginia. He moved west, and by the early 1850s he had been ap-
journey by stagecoach from Abilene to Pueblo. Charles and
pointed a United States Marshall in Salt Lake City, Utah. There
Molly spent a sightseeing honeymoon in the Colorado Springs
he married his wife Emily, and the couple had five children.
region, but they would spend most of the next six years at their
Also in Utah, Dotson ran a stage line. Peter Dotson and his fam-
ranch west of Pueblo. The size of their cattle herd grew to
ily moved to Pueblo in 1861, where he operated a hotel on the
about 3,000 head, and Goodnight built irrigation ditches on
east side of the 200 block of Santa Fe Avenue. Dotson wasted
the ranch in 1871. Charles Goodnight planted and raised crops
little time making his presence known in Pueblo. At the time
of corn until 1872, the year the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad
he opened the hotel “there were five houses in the village and
arrived. His cattle probably only rarely grazed the land that
he owned them all.”12 Within a short while, Dotson was ap-
would become South Pueblo, but his share of that land was
pointed Pueblo's second postmaster. By 1864, Dotson and his
not distinguished from Blake's or Dotson's.
family moved to a ranch on Fountain Creek, which was prone
Goodnight returned to Texas to strengthen his herd in
to flooding. The exact location of the ranch remains unknown.
1876, and he and his wife moved there permanently the fol-
Dotson moved southwest of Pueblo, to the head of the St.
lowing year. In his later years, Goodnight became preoccupied
Charles River near Beulah. It was around this time when Dot-
not only with breeding high quality cattle, but buffalo and
son bought a one-third interest in the Nolan Grant, as his
prairie dogs as well.10 Charles Goodnight died on December
newly formed 3R Ranch was within the boundaries of the
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
11
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
grant. Dotson remained at the ranch until 1880, at which time
sold it to William P. Mellen for $130,000. This was a hefty sum,
The Old Carlile Barn
he returned to Pueblo. Emily Dotson passed away about 1891;
especially considering that the trio paid only $10,000 four
There’s an old red barn on my neighbor’s lot
Of the days that were but now are not,
As I look at it I seem to see,
Things not of now, but of used to be.
Peter Dotson died on July 6,1898, in his daughter's house at
years earlier. It is highly improbable that the land appreciated
605 East Ninth Street.13
so spectacularly so quickly; Annie Blake must have gotten her-
The land of South Pueblo was on the verge of leaving its
self and her fellow investors one heck of a deal. But price was
A home in town was a little farm
In the days when my neighbor built his barn.
It had stalls for horses, with manger and mow,
And another to shelter the family cow.
agricultural roots and becoming urbanized. The deed of trust
apparently of little object in the course of industrial empire.
for the Nolan Grant dated March 30, 1872, and recorded April
Mellen negotiated the deal in preparation of the arrival of
6 that same year indicates that Blake, Goodnight, and Dotson
William Jackson Palmer's Denver & Rio Grande Railroad.14
A sty for the pigs, for the chickens a shed,
With a fenced in lot, where the horses fed,
Or, with a down hung head and half closed eyes,
Switched with flowing tail, the stinging flies.
The barn held a surrey and phaeton, too,
A meat house was there, where the smoke rose blue
Neath the pork, hung high on hooks, to cure,
Salted and treated to keep it pure.
Built in bins held the coal and wood,
Safe from the weather, dry and good,
A wash house and out house were part of it,
At the eastern end is a brick ash-pit.
Even now in the barn are all sorts of things;
Spades, shovels, rakes, old harness rings;
Pitchforks, crowbars, picks, and hoes,
Saws, planes, old lumber, and goodness knows.
‘Tis a lonely old barn, as it stands today,
The horses are gone with their times away;
No new mown hay fills the empty mow
No living thing does it shelter now.
No cow or calf, or pig, or hen,
To liven the place as they did then;
Where the surrey and the phaeton stood
Stands a Buick car with shining hood.
The barn has stood through the changing years,
Like a loyal friend whom the heart holds dear.
And I love the old barn, on my neighbor’s lot
That speaks of the days that now are not.
— Emma Cary Johnson
12
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Chapter 2
“Look out for the Locomotive!”
In the pursuit of his industrial utopia, General William
Army at the Potomac River. Scouting the enemy was nothing
Jackson Palmer made no little plans: he envisioned a railroad
new to Palmer; he had done so in the days leading up to Anti-
from Denver all the way south to Mexico City. Palmer was the
etam. But he did not make it back across the Potomac, as he
son of Quakers and born on a farm near Leipsic, Delaware, on
was captured the morning of September 19, 1862, and held as
September 17, 1836. He began his railroad career as the per-
a prisoner of war under the surname Peters. Colonel Palmer
sonal secretary of J. Edgar Thomson, powerful president of the
was released from the Confederate prison in January 1863 and
Pennsylvania Railroad and a man admired by Andrew
once again began scouting.3 His vigilance paid off when, in
Carnegie. Thomson hired Palmer after an interview May 22,
mid-March 1865, he was appointed a brevet brigadier general.
1857, and he began work on June 1 for $75 per month; Palmer
News of the appointment did not make it to Palmer, who con-
would hold the position until 1861. Palmer was not limited to
tinued to lead his regiment as colonel. Palmer participated di-
secretarial work for the Pennsylvania. He eventually rose to
rectly in the capture of Confederate President Jefferson Davis
scout new land for track and held the task of developing the
on May 10, 1865. The Union Army mustered out General
Pennsylvania's passenger locomotives for coal consumption.
William Jackson Palmer on June 21, 1865.4
During his time with the Pennsylvania, Palmer also began in-
Palmer immediately returned to the railroad business. He
vesting in other businesses, a practice he continued for most
moved west and accepted the position of secretary-treasurer
of his life.1
of the Union Pacific Eastern Division (UPED). The UPED was not
When the Civil War broke out in April 1861, it did not take
the same as the Union Pacific Railroad, the eastern portion of
Palmer long to decide that he wanted to become involved de-
the original transcontinental railroad between Omaha, Ne-
spite the nonviolent ethic of his upbringing. He did not join
braska, and Ogden, Utah. Palmer took the position knowing
the effort to end slavery specifically; he also fought to preserve
that it would introduce him to financiers who could ultimately
the Union and the Constitution. He had been offered the rank
invest in his own ambitions. The UPED changed its name to
of lieutenant in the Union Army, but chose to organize his own
the Kansas Pacific in 1869, at which time Palmer directed con-
regiment in September of 1861.2 Palmer and his twenty-man
struction of the company's line from Salina, Kansas, to Denver.
regiment fought in the horrendously bloody Battle of Anti-
Palmer spent the next few years traveling between the con-
etam on September 17, 1862, where it suffered but one casu-
struction areas of the Kansas Pacific and Washington, D.C.,
alty. The next day, Palmer set out to scout the Confederate
where he supervised an army of railroad lobbyists. The Kansas
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 2.1. General William Jackson Palmer with his golf club in hand. (Jerome
Smiley, History of Colorado Illustrated, 1913)
13
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
14
Pacific spun off another railroad, the Denver Pacific, and Palmer
signed them worldwide and found himself sold on the con-
oversaw construction of lines for both companies.5
cept. Narrow gauge trains were smaller and lighter, could
As ideas of a Colorado-based industrial utopia evolved in
climb steep grades and make sharp turns, and were thus per-
his head, Palmer itched for the independence that operating
fect for the terrain Palmer expected in Colorado. Palmer's rail-
his own railroad would bring and drew upon his wealthy con-
way would be larger than the Ffestiniog, as he would use three
tacts to gain that independence. On May 3, 1870, the executive
feet between the rails. Palmer used the narrow gauge as a sell-
committee of the board of the Kansas Pacific Railroad accepted
ing point to investors as well. The three-foot railway was less
his resignation, contingent upon Palmer overseeing the con-
expensive and faster to construct than the traditional standard
struction of the Kansas Pacific and Denver Pacific lines to Den-
gauge (four feet, eight and one-half inches) used throughout
ver. During his work with the Kansas Pacific, Palmer met
the rest of the United States. The narrow gauge, Palmer spoke
financier William Proctor Mellen. Prior to his business with
convincingly, would produce realized profits in Colorado faster
Palmer, Mellen had been a partner in a law firm with Salmon P.
than standard gauge.8
Chase. When Chase worked as head of the United States Treas-
On October 27, 1870, Palmer, William Mellen, and three
ury Department, he appointed Mellen as Supervising Agent
other business partners filed the certificate of incorporation
and General Agent of the Treasury Department. Mellen re-
for the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad. The company originated
turned to private law practice in 1869, where he took up resi-
with a capital stock of $2,500,000 and was headquartered in
dence in Flushing, on New York’s Long Island.6
Denver. The announced route of the railroad's main line was
In the spring of 1869, on a business trip aboard a train
“south from Denver to the Arkansas River near Pueblo, west-
near St. Louis, William Jackson Palmer met his future wife, Mary
ward through the “Big Cañon of the Arkansas,” across Poncha
Lincoln “Queen” Mellen. She was the daughter of William
Pass into the San Luis Valley to the Rio Grande River and thence
Mellen. Within a few weeks of meeting, the couple was en-
along it to El Paso.”9 The company also proposed seven
gaged and his future father-in-law invited Palmer to the Mellen
branches from the main line that covered much of the Col-
family home at Flushing. The couple married on November 7,
orado mining areas and one to Salt Lake City. The key to the
1870, but only after Palmer had attended a meeting with in-
Denver & Rio Grande raising money in Pueblo, it would turn
vestors in Philadelphia on November 5.7
out, was the “near Pueblo” part.
The honeymoon was business as usual with Palmer. He
When Mellen purchased the Nolan Grant, it appears he
and Queen set sail for England the day following the wedding
intended to make money from it right away. Mellen purchased
ceremony, and in no time Palmer found himself drawn to the
the grant for $130,000 at the beginning April of 1872, and he
Ffestiniog Railroad in North Wales. At one foot, eleven and
sold it to the Denver & Rio Grande shortly thereafter. On the
one-half inches between the rails, the Ffestiniog was a narrow
deed dated April 30, 1872, and recorded August 2, 1872,
gauge railway to the extreme. Palmer discussed the advan-
Mellen's selling price to the Denver & Rio Grande was
tages of narrow gauge lines with many engineers who had de-
$152,000. The $32,000 of instant profit could have gone right
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
Map 2.1. This historic map, which is oriented to the southeast, shows the
South Pueblo area including Corona Park’s distinctive, meandering streets,
Abriendo Avenue’s boulevard proportions, and Mesa Junction’s rigid grid. The
Union Avenue area, the Arkansas River, and the railroad main line sit below the
neighborhoods. In the distance are the Bessemer neighborhood and Colorado
Fuel & Iron Company’s Minnequa Works steel mill. (City of Pueblo)
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
15
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
into Mellen's pockets, but it is also likely that all of the mem-
Grande in January of 1871, arguing that the mining supply and
bers of the board of the Denver & Rio Grande, including
smelting town was the economic center of southern Colorado.
Palmer, split the money as an advance on their individual in-
The town, at an earlier meeting, passed on a deal brought by
vestments.10
the Kansas Pacific to tie Pueblo to Denver, as none of the town
As the Denver & Rio Grande expanded from Denver to
Colorado Springs, so too did Palmer's and Mellen's business
sources to complete such a plan.
interests. Palmer realized earlier that the key to his success
Palmer and those associated with the Denver & Rio
would be threefold: he needed to control not only a railroad,
Grande used this courtship to their advantage. They held a
but a land company and an industrial company as well—ver-
mass meeting on March 5, 1871, during which a Denver & Rio
tical economic integration that also allowed him to practice
Grande representative read a letter stating that Pueblo was not
his particular form of paternalism. Palmer’s three companies
to be included on the railroad's main line. The letter stated that
were the Denver & Rio Grande (railroad), the Central Colorado
the tracks would run from Colorado Springs to Cañon City. The
Improvement Company (land/real estate), and the Southern
citizens thought that the construction of the railroad in that
Colorado Coal and Town Company (industrial). A host of sub-
direction was highly improbable since the terrain was much
sidiary companies accompanied these three.11 Palmer, Mellon,
more difficult to tame, but the letter from the Denver & Rio
and three other investors incorporated the Central Colorado
Grande noted that their certificate of incorporation only in-
Improvement Company on November 11, 1872 with author-
tended for the railroad to pass “near Pueblo.” The Denver & Rio
ized capital of $3,750,000. The capital mostly came from the
Grande also emphasized that the residents of Cañon City had
informal “Arkansas Valley Pool,” which Palmer began with an
already approved through a $50,000 bond issue to bring the
interest to buy land near Pueblo and Cañon City.12 Palmer in-
railroad to that town; the representative from the Denver & Rio
corporated the Southern Colorado Coal and Town Company
Grande did not disclose to Cañon City, however, that the route
on May 16, 1876.13 He soon consolidated the Southern Col-
to that town might be by way of either Colorado Springs or
orado Coal and Town Company, the Central Colorado Im-
Pueblo. The letter to Pueblo, on the other hand, stated that the
provement Company, and the Colorado Coal and Steel Works
railroad reaching Cañon City by way of Pueblo instead of di-
Company into the Colorado Coal and Iron Company. The cer-
rectly from Colorado Springs would add twenty five miles of
tificate of incorporation of Colorado Coal and Iron was dated
track; the railroad reasoned this was just not economical.
January 2, 1880, and was filed on April 6, 1881.14
16
officials believed that Kansas Pacific had the necessary re-
For the Denver & Rio Grande, the plan to scare Pueblo into
While Palmer was creating his companies, the citizens of
financing a portion of the construction worked. Pueblo held a
Pueblo had begun advocating a railroad connection as early as
special election on June 20, 1871, at which 576 of 679 voters
1869. Town officials approached the Union Pacific, but the rail-
favored the $100,000 in railroad bonds. Excitement rang in the
road could not be convinced of the proposed route's prof-
local newspaper, the Colorado Chieftain, at the decision of the
itability. Pueblo officials began courting the Denver & Rio
vote: “Look out for the Locomotive! The Railroad Bonds Voted!
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
Pueblo County has said Yes! The Majority Overwhelming! A Tri-
polls again on January 16, 1872, and after an unexpected delay
umph of Common Sense! A Leap Towards Progress! Good-Bye
the request was approved on January 30, 1872.16
Ox and Mule Teams! Freights Down; Goods Cheap!”15
Construction of the Denver & Rio Grande's main line
The town of Pueblo issued the bonds with the condition
south from Colorado Springs to Pueblo began on January 1,
that a depot had to be constructed within one mile of the
1872, the same day the Denver & Rio Grande began passen-
courthouse and that the tracks had to reach the town within
ger service between Colorado Springs and Denver. The tracks
one year. The town of Pueblo turned over the bonds to the
reached Pueblo on June 15, 1872, and the first train arrived at
Denver & Rio Grande on November 23, 1871; Pueblo then
the Pueblo depot June 19. The Denver & Rio Grande had in-
joined the game of deception. The town declared that if the
deed met the town’s July 1 deadline. But Pueblo's Union Depot
Denver & Rio Grande did not build as planned, the bonds
was still almost twenty years away from being built and the
would be given to the Kansas Pacific. Nonetheless, when the
Denver & Rio Grande had yet to build south across the
Denver & Rio Grande representative from the town meeting in
Arkansas River. Thus the location of the Pueblo depot in 1872
March accepted the bonds, he boldly asked for an additional
was along the Denver & Rio Grande's tracks between East Sev-
$50,000 to aid in the construction of tracks from Pueblo to the
enth and East Eighth streets.17
coal fields near Cañon City. The citizens of Pueblo went to the
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
17
Chapter 3
A Rival Town
With the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad in reach of Pueblo,
William Jackson Palmer could focus on creating his industrial
and officially filed it with Pueblo County on December 13,
1872.
utopia. In April 1872, just a few months before the railroad ar-
The platting of South Pueblo both angered and alienated
rived, Palmer purchased the former Nolan Grant opposite
the citizens north of the river in Pueblo, who put up plenty of
Pueblo on the south bank of the Arkansas River. About a week
money to aid in constructing the Denver & Rio Grande to their
after the deal closed, a rumor swept through Pueblo that the
own town. The Denver & Rio Grande built a new depot near
Denver & Rio Grande planned to build a rival town on the
present-day Mechanic and 'B' Streets, in South Pueblo, in the
south side of the river. An article in the Colorado Chieftain on
fall of 1872. By January 1873, the Pueblo County Commission-
April 11, 1872, haphazardly reassured the public: “The rumor
ers voted to withhold the $50,000 bond issue approved the
that the Denver and Rio Grande Railway Company had pur-
prior January. The Commissioners argued that there had not
chased a large tract of ground on the south side of the river,
been a register of voters prior to the election and that the Den-
with the intention of starting a rival town, turns out to be a ca-
ver & Rio Grande had not honored the basis of the contract
nard of the biggest proportions. How the rumor obtained cre-
when it relocated the terminus of the rail lines. On May 3,1873,
dence, we dont [sic] know, but we are informed on the best of
the Commissioners voted to ask for a return of the $100,000
whatsoever.”1
The news-
stating once again that the Denver & Rio Grande did not up-
paper printed its reassurance the same day and on the same
hold its end of the bargain. Pueblo County returned its stock in
page that it reported the Nolan Grant had been sold to Mellen.
the Denver & Rio Grande, purchased with the bond money, on
By making Mellen the initial purchaser of the grant, the in-
July 23, 1873.
authority, that there is no truth in it
vestors in the railroad were not only able to make a profit, but
The antics of Palmer's businesses should not have sur-
also they were able to mask their intentions until after the rail-
prised anyone in Pueblo. He was after all a man with a singu-
road had already begun construction to Pueblo.
lar vision who considered opposition and resistance as an act
By late summer and early fall of 1872, Palmer could no
of ingratitude. Palmer founded Colorado Springs after the
longer hide his developments on the newly acquired land. The
town of Colorado City did not financially support the Denver
Denver & Rio Grande began constructing a bridge across the
& Rio Grande, and he also founded the town of Labran (pre-
Arkansas, providing rail access to the new company town of
sent-day Florence) even after the residents of Cañon City ap-
South Pueblo. Palmer and his associates platted South Pueblo
proved a bond initiative to bring the Denver & Rio Grande to
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
19
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
the town. The incident at Cañon City was virtually identical to
to lease its lines along the Front Range to the Atchison, Topeka,
how Palmer played Pueblo; the only difference was the
and Santa Fe Railway. When Colorado Coal & Iron was incor-
amount of the bond issue.2
porated in 1880, it had a consolidated mortgage of $3,500,000.
In an effort to ensure monopoly and guarantee devotion
Additionally, as the stock of Colorado Coal & Iron changed
Palmer not only preyed on towns for money, but he also de-
hands during the next few years, Palmer faced the loss of con-
ceived his corporate investors. Moreover, his utopian vision
trol of his own company in March of 1884. Though the com-
often well outpaced reality. The first annual report of the Cen-
panies themselves sometimes lost money, Palmer individually
tral Colorado Improvement Company in 1872 not only stated
did not. Still, he may have had some financial genius: the Den-
the company held the 48,000 acre Nolan Grant, but a Mexican
ver & Rio Grande never required massive federal land grants
land grant of 350,000 acres as well. Nowhere did the report
and other United States government funding upon which al-
mention that these grants were one in the same nor that the
most all other western railroads relied. There was no room for
Nolan Grant claimed 350,000 acres but was recognized by
the federal government in his corporate utopia.4
Congress as 48,000 acres. The report also claimed that the
Though Palmer's business practices were not well re-
company town of South Pueblo was connected by rail in all
ceived by the citizens of Pueblo, the positive effects of the Den-
four cardinal directions. Furthermore, the report contained
ver & Rio Grande in the town were admittedly tremendous. In
maps of the Denver & Rio Grande's proposed lines throughout
anticipation of the railroad, the population of Pueblo nearly
Colorado, but did not distinguish the future routes from those
doubled in 1871. That year, residents built 117 new buildings
already constructed.3
at a cost of $215,750. In 1872, the year the railroad actually
General Palmer was gifted in envisioning his corporate
enterprises, but he was not necessarily a successful manager.
20
opened, Puebloans erected 185 new buildings at a cost of
$621,000.5
In South Pueblo, and later Pueblo, Palmer owned three enor-
Across the river, South Pueblo blossomed quickly as well.
mous enterprises but was only mildly successful in their exe-
The Central Colorado Improvement Company platted the
cution. With the Central Colorado Improvement Company
town with streets oriented about forty-five degrees east of
operational since November of 1871, the Denver & Rio Grande
north. This platting was more in line with the flow of the
since October of 1870, and Southern Colorado Coal and Town
Arkansas River and the bluffs within the neighborhood rather
Company since May of 1876, the three companies made
than the traditional north-south platting of Pueblo proper.
Palmer money—just not exorbitantly. The Southern Colorado
Palmer anticipated a boon in his town, ordering the construc-
Coal and Town Company could only maintain small profits in
tion of a twenty-three mile canal that would bring water from
the mining regions south and west of Pueblo and within eight
the Arkansas to a natural depression about two miles south of
years of existence the Central Colorado Improvement Com-
South Pueblo. This lake, now Lake Minnequa, measured about
pany showed an overall deficit of $130,561.68. During the fi-
two miles in circumference and estimates for the lake's capac-
nancial panic of 1873, the Denver & Rio Grande actually had
ity ranged from 6,000,000 to 28,000,00 gallons of water. The
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
lake was thirty-one feet higher than South Pueblo in order to
N. Brown, Harmony Hall, two story frame building,
gravity-feed water to the residences and businesses of the new
22x30, cost $2,000. Mr. Brown is located just oppo-
town.6
site the new hotel, and keeps constantly on hand a
Pueblo's newspaper also reported as to the goings-on in
full stock of tobacco, cigars, liquors, wines, etc.,
South Pueblo. William Mellen invited a reporter from the daily
which are disposed of at the lowest figures. No man
to check out the happenings in the new town on December
can arrive at a correct idea of the attractions of South
14, 1872, the day after the town was formally platted. Crews
Pueblo without giving him a call.
had already undertaken the construction of both Abriendo
John McMillan, frame saloon, 15x25, cost $350.
and Corona Avenues. At the time, Abriendo was an ambitious
John is also well healed with a stock of prime liquors,
150 feet wide and two miles long; Corona was sixty-six feet
and rejoiceth greatly to see his friends at all hours.
wide and longer than Abriendo due to its curves. The news-
Arthur Burton, restaurant and boarding house,
paper also mentioned that Mellen had ordered over 10,000
frame, 18x32, two stories high, cost $1,000. Messrs.
shade trees to be planted within the town and that only oc-
Gillett & Nablach have rented this for boarding
cupants were allowed to purchase lots, not speculators. Addi-
house purposes, and will open out in fine style Mon-
tionally, Mellen told the newspaper that the Central Colorado
day next.
Improvement Company would spend no less than $100,000 in
Earnest Faust, grocery store, frame 16x18, one story,
South Pueblo during 1873. In a sign of the times, the newspa-
cost $300.
per reported that resident John Cloonan excitedly burst into a
John Joseph Meyer, one story frame shoe store,
meeting Mellen was attending and exclaimed: “Mr. Mellen, I
15x25, cost $300. Meyer was formerly located in a lit-
bought the first lot in South Pueblo, I built the first house, and
tle shop south of the Chilcott house, and takes this
now,...I've got the first baby, and I want yee's to come down
method of informing his numerous customers that
and make me a free deed of a patch of ground for the
he will hereafter be found in South Pueblo, better
spalpeen.” With a reporter present in the room, Mellen hap-
prepared than ever to meet all demands.
pily obliged.7
C. Young, one story frame dwelling, 14x24, cost
Construction in South Pueblo commenced before the
$500. Mr. Young is also putting up a spacious livery
plat of the town had been officially recorded. W.P. Martin
and feed stable, 30x40, to cost $1,000.
began construction of the town's first hotel about the middle
J.C. Wallace, one story frame dwelling, 20x28, cost
of October 1872, and the Colorado Chieftain reported that by
$600.
the last week of November construction had begun on over
John Cloonan, frame building for boarding and
thirty buildings, most in the South Pueblo area below the
lodging, 20x80, story and a half high, cost $1000.
bluffs, and all thirty would be complete by the end of the year.
Field & Hill, brick store building, 40x100 feet, whole-
The newspaper reported the extent of the building as well:
sale, trade, forwarding and commission, cost $5,000.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
21
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
A.R. Ellis, brick agricultural warehouse, with fifty feet
original plat was fairly large. Initially, 6,000 residential and com-
front, and to occupy two lots, at a cost of $3,000. Mr.
mercial lots were available for sale. Within the town's first year
Ellis has secured the agency for the renowned Schut-
of existence, the Central Colorado Improvement Company had
ler and Bain wagons, and will also keep a full stock
sold in excess of $50,000 worth of lots, boosting the local econ-
of all manner of agricultural implements [sic]. He ex-
omy with over $200,000 worth of building improvements.
pects to have everything in running order in the
Construction continued to the tune of “two additional hotels,
course of a few weeks.
a five story steam flour mill and several stores...in South Pueblo,
Adams & Wilson, Colorado Springs hardware and
along with many residences” in 1874.10
furniture store, frame, 20x40, cost $3,000.
22
South Pueblo's boom slackened by 1875 though. During
B. Nussbaumer, frame boarding and lodging house,
the eighteen months ending June 30, 1876, only sixty-four lots
18x26 two stories, cost $600.
were sold in the town. A three-year infestation of locusts took
F. Braun, painter, frame shop, 10x15, cost $300.
its toll on regional agriculture, adding to the economic mis-
A colored man, whose name we were unable to
ery.11 William Jackson Palmer biographer Brit Allan Storey
obtain, is putting up a neat, substantial looking
writes that the Central Colorado Improvement Company ad-
boarding house, a few blocks north of Martin's hotel,
mitted that the economic downturn “has, of course been most
frame, 18x25, one story, cost $600.8
discouraging to our hopes of early realization of the estimated
When the end of the year arrived, sixty-six buildings were
profits from the investment.”12
constructed on lots averaging $127.80 a piece. The building
Sensing that more prosperous times lay ahead, the Cen-
boom resulted in a population of 400 by the beginning of
tral Colorado Improvement Company pitched the Pueblo
1873. Lots in the new town were supposed to be sold in
Colony in February of 1874 to offer incentives to buy land in
checkerboard fashion and only half were up for sale. Once all
South Pueblo. The Pueblo Colony was loosely modeled on the
available lots were sold, the other half of them became avail-
Union Colony, part of a national utopian movement that de-
able. Yet in reality, the Central Colorado Improvement Com-
veloped into the present City of Greeley. The Union Colony was
pany does not appear to have adhered to the checkerboard
a cooperative of families, whose temperance and religious
plan, as there was a high concentration of building on Union
views aligned and whose primary goal was to irrigate and farm
Avenue (and outside of the geographical constraints of this
the land. Those families invested in a joint-stock company to
context). During the first year of land sales, only lots between
facilitate development. Would-be builders in South Pueblo
the river and the bluffs were available for purchase.9
could buy a membership in the Pueblo Colony for $50, $75,
Though other communities in Colorado sputtered during
$150, or $200, depending on where and what type of prop-
the economic panic of 1873, South Pueblo sustained its
erty the prospective member desired. Lots were not sold at the
growth. Unlike other Colorado communities, South Pueblo
membership price, as the purchaser would have to pay the dif-
was not a small tract of land growing outward radially; the
ference between membership cost and lot price within one
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
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Base Data Sources: Pueblo County, CDOT
File Name: South Pueblo Context Study - 06-01-11.mxd
Path: S:\gis\chris\Historic Preservation\South Pueblo Context Study
Date of Preparation: 06/01/11
Prepared by Chris Markuson
1951 - 2011
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
23
South Pueblo Context Study - The Birth of South Pueblo
C L A R K
S P R I N G
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1911 - 1920
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1901 - 1910
County Road
T
1,900
Feet
1851 - 1900
Collector
NT
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Prepared by the Pueblo County GIS Center
For: South Pueblo Historic Context Study
Unauthorized reproduction or duplication of this document is strictly prohibited
without written consent by the Pueblo County GIS Center.
The Pueblo County GIS Center makes no claims as to the accuracy of the
information portrayed in this document.
For further information, please contact the Pueblo County GIS Center.
215 W 10th St, Pueblo CO 81003 719.583.6240 (v) 719.583.6249 (f)
Year Built
Highway
A
1,425
CL
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Map 3.1. The South Pueblo area developed in waves as shown here
T through
A
F
a year-built map that has been contoured
decade.
Note that the City
no
E
B by S
T
E
A
longer has pre-1900 building records. (Map by Chris Markuson, Pueblo County
V
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GIS office)
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City of Pueblo
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Map 3.2.This 1897 map of Pueblo shows the consolidated city. (City of Pueblo)
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24
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
n
City of Pueblo
year. Members had a six-month deadline to make improve-
ernmost Mesa Junction area (map 3.1).14
ments upon their selected lot, and there was no maximum as
The beginning of 1886 brought changes to the govern-
to the number of memberships an individual could purchase.
ment of South Pueblo. On February 15, the Pueblo City Coun-
Pueblo Colony members also enjoyed the benefits of reduced
cil, South Pueblo City Council, and the Board of Trustees of
passenger and freight charges aboard the Denver & Rio
Central Pueblo agreed that all three towns should consolidate
Grande, and they were also permitted to graze cattle on non-
and form one combined city government. The Councils and
irrigated Central Colorado Improvement Company land. Mem-
Board brought their recommendation before the citizens of
bers with multiple lots could choose land in Colorado Springs
their respective towns for a special consolidation election on
instead of Pueblo. The Pueblo Colony, like most western colony
March 9. The outcome of the vote was a landslide: in Pueblo,
projects, was an anemic success at best: only 523 lots in South
those in favor of consolidation held a 788-to-five majority; in
Pueblo were sold between the colony's inception in 1874 and
Central Pueblo, those in favor held a 131-to-two majority; and
1879.13
in South Pueblo, those in favor held a 459-to-eighty majority.
In the two areas of South Pueblo within the boundaries of
South Pueblo may have had the highest number of “no” votes,
this context, building and construction occurred slowly after
but at only fifteen percent of the total votes cast, it was not
the initial platting of the streets. The 1879-80 City Directory re-
much of an opposition. The number of “no” votes, however,
veals only nineteen confirmed residents in the area: three on
could indicate that the Denver & Rio Grande tried to persuade
Abriendo Avenue and sixteen “on Mesa,” referring to those res-
residents of South Pueblo to vote against consolidation, as
idents atop of the bluffs near Corona Avenue. The City Direc-
many of them worked for the railroad. Nonetheless, it is note-
tory only lists one business in the area, a blacksmith named
worthy that there were a total of 1,468 voters and 539 (or just
Abe R. Ellis on Abriendo Avenue.
over thirty-six percent) resided in South Pueblo, though
In South Pueblo between the Arkansas and the bluffs, the
Pueblo itself was older and more established. When City Coun-
overwhelming majority of residents worked for the Denver &
cil districts were redrawn, the former South Pueblo now con-
Rio Grande; atop the bluffs, eight of the nineteen residents
stituted three of the seven wards of Pueblo; as an independent
worked for the railroad. Land appears to have been developed
city, South Pueblo was divided into four wards. It does not ap-
in South Pueblo between the river and the bluffs first, then the
pear that the name South Pueblo was immediately lost, how-
residential Blocks area with an Abriendo Avenue business dis-
ever, as the local newspaper continued to refer to the
trict, the easternmost Mesa Junction area, and lastly the west-
neighborhood as South Pueblo for quite some time.15
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
25
Chapter 4
Additions and Subdivisions
Though the plat of the town of South Pueblo included
division encompassed blocks at the easternmost portion of
three distinct areas, only that portion south of the Arkansas to
South Pueblo, just north of the intersection of East Abriendo
the bluffs received much development in the town's early
Avenue and Washington Street in the Blocks. By 1886, this sub-
years. With so few residents willing to build atop the bluffs dur-
division had become the most densely populated area of ei-
ing the financial downturn in the 1870s, the Central Colorado
ther Mesa Junction or the Blocks.1
Improvement Company vacated the elevated portions of the
William Moore and James N. Carlile platted their name-
original plat atop the bluffs and southward; the company’s vi-
sake Moore & Carlile's subdivision in South Pueblo's Oakfield
sion for such a large plat was simply too much too soon. As the
Park neighborhood; the term “neighborhood” is used loosely
economy improved, the Company’s actions led to small scale
here as only a few houses and residents were scattered about
development in the 1880s and a flurry of purchases and con-
a couple of the blocks. Moore and Carlile recorded their sub-
struction in the 1890s. South Pueblo was more than just one
division on February 21, 1882, at the north end of South
plat as originally surveyed; as a neighborhood, it included no
Pueblo. Carlile and his wife, Maria, had been living nearby at
less than forty subdivisions. Additionally, there are no addi-
183 Block “I” in the Corona Park neighborhood since 1872;
tions to South Pueblo, or later Pueblo, in the Blocks or Mesa
Moore and wife, Josephine, lived next to the Carliles beginning
Junction. All later development occurred as resubdivisions of
around 1872. Today, the Carlile and Moore homes occupy 44
the original town plat. The map of General Palmer’s utopia was
and 46 Carlile Place. The Moore Home is a simple, box form
only redrawn, not expanded.
with a steep, front-facing gable, which today has a wrap-
Pueblo County plat maps indicate only four subdivisions
around, concrete porch (figure 4.1).2 The Carlile’s too chose a
in the Mesa Junction and Blocks neighborhoods were added
simple, box form for their house that included little ornamen-
to South Pueblo in the early 1880s (map 4.1). One of the earli-
tation (figure 4.2). Within ten years of completion however, the
est subdivisions in the neighborhood was the South Pueblo
Carlile’s chose to remodel their home in the Queen Anne style
Homestead & Building Association's Subdivision of Blocks V,
(figure 4.3). The house today features a full-width front porch
W, X, and Y, recorded on August 19, 1881. The South Pueblo
that extends into the east elevation accented by a decorative
Homestead & Building Association was a subsidiary of Col-
wood balustrade and a prominent pediment. Other defining
orado Coal & Iron and would develop other small subdivisions
features include a shed-roofed dormer in the front elevation,
within Mesa Junction by the turn of the century. This small sub-
decorative woodwork in the front gable, and a steeply pitched
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 4.1. This house at 46 Carlile Place is likely the original William Moore
house. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
27
Lincoln
County
Crowley
County
ÿ
Æ
78
96
Æ
ÿ
Pueblo
County
§¨¦25
Huerfano
Costilla
County
County
28
ÿ
Æ
10
[
Legend
1:15,840
Name
Highway
Collector
COLORADO COAL AND IRON ADDITION NO. 3
County Road
SOUTH PUEBLO HOMESTEAD & BUILDING ASSOCIATION SUB. CC&I #1
Local Street
SOUTH PUEBLO HOMESTEAD & BUILDING ASSOCIATION SUBDIVISION
Railroads
THE COLORADO COAL & IRON DEVELOPMENT COMPANY SUBDIVISION
TRAIL AVE
CUR RIE ST
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I-25
Lakes and Rivers
ÿ50
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ADDITION NUMBER ONE TO THE CITY OF PUEBLO
SOUTH PUEBLO SUBDIVISION
§¨¦
HILL PL
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HISTORITECTURE, LLC
S U M M I T
STONE AVE
BERKLEY AVE
SOUTH PUEBLO HOMESTEAD & BUILDING
ASSOCIATION SUB. CC&I #1
1903
TOPAZ PL
South Pueblo Subdivisions
S T
SOUTH PUEBLO HOMESTEAD
& BUILDING ASSOCIATION
SUBDIVISION
1881
W
LAKE AVE
CLAREMONT
AVE
GRE ENE AVE
CARTERET AVE
BR A G DO N AV E
JACK SON ST
VAN BUREN ST
THE COLORADO COAL & IRON
DEVELOPMENT COMPANY SUBDIVISION
1897
SOUTH PUEBLO
SUBDIVISION
1872
VERNON PL
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EUCLID AVE
L O C U S T
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1 inch = 0.25 miles
Otero
County
NIPER ST
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S T
EGAN AVE
El Paso
County
V
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B E U L A H AV E
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TO THE CITY OF PUEBLO
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Prepared by the Pueblo County GIS Center
For: South Pueblo Historic Context Study
Unauthorized reproduction or duplication of this document is strictly prohibited
without written consent by the Pueblo County GIS Center.
The Pueblo County GIS Center makes no claims as to the accuracy of the
information portrayed in this document.
For further information, please contact the Pueblo County GIS Center.
215 W 10th St, Pueblo CO 81003 719.583.6240 (v) 719.583.6249 (f)
Base Data Sources: Pueblo County, CDOT
File Name: South Pueblo Context Study - 03-15-11.mxd
Path: S:\gis\chris\Historic Preservation\South Pueblo Context Study
Date of Preparation: 03/15/11
Prepared by Chris Markuson
South Pueblo Context Study
A VE
E ASH ST
DAYTON AVE
D
A V E
N
COLORADO COAL AND
IRON ADDITION NO. 3
1889
VAIL AVE
N
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S A N T A
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LEE LN
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ID
E
N C H E S T E R AV
TO W N C I R
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Map 4.1. Selected South Side additions and subdivisions.
(Map by Chris Markuson, Pueblo County GIS office)
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
City of Pueblo
roof; there are also pedimented dormers in the east elevation.
reorganized as Moore, Carlile, Orman & Company and imme-
William Moore was born on October 31, 1827, on a farm
diately contracted with the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rail-
near Carrollton, Carroll County, Ohio. He spent his early years
road to lay ninety-seven miles of rails east of Pueblo. William
farming in Ohio before moving to Kansas at age twenty-five
Moore left the contracting firm in 1877 to be replaced by
to till the soil there. Moore purchased and sold many proper-
William Crook, at which time the firm became Carlile, Orman &
ties in both Kansas and his home state until 1860 when he
Crook. The newly reorganized firm constructed most of the
moved to the Colorado Territory. Moore prospected in Col-
route of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe from Pueblo south to
orado for six straight years until meeting James N. Carlile, who
Alamosa and the mines at El Moro; about one-half of the Den-
convinced him to join Carlile's freight business on a trip to
ver & Rio Grande's line between Cañon City and Malta; and all
Montana. The freight business was not to Moore's liking and he
of the Denver & Rio Grande's line from Leadville to Kokomo;
subsequently returned to Colorado and resumed mining.
and about thirty-five miles of track for the Denver, South Park
Moore remained friendly to Carlile, and in 1868 the two
& Pacific Railroad (later part of the Colorado & Southern). The
formed the railroad construction firm Moore & Carlile. The
construction firm started by William Moore and James Carlile
company secured contracts to build railroads in Colorado,
would build over 500 miles of track in Colorado by 1881.5
which solidified both men's reputations as business moguls in
the state.3
Upon leaving the railroad construction business, William
Moore focused his attention on real estate and building in
The firm Moore & Carlile laid the first railroad tracks in Col-
South Pueblo. In 1878 and 1879, Moore purchased and sold
orado for the Denver Pacific Railroad and later incarnations of
many properties in South Pueblo and erected several build-
the company would lay most of the tracks in the state until
ings in the town. The years 1880 and 1881 were good to
about 1920. Moore & Carlile laid forty miles of Denver Pacific
Moore; he made more real estate transactions during that time
tracks out of Cheyenne, Wyoming, in ten months and laid the
than in any other two-year period. The costliest of his build-
tracks for the Colorado Central Railroad between Denver and
ings was the Moore & Carlile Opera House, built in partnership
Golden in four months. Moore & Carlile constructed 230 miles
with his old friend and associate James Carlile. While the exact
of Kansas Pacific tracks to Denver, nearly all of the Denver &
location of this building could not be identified, it may have
Rio Grande's tracks between Denver and Pueblo as well as be-
been constructed along either Union or Abriendo Avenues.
tween Pueblo and Canon City, and the Atchison, Topeka &
Moore also had plans to build the Moore & Orman Block, but
Santa Fe's tracks east of Pueblo.4
it is unknown if this building was ever constructed, although
It was during their time constructing lines for the Kansas
Figure 4.2. James Carlile shaped South Pueblo’s architectural and landscape
legacy. (Historic image from History of the Arkansas Valley)
an “Orman Block” was constructed on Union Avenue.6
Pacific that Moore and Carlile became acquaintances of
William Moore diversified his real estate and business in-
William Jackson Palmer and his narrow-gauge plans for Col-
terests in 1878 when he helped form the Pueblo Street Rail-
orado. The firm Moore & Carlile accepted two partners in 1874,
way Company. He, along with Carlile, Orman, Isaac W. Hill, and
James B. Orman and his brother, William A. Orman. The firm
J.O. Jordan incorporated the business to connect the towns of
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 4.3. The Carlile residence still stands in South Pueblo at 46 Carlile Place.
(Jeffrey DeHerrera)
29
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
South Pueblo and Pueblo. The horse-drawn lines traveled from
30
tion business, establishing Moore & Carlile in 1868.
the intersection of West 'B' Street and Victoria Avenue to the in-
Like Moore, Carlile built a diverse business portfolio. In
tersection of Fifth Street and Santa Fe Avenue. There were no
addition to being a member of the Central Colorado Improve-
lines to the Blocks or Mesa Junction areas at that time.7
ment Company's board of directors, he opened on May 21,
Like many of South Pueblo’s residents, the multi-faceted
1874, the South Pueblo Flour Mill, the board of directors for
William Moore also held political office for a short while. Be-
which included William Jackson Palmer, Charles Goodnight,
fore leaving the railroad construction business, Moore was per-
William Jackson, Peter K. Dotson, F.S. Nettleton (the civil engi-
suaded against his wishes to run for the Colorado Territorial
neer who surveyed the plat of South Pueblo), and Thomas Par-
Legislature in the fall of 1873. This was the last Territorial Leg-
rish. In June 1876, Carlile purchased vacated Fort Reynolds,
islature elected before Colorado joined the ranks of statehood.
near the terminus of the Huerfano River, and operated a sup-
Voters elected Moore by an overwhelming majority, and he
ply store there. Carlile also opened a mercantile store in South
served the full two-year term. After leaving the legislature,
Pueblo that same year. In February 1878, he built on Union Av-
Moore was elected to three terms as South Pueblo alderman.
enue an agricultural warehouse that he leased out, and two
He never completed the third term, however, passing away on
months later he and George H. Chilcott became the principal
April 24, 1883, at the age of fifty-five. During a meeting of the
stockholders in the Pueblo Mica Works.
Pueblo and South Pueblo Boards of Trade the day following
Carlile moved into the economic sector in the early 1880s,
Moore's death, a motion arose to close all banks at 2 p.m. that
joining the board of directors at the Central National Bank and
day in honor of Moore; the resolution passed, but only after
later the Pueblo Savings Bank. Carlile platted the Carlile Park
the recommendation that all businesses, not only banks, close
Addition to Pueblo in 1886, just outside of the Mesa Junction
that afternoon. Ironically, some of the first traffic to pass over
area. Carlile's addition included park space that would become
the recently completed Union Avenue viaduct, of which Moore
City Park and the Mineral Park Race Track, near the present-
was a staunch supporter, was his funeral procession.8
day intersection of Cleveland Street and Abriendo Avenue and
The life of James N. Carlile greatly resembles that of
near the former Woodcroft Hospital site. Near the end of the
William Moore. Carlile was born on October 17, 1836, in the
decade, in 1888, Carlile became partner in a firm that would
same county in Ohio as Moore, though it is unknown if their re-
build the first road to the summit of Pikes Peak. The firm oper-
spective families knew each other. He began his railroad ca-
ated the attraction as a toll road and also built a rest house half
reer at the age of fourteen, driving a cart on the Panhandle
way up the mountain, where mules replaced horses to com-
Railroad in West Virginia. Carlile farmed in Iowa for a few years
plete the journey to the 14,110-foot summit.9
before mining for two years in Colorado (beginning about
Akin to his farming days in his younger years, Carlile pur-
1860) and running wagon freight for four years in New Mexico,
chased the 3R Ranch near Beulah in 1893. Previously owned
Colorado, Wyoming, Idaho, Nevada, and Montana. As men-
by Charles Goodnight, Carlile bought it from Peter Dotson.
tioned above, he joined with Moore in the railroad construc-
Carlile had been interested in pedigree cattle for many years
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
when he acquired the ranch. During his tenure, the ranch
Central Colorado Improvement Company. As the steel works
grazed as many as 3,500 head of cattle through leases. Ezra
grew, the Colorado Coal & Iron Company could sell lots in its
Nuckolls, owner of the Nuckolls Packing Plant in Pueblo,
subdivision to its employees and managers. The corporation
grazed cattle at 3R.10
capitalized on this method further when it platted the com-
As with William Moore, Carlile's later years included civil
pany town of Bessemer.12
service. He ran for and was elected to the first two successive
Another subdivision in South Pueblo platted during the
terms in Colorado's House of Representatives in 1876. In 1880
early 1880s was Railey's Subdivision. Lewis C. Railey recorded
he was elected to the same position his friend William Moore
his plat on June 26, 1882, and included only one block of land
had held, Pueblo County Treasurer. Carlile served as Pueblo
on Corona Avenue between Howard Avenue and Short Street;
County commissioner for many terms in the 1880s. Carlile ran
this location is just northeast of Delavan Park. Railey's Subdi-
for the position of Colorado State Treasurer and won, serving
vision was the smallest of the early 1880s subdivisions of South
in the position in 1891 and 1892. Upon leaving the treasurer's
Pueblo and appears to have hosted less than five residences by
office, he ran for Pueblo County Sheriff but was soundly de-
1886. It is unknown if Railey developed this land to build his
feated. The J.N. Carlile Hose Company Number 2 branch of the
personal residence, as city directories do not list his name
Pueblo Fire Department, historically located at 116 North Main
throughout the 1880s. One house built in Railey's Subdivision,
Street, is also named in his honor. Carlile lived a relatively quiet
at 329 West Corona Avenue about 1890, incorporates an in-
retirement before dying on October 19, 1921, at the age of
teresting feature for the period of construction; the sloped lot
eighty-five.11
allowed the builder to construct a walk-out basement.13
Sometimes the connection between William Jackson
From the mid 1880s and throughout the period of con-
Palmer's business interests and South Pueblo were quite overt.
solidation of Pueblo, Central Pueblo, and South Pueblo,
His associates platted an early subdivision in South Pueblo
builders appear to have focused their efforts on the then cur-
called the Colorado Coal & Iron Company's Addition Number
rent subdivisions of South Pueblo. Heavy development in the
One, recorded on May 22, 1882. The subdivision included most
Mesa Junction and Blocks neighborhoods began in 1889 and
of the original South Pueblo plat bordered by Abriendo and
continued for two years through 1891.
Adams Avenues and Tyler and Washington Streets. Dimensions
In the Blocks, small, block-sized subdivisions seemingly
of the lots were 25 by 190 feet and the streets were 100 feet
sprouted up everywhere. The small-time developers of these
wide. Palmer incorporated the Colorado Coal & Iron Company
subdivisions generally named the plats after themselves sim-
to take advantage of his lateral company's mineral holdings,
ilar to Moore & Carlile's Subdivision. The names of these sub-
particularly coal, in southern Colorado. Colorado Coal & Iron
divisions include Galligan & Pochon's Subdivision, Martin's
Company built its massive Minnequa Works steel mill only a
Subdivision, Shull & Graham's Subdivision, Murray & Maine's
few short miles south of South Pueblo, forming the right con-
Subdivision, and Delavan Place. Though a number of the de-
ditions to develop some of the land previously vacated by the
velopers lived in South Pueblo, it does not appear that many
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31
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figure 4.4 and 4.5. The Matthew J. Galligan home is a fine example of the
Queen Anne style with its wrap around porch and circular tower. (Historic image
courtesy of Anna Wade, contemporary image Jeffrey DeHerrera)
of them lived in their namesake subdivisions.
32
South Pueblo.
In the Mesa Junction portion of South Pueblo during the
Among the smaller developers, Matthew J. Galligan and
1880s, one large subdivision dominated a few smaller ones:
William C. Pochon recorded their namesake Galligan &
Colorado Coal & Iron's Subdivision Number Three. This subdi-
Pochon's Subdivision on October 3, 1890, and located it within
vision was located immediately next to Colorado Coal & Iron's
the northeastern half of Block 'P' and at the eastern side of the
Subdivision Number One and was bounded by Abriendo and
present-day intersection of Lamar and West Corona Avenues.
Adams Avenues and Tyler and Cleveland Streets. Developers
It was a small subdivision, but the men who recorded it were
platted lots in this subdivision identically to the neighboring
not.
Colorado Coal & Iron subdivision, so streets were merely ex-
Matthew Galligan was born on August 25, 1855, in Wash-
tended. This was the last remaining major subdivision that
ington County, Wisconsin. As an infant, Galligan moved with
completed the development began with the 1872 plat of
his family to Lawler, Iowa, seemingly a fitting place for a future
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
lawyer to grow up. Galligan began working at the age of
civil service. By 1884, after practicing law in the town for a cou-
twenty for the Union Pacific Railroad as a telegrapher in Sidney,
ple of years, he was elected to city council. Though it was re-
Nebraska. Within a couple of years, Galligan transferred to the
ported that Galligan served on the Pueblo City Council, it was
railroad’s hub at Cheyenne, where his ties to South Pueblo
more likely his position was with South Pueblo. Galligan ran
could have first formed. As Palmer had resigned from the
for the Colorado House of Representatives the same year as
Kansas Pacific in 1870, the timing just was not right for Galligan
his city council bid, but he was defeated. Upon serving two
to have met Palmer directly; but as business contacts go, the
years as alderman, Pueblo County residents elected Galligan as
foundation for a future relationship could have developed in
a county judge. The county residents reelected Galligan in
southern Wyoming or northern Colorado.
1889 to another two-year term and the residents of the City of
Galligan began to study law in Wyoming while maintain-
Pueblo elected him to a two-year term as the city attorney in
ing his duties with the Union Pacific. He was admitted to the
1901. A lifelong commitment to Pueblo was evidenced during
Wyoming bar in 1879 and practiced for about one year before
the flood of 1921 when Associated Press reporters composed
enrolling at Iowa State University. He graduated from the Law
articles from the third floor of the family home, as most hotels
Department there in 1881, and he immediately moved to
had flooded. Matthew Galligan passed away in New York City
Ashcroft, Colorado, just south of Aspen. Galligan spent only a
on February 15, 1930.14
short time in Ashcroft before moving to Denver. He practiced
Galligan's partner in the subdivision was William C. “Billy”
law in Denver for about one year before moving to Pueblo
Pochon. Born on March 29, 1862, in Elkhart, Indiana, Pochon
around 1883. The Galligan family resided in a boarding house
lived most of his first sixteen years with extended family in
at East Ninth Street and Albany Avenue, while they commis-
England. He moved to Pueblo, where his parents then resided,
sioned a grander estate, at 1101 South Union Avenue, that was
in 1878. Pochon immediately found himself in the employ of
finished in the fall of 1891 (figures 4.4 and 4.5). The present-
South Pueblo developer and railroad construction magnate
day address of the house is 501 Colorado Avenue, and the
William Moore. Pochon's family also had ties to the railroad
property has been listed in the National Register of Historic
business; Pochon's father, J.J. Pochon, manufactured railroad
Places since 1985. Galligan chose to construct his house in the
ties for a subsidiary of the Denver & Rio Grande and was ap-
popular Queen Anne style. The Galligan residence features a
pointed by then Governor Alva Adams as the chief engineer
porch that extends onto two elevations, as well as a second-
of penitentiaries. Upon arriving in Pueblo, Billy Pochon also
story, pedimented porch. The northeast elevation includes cor-
lived at Moore's residence on Carlile Place; Pochon recalls
ner brackets, and there are multiple gable ends decorated by
Moore and Carlile as “the sole residents of the mesa areas.”15
polychromatic wood shingles. The house also boasts a circular
tower capped by a metal dome and finial.
Billy Pochon sold insurance in Pueblo beginning in 1882,
and began a career in the lumber business two years later. He
As with so many other South Pueblo developers, it did
worked as a bookkeeper for the Newton Lumber Company be-
not take long for the residents of Pueblo to press Galligan into
fore moving up to manager within a few years. When Newton
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33
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 4.6 and 4.7. While the architecture of the homes on Pitkin Avenue is
varied and high-style, the mature landscape, similar massing, and standard setback create a distinctive sense of place in both summer and winter. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
34
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City of Pueblo
Lumber incorporated in 1893, Pochon was named secretary,
to this National Register Historic District; the other houses
treasurer, and general manager, running both the retail and
were constructed during the early 1890s. Two of the original
milling operations of the Pueblo company. Pochon opened his
six houses were constructed in the Romanesque style, while
own lumber company in Silverton in 1905 with the financial
the remaining four were Queen Anne style. Number 6 Pitkin
backing of Governor Adams, selling it ten years later and re-
Place was constructed in the Craftsman style, with a broad
turning to Pueblo. He again joined the Newton Lumber Com-
porch supported by fluted brick columns at the corners, multi-
pany, working there until 1920. Pochon purchased George
light over single-light windows, exposed rafter and purlin
Dowden's retail shop upon leaving the lumber business, and
ends, and a gabled dormer in the half-story.
was also partner in a fish market. Like his neighbors, Pochon
The original owners of three of the first six houses con-
served two years in the Colorado House of Representatives
structed at Pitkin Place worked at the management level
during its thirteenth assembly. Billy Pochon died on April 18,
within the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company (CF&I), while one of
1959, at his home in the Bessemer neighborhood.16
the others worked as an attorney: T.W. Robinson, general su-
Among the most stately 1890s South Pueblo subdivisions
perintendent at CF&I, resided at 1 Pitkin Place (now 302 West
were the Pitkin Place and Pitkin Place Number Two subdivi-
Pitkin Avenue); C.S. Robinson, assistant superintendent at
sions (figures 4.6 and 4.7). The Pitkin Place Subdivision was
CF&I, lived at 2 Pitkin Place (now 306 West Pitkin Avenue); T.J.
recorded on October 28, 1891, and included those houses ad-
Brown, head of the CF&I rail mill, made his home at 3 Pitkin
dressed as 1, 2, 3, and 4 Pitkin Place, while the Pitkin Place #2
Place (310 West Pitkin Avenue); and J.H. Mechen, an attorney,
subdivision was recorded May 25, 1892, and included the
resided at 7 Pitkin Place (now 326 West Pitkin Avenue). The
houses addressed as 5, 6, and 7 Pitkin Place. These two subdi-
present-day addresses of the remaining Pitkin Place houses
visions were not extensions of West Pitkin Avenue, however,
are 4 (now 314 West Pitkin Avenue), 5 (now 318 West Pitkin Av-
they were located within the 300 block of the street. Number
enue), and 6 (now 322 West Pitkin Avenue). Since both Pitkin
1 Pitkin Place was constructed at the intersection of West Pitkin
Place subdivisions are located within the earlier Colorado Coal
Avenue and Jackson Street and the numbers continued to
& Iron Subdivision and the steel giant owned the land of the
Number 7 Pitkin Place, at the northwest corner of the block at
subdivisions, it is fitting that members of the firm's manage-
the intersection of West Pitkin and Van Buren Street. Con-
ment team chose to reside at this location.17
structed in 1911, Number 6 Pitkin Place is the lone late-comer
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
35
Chapter 5
Neighborhood Development
It is easy to become disoriented in South Pueblo, leaving
Starting in the 1840s, elite city dwellers fled industrializa-
visitors to ask “Which way am I going?” when they leave the in-
tion by creating subdivisions separated geographically from
Figure 5.1. Frederick Law Olmsted designed Riverside, Illinois, following tenants of romantic landscape design emphasizing open vistas, street tree plantings, and preserving woodlots, while providing city services such as storm
drainage and gas street lights. (City of Riverside, Illinois, www.riverside.il.us)
terstate at the Abriendo Avenue exit. Breaking from the traditional cardinal-direction street grid, most streets in South
Pueblo are oriented about forty-degrees from north, while
those in the Blocks area run all sorts of dizzying directions. The
main avenue, Abriendo, generally flows in the direction of the
bluffs, approximately southeast to northwest. Abriendo Avenue separated two distinct areas of South Pueblo: Corona
Park (now called the Blocks) and Mesa Junction. Lots in the
Blocks seemingly vary in almost every size and shape imaginable, while lots in Mesa Junction are of unyielding, standard
rectangular shapes. The geography of the Blocks and Mesa
Junction is relatively flat; there are no unexpected promontories or rises as there are in both the North and East Side neighborhoods. The terrain is sloped, however, with the land
descending from Adams Avenue in Mesa Junction down to the
Blocks and Corona Avenue.
Using this topography to their advantage, civil engineer
Edwin S. Nettelton and landscape designer John Blair designed a neighborhood that reflected the uniqueness of the
land on and near the bluffs above the Arkansas River.1 Especially in the Corona Park (the Blocks) section of the neighborhood, this followed design trends of romantic suburbs
pioneered in the Midwest and East and fit in well with General
William Jackson Palmer’s utopian vision.
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Map 5.1. Nettleton’s plat map shows the three distinct sections of South Pueblo:
the upper (Mesa Junction), Middle (Corona Park), and Lower (Union Avenue).
(City of Pueblo)
38
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City of Pueblo
urban centers. Following romantic landscape design principles
and addresses used today. The odd-shaped blocks could con-
to create English garden or park-like settings, these subdivi-
tain any number of lots, leaving consecutively numbered
sions were almost always home to white, native-born upper
houses on the same side of the street. Local lore notes that
class residents who built large, picturesque homes along wide,
mail will still be delivered today to residents choosing to use
curvilinear streets lined with dense street tree plantings that
the unique numbering system.
conformed to existing topography. Landscape architects re-
The design of Corona Park is also peculiar in that there is
served space for parks and streams, woodlands and play-
not one street that runs along the bluffs the entire distance of
grounds, pavillions and vistas. Early examples include
the neighborhood. Historically, portions of both Entrando and
Glendale, Ohio, and Llewellyn Park, New Jersey. Perhaps the
Bluff Streets did run along the bluffs. Entrando Street has since
most famous of these romantic suburbs was Riverside, Illinois,
become a portion of Corona Avenue and still exists along the
near Chicago, designed in 1869 by Frederick Law Olmsted and
bluffs northwest of Union Avenue, but it falls far short of run-
Calvert Vaux, who also collaborated on New York City’s Central
ning the entire distance of the Blocks. This design led to houses
Park (figure 5.1). Unlike earlier models, Riverside allowed for
and backyards overlooking the business center of South
multiple-sized lots affordable to different classes. Another hall-
Pueblo, and later Pueblo. Because only low, scrubby vegeta-
mark of Riverside was its design for community amenities, in-
tion could cling to the arid escarpment, early patrons of down-
cluding water storage, a sewer system, gas street lights, a small
town would have looked up and seen the backs of houses, not
commercial center, churches, and a convenient connection to
the stately and ornate front elevations indicative of wealthy
the railroad. By making the roads curvilinear, traffic would be
residents envisioned by Nettleton and Blair. The two men
controlled and residential character would be preserved.2
probably recognized that while prospective residents of the
Like other romantic suburb designers, Nettleton and Blair
lots along the bluff edge would have an expansive view, the
intended Corona Park to serve as an upper-class residential
foreground was cluttered with noisy, stinking railroad yards.
neighborhood in South Pueblo. It was not an area people
Thus they decided to force buyers to build houses facing away
merely passed through, it was their destination. There are no
from the bluff’s edge. The lots are designed in such a noncon-
traditional corner intersections in Corona Park; rounded blocks
forming fashion that even when described on the original plat
and 100-foot-wide curved streets seemingly brush past each
map of South Pueblo (map 5.1), the engineer states “The
other only lightly instead of harshly crossing each other, mak-
Blocks and Lots in the Middle [portion of South Pueblo] corre-
ing it impossible to breeze through the neighborhood. Even
spond in size and shape to the same drawn on the Map”; even
today it is difficult to tell how far one has traveled within the
the designers were at a loss of words to describe them.3
Blocks, and is more difficult still to establish a sense of direction.
The organization of lots and blocks in Mesa Junction entirely contradict those in Corona Park. Every intersection is per-
Early residents of Corona Park identified themselves as liv-
fectly perpendicular. Blocks are idyllically square at 400 by 400
ing at residences such as “9 Block 'U'”, not the street numbers
feet, with single lots originally platted straight and narrow at
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39
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
40
25 by 190 feet. All streets in Mesa Junction are 100 feet wide
capacity he surveyed the entire oil-producing region in Penn-
and every alley is 20 feet wide. The exception is Abriendo Av-
sylvania.
enue, the main thoroughfare, measured at 150 feet wide; a
Nettleton joined the Union Colony, founded by Horace
street of boulevard proportions. In the original plat of South
Greeley, in the spring of 1870, subsequently moving to pres-
Pueblo, only the lots in Mesa Junction oriented toward
ent-day Greeley, Colorado. Mr. Greeley appointed Nettleton
Abriendo Avenue were oriented on the northeast-southwest
the Colony's chief engineer, in charge of surveying and plat-
axis; all other lots in the area were oriented toward the streets
ting the town site, designing the town's canals, and overseeing
that intersect Abriendo and on the northwest-southeast axis.
construction projects. William Jackson Palmer pried Nettleton
As most lots in Mesa Junction remained unsold for about the
from Greeley’s employ, giving him the same responsibilities in
first twenty years, especially those in the outlying areas, sub-
Colorado Springs and Manitou Springs as he had in Greeley.
sequent subdivisions within the area altered this orientation,
In the fall of 1872, Nettleton transferred to another of Palmer's
with houses and businesses constructed however the subdi-
businesses, the Central Colorado Improvement Company. He
vision's developer, and ultimately the purchaser, deemed fit.4
surveyed the South Pueblo town site, and also reigned over
The engineer who laid out South Pueblo had worked with
acquisitions of coal fields in southern Colorado. He was ap-
William Jackson Palmer previously. Nettleton was born on Oc-
pointed postmaster of South Pueblo in 1873, serving in the
tober 22, 1831, in Medina, Ohio. He apprenticed as a civil en-
position until February 1882. Nettleton carried on his engi-
gineer and later attended nearby Oberlin College until an eye
neering practice simultaneously and, while still postmaster of
illness that nearly blinded him forced the engineer to halt his
South Pueblo, moved back to northern Colorado in 1878,
studies. The illness worsened to a point at which Nettleton be-
where he served as the chief engineer and superintendent of
came confined to near darkness for over two years. His eyes
the Larimer and Weld Irrigating Canal until the project's com-
later healed enough for him to take an assistant postmaster
pletion in 1879. The next year, James Duff and his Northern
position in Lafayette, Ohio, yet he continued to work in a dark-
Colorado Irrigation Company employed Nettleton as chief en-
ened room for another year. When fully healed, Nettleton
gineer to survey and construct the High Line Canal through
moved to Kalamazoo, Michigan, where he practiced engi-
Denver and Aurora.
neering and operated a lumber business with a cousin. At the
Like other South Pueblo pioneers, Nettleton was a civil
outbreak of the Civil War, the cousin heeded the call of the
servant. During his three-year tenure with the Northern Col-
Union Army, leaving Nettleton to manage the business. Net-
orado Irrigating Company, Colorado Governor Frederick W.
tleton sold the lumber business and moved to the oil fields of
Pitkin tried to persuade Nettleton into accepting the newly
northwestern Pennsylvania by 1863, and by the middle of the
created position of state engineer. Nettleton declined the ap-
decade, was simultaneously managing more than a few oil
pointment due to his schedule, but accepted the position in
companies. The Pennsylvania Oil Producers Association ap-
1884 from Governor James B. Grant. Governor Benjamin H.
pointed Nettleton as their chief engineer in 1867, and in that
Eaton reappointed Nettleton as state engineer in 1885. Dur-
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City of Pueblo
ing the Colorado legislative sessions of 1879-80 and 1881-82,
and the Gulf of Mexico drainage and all areas east of the Col-
Nettleton drafted many of Colorado's early water laws. In 1884,
orado River that flowed into the Gulf of California. These areas
in the capacity of state engineer, he developed standards for
included all or parts of twelve states: North Dakota, South
engineering irrigation, some of which still stand today
Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska, Colorado, Kansas, Okla-
throughout the arid southwestern United States. Nettleton
homa, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. Nettleton was
stated that water users should prove their priority and should
appointed chief engineer of the United States Department of
have to determine their usage and stop diverting water
Agriculture on October 15, 1890, and assigned to investigate
freely—the concept of prior appropriation that utterly trans-
irrigation using artesian wells. These duties removed Nettle-
formed western landscapes and politics. Nettleton gauged
ton from control of surface water in rivers and reservoirs to dis-
rivers and streams in Colorado for both daily and annual dis-
covering the feasibility of tapping sources of water hundreds
charge, relegated water to specific purposes, invented devices
feet below the ground.6
to gauge the amount of water that farmers pulled from irri-
Though Edwin Nettleton provided the logistics in sur-
gating ditches, and generally formulated the priority of water
veying South Pueblo, John Blair is credited with the landscape
rights for enforcement. Nettleton guided the first attempt to
design. Born about 1820 in Callander, Scotland, Blair served a
officially survey Colorado's public waters. His first report as
horticultural internship at Lanrick Castle in Doune, Scotland.
state engineer was so well received that extra copies had to
Blair and his wife moved from Scotland to St. Catherine's, On-
be printed even though the general public was never its in-
tario, Canada, in 1851, and by 1854 the couple moved to Rock-
tended audience. Frank Hall stated in History of the State of Col-
ford, Illinois, where John worked to build a garden for
orado that Nettleton's document “was conceded to be the
mechanical-reaper entrepreneur John Henry Manny. Blair's
most important report ever issued by the state, and the sec-
work on nearly a dozen residential gardens garnered him at-
ond [report], which appear[ed] two years later, conveying the
tention in the New York Tribune in 1855. Blair focused his de-
results of two years' further experience and improvement
signs on retaining and incorporating the natural features of a
under the original and amendatory laws, attracted even
landscape instead of leveling them. He designed a display for
greater demand.”5 Even the state of California recognized the
the 1865 Chicago Sanitary Fair; with the attention his design
importance of Nettleton's work as Colorado state engineer;
commanded, he moved to the Chicago suburb of Oak Park
that state adopted water laws and regulations in the mid 1890s
where he took a job with the city parks department.
based on his reports. Nettleton served as a consulting engi-
The Great Chicago Fire in 1871 was bittersweet to Blair;
neer for water projects in Colorado, Wyoming, Idaho, New
his career in Chicago ended, but his career in Colorado was
Mexico, and Kansas from 1887 to 1889. At that time Secretary
about to begin. General William Jackson Palmer brought Blair
of the Interior John W. Nobel appointed him supervising water
to the state, first to Colorado Springs where he designed Aca-
engineer for much of the western United States; areas within
cia and Alamo Parks (Alamo Park is the location of the Col-
his discretion were all of the arid regions of the Missouri River
orado Springs Pioneers Museum today), roadways within the
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 5.2. William Jackson Palmer commissioned landscape gardener John
Blair, above, to design parks, roads, and his estate grounds at Glen Eyrie in addition to the Corona Park neighborhood in South Pueblo. (The Cultural Landscape
Foundation at www.tclf.org)
41
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Garden of the Gods, and the road from Manitou Springs to
ented as usual north to south; instead it is skewed from the
Palmer's estate at Glen Eyrie. Also in the area, Blair designed a
northeast to the southwest. This orientation results in the
number of pedestrian trails and bridges, Evergreen Cemetery,
viewer looking directly down the streets of the Mesa Junction
the grounds at Briarhurst Manor, and a wagon bridge between
neighborhood of South Pueblo, although Pueblo is located in
Colorado Springs and Denver. While designing much of early
the foreground. The viewer is left to wonder if there was any fa-
Colorado Springs, Blair was also commissioned to design the
voritism in the orientation of South Pueblo in this map. These
Corona Park area of South Pueblo. Blair's tenure in Colorado
types of maps are generally exaggerated and Crofutt's is no
ended after about ten years; by 1882 he moved to a develop-
exception; it is drawn so that Corona Park and Mesa Junction
ment on Vancouver Island near Duncan, British Columbia. Blair
look down upon Pueblo proper from a much more desirable
retained ownership of his residence in Oak Park, Illinois, which
location nearer the mountains and far removed from the steel
he sold to Frank Lloyd Wright in 1889; Wright built a home and
works to the east.8
studio on the property. John Blair passed away in 1906.7
The cool optimism and perfect execution of the latest
tion is F.E. Baldwin and J.S. Greene's 1882 “Map of Pueblo,
planning principles inherent on paper plat maps usually dis-
South Pueblo, and Bessemer” on display in the local history
solve before the hot, dusty reality on the ground. The popula-
section of the Robert Hoag Rawlings Library in Pueblo. Con-
tion and building boom that the Central Colorado
trasting from Crofutt's map, Baldwin's and Greene's map is a
Improvement Company anticipated when it developed such a
traditional direct aerial view drawn to scale. Though it shows
large area did not occur as quickly as investors would have
only a few schools and businesses in the Blocks and Mesa
liked. But realistically it would have been an enormous under-
Junction, it is similar to Crofutt's map in that it is not oriented
taking, if not impossible, to populate such a vast area in only a
in the conventional “north is up” method; the streets of South
few years. South Pueblo was so large in area, in fact, that the
Pueblo, though towards the bottom, run directly parallel with
size of Pueblo nearly doubled with the consolidation of the
the sides of the map. This map also reveals how relatively close
towns of Pueblo, Central Pueblo, and South Pueblo. Sanborn
in size South Pueblo was in relation to the older and more pop-
maps of the 1880s generally ignore the Blocks and Mesa Junc-
ulated town of Pueblo.9
tion, with the exception of their inclusion in the city-wide 1889
map, revealing just how sparsely populated the areas were.
42
A second early map depicting the Blocks and Mesa Junc-
The “Map of Pueblo, Colorado, 1886,” also on display in the
local history section of the Rawlings library in Pueblo, shows a
Although early Sanborn maps of Pueblo do not include
bit more concentrated residential development in the Blocks.
South Pueblo, there are a few early maps that do. One of these
One such area of development occurred in the South Pueblo
is George A. Crofutt’s “Bird’s Eye View of Pueblo, and South and
Homestead & Building Association's Subdivision of Blocks V,
East Pueblo,” from his 1881 Crofutt’s Grip-Sack Guide of Colorado
W, X, and Y along Box Elder Street, Cottonwood Street, and
(figure 5.3). This drawing shows South Pueblo in its sprawling
Bellevue Place in Block 'W'; this is not Box Elder Street as it is
entirety. Crofutt's map is peculiar in that the view is not ori-
today; the 500 block of Bellevue Place was originally Box Elder.
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City of Pueblo
Figure 5.3. Crofutt’s 1881 bird’s-eye view of Pueblo shows the curvilinear
streets of Corona Park and the grid of Mesa Junction, here shown at the top of
the image. (Crofutt’s Grip-Sack Guide to Colorado, 1881)
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
43
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
44
A second, small row of early houses completed by 1886 is lo-
in 1893, and there must have been some population in place
cated on Contento Street (present-day Olney Avenue). Houses
to sustain them. One school, Carlile School, was even located
lined both sides of the street and continued through the east-
far outside the map’s boundaries, at the intersection of Garfield
ern curve at Corona Avenue. These houses were built within
and Evans Avenues. Another interesting feature revealed in
Blocks 'S' and 'T'. Another early row of houses shown on the
the 1893 Sanborn map is the proposed Main Street extension
1886 map was built along Admirando Street (present-day Har-
to Abriendo Avenue and its accompanying viaduct. This pro-
vard Avenue) and within the northern portion of Block 'L'. The
posed extension, though planned by 1893, does not appear
fourth lightly concentrated area of the Blocks neighborhood
on the 1905 Sanborn map for the same area.11
constructed by 1886 occurs along Corona Avenue (the portion
As noted by the number of South Pueblo subdivisions
of Corona that is presently Midway Avenue) and within Blocks
that sprouted up around 1890 and the willingness of Colorado
'O' and 'P'. Often, these houses were built in a local vernacular
Coal & Iron to market land again in the Mesa Junction area of
form with a steeply pitched, front-gabled roof. Lot sizes in
Pueblo, more and more residents began calling the area home.
these portions of Corona Park dictated that the houses are of
The company even went as far as building houses to rent or
rectangular shape, narrow but deep, and the houses built were
lease.12 With the platting of the town of Bessemer in 1886, the
either one-story or one-and-one-half stories tall. Occasionally
Colorado Coal & Iron Company drew potential residents, par-
the houses included a transom over the front entry door. Un-
ticularly those in the working class, away from its subdivisions
like some early houses in the North and East Side neighbor-
in Mesa Junction. Employees of the Minnequa Works chose or
hoods, which were constructed of adobe or clay bricks, the
were forced to live close to their employer; many of Bessemer’s
houses in Corona Park were wood framed and cladded in
first houses were situated just across the railroad tracks or
wood siding. These construction materials are evidence that
within five blocks of the mill along the streetcar line. Although
builders took advantage of the railroad’s capability to bring
the blue-collar workers of Colorado Coal & Iron Company
materials to South Pueblo from outside the lumber-starved re-
chose to live near the mill, the managers built their residences
gion.10
within Mesa Junction, namely Pitkin Place.
The 1893 Sanborn map is the first from the company that
Architects designed and contractors built many of Mesa
includes Corona Park and the Blocks, though not in any ex-
Junction's larger homes after 1890, including the Orman-
tensive capacity. The blocks immediately surrounding the in-
Adams Mansion, at 102 West Orman Avenue; the Galligan
tersection of Abriendo Avenue and Festivo Street (present-day
House, at 501 Colorado Avenue; the Dr. Alexander T. King
Union Avenue) are the only blocks represented in the map. Al-
House and Carriage House, at 229 Quincy and 215 W. Routt,
though residential and commercial development within the
respectively; the houses in the Pitkin Place National Register
Blocks and Mesa Junction was far from capacity, these areas
Historic District; the Charles H. Stickney House, at 101 East
are underrepresented by the map. Schools, churches, and even
Orman Avenue; the Tooke-Nuckolls House, at 38 Carlile Place;
a hospital occupied land outside of the map's representations
the Grome House, at 19 Carlile Place; and the Bragdon House,
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City of Pueblo
at 117 East Orman. The concentrations of these large houses
occurred mainly along Carlile Place and within one block of
Colorado Avenue along Orman Avenue.
indiscriminately. 13
As upwardly mobile residents of the North Side moved
north within their neighborhood, away from downtown, sim-
The large homes of the wealthy lay only a few blocks from
ilarly some residents of Mesa Junction moved southward
those of the middle and working classes in the Blocks and
within their neighborhood as well. Thus distance from the din
Mesa Junction areas of South Pueblo. The Pueblo Chieftain
and dangers of downtown and the means of production
noted the conglomeration of classes during the early 1890s. In
began to correlate to increased economic and social standing.
an article published March 22, 1891, the daily notes new
This trend to move south within South Pueblo was par-
houses and buildings across the city; those in Mesa Junction
ticularly notable in the case of Pueblo real estate mogul and
and the Blocks are noted as:
Colorado political power broker James B. Orman. He moved
W.F. Townsend, block W, Corona park, two 1-story
from a modest abode at 103 Evans Avenue to a grand estate at
frames, $1,000
102 West Orman Avenue, his namesake street (figures 5.4 and
L.O. Shull, 7-room pressed brick, on Mesa, $4,000
5.5). It is unknown if the previous Orman residence was located
Attorney Devine, 8-room pressed brick and Mani-
on East or West Evans Avenue.
tou sand stone, on Mesa, $4,500
Born November 4, 1849, in Muscatine, Iowa, Orman's par-
H.S. VanKeuren, 9-room pressed brick and Manitou
ents sent him to Chicago to receive his primary education in
sand stone, on Mesa, $6,000
that city's schools. He returned to Iowa, this time to the town
Ed Austin, 7-room brick home on Mesa near the
of Winterset, around 1860, where he farmed with his father.14
viaduct, $2,500
James and his brother, William A. Orman, traveled by stage-
Addition to Sister's hospital, Mesa, $25,000
coach from Iowa to Julesburg, Colorado, in 1866. The brothers
C.J. Trimble, brick terrace, Mesa, $5,000
immediately took to Denver from Julesburg, where they op-
C.G. Jackson, four pressed brick houses, 9-rooms, all
erated a company that freighted stock animals. The brothers
modern conveniences, Corona park [among others
noticed a shift in their industry in the late 1860s, and opened
throughout Pueblo], $3,000 ea.
a railroad contracting company (a theme connecting them to
Mesa Junction and the Blocks were not the most popular
many other South Pueblo entrepreneurs). The brothers re-
areas of the city to build new homes in the early 1890s; the
ceived a contract from the Denver Pacific Railroad to build a
same Chieftain article lists about twenty-five new residences
portion of that railroad's line from Sheridan, Wyoming to Den-
in Bessemer, over ten in the North Side neighborhood, and at
ver in 1869. This contract undoubtedly brought the Orman
least twenty-five new residences or commercial buildings in
brothers into contact with General William Jackson Palmer,
the East Side neighborhood. As the North Side catered to the
William Moore, and James Carlile.15
needs of the professional class and the East Side supplied
The Denver & Rio Grande contracted with the Orman
mainly blue-collar housing, Mesa Junction and the Blocks grew
brothers to build some of its lines within Colorado to the ex-
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45
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figure 5.4. Railroad contractor James Orman invested in mining, real estate,
street cars, irrigation, and a cattle ranch. He also served as Pueblo’s mayor and
governor of Colorado. (Colorado State Archives at www.colorado.gov)
46
tent that James Orman simply became known as “the railroad
$500,000 in capital, again with Orman serving as president. A
contractor.”16
The Orman brothers merged with another Den-
year later, the transit company converted the majority of its
ver & Rio Grande subcontractor, Moore & Carlile, to form
routes to electrified streetcars. Simultaneously, Orman pur-
Moore, Carlile, Orman & Company in 1874; the firm would later
chased mining interests near Leadville in 1879, near Ashcroft
change to Carlile, Orman & Co., to Carlile, Orman & Crook, and
in 1885 (which could have brought him into contact with
then to just Orman & Crook. In June 1881, Orman & Crook pur-
Matthew Galligan), and in the Cottonwood Mining District
chased all of James Carlile's railroad contracts and laid tracks
(exact location unknown) in 1888. Also in 1888, members of
not only for the Denver & Rio Grande, but also for the Cana-
the Pueblo Board of Trade elected Orman their vice-president.
dian Pacific, the Oregon & Pacific, the Texas & Santa Fe North-
Orman served as vice-president of the Bessemer Ditch Com-
ern, the Colorado Midland, the El Paso & Southwestern, the
pany and as a director of the Pueblo Ditch Company. He also
Colorado Springs & Cripple Creek Short Line, the Nacozari Rail-
served on the original board of directors of the South Pueblo
road between Douglas, Arizona, and Nacozari, Mexico, and the
National Bank in 1881. Orman partnered with William Crook in
Denver, Northwestern and Pacific. Orman's partnerships also
1889 to operate a 1,700-acre ranch ten miles east of Pueblo
built the road between Florence and Cripple Creek and re-
and south of the Arkansas River that included a 125-acre nat-
ceived government contracts to build irrigation ditches in
ural reservoir. Orman, like Carlile, also had a branch of the
Montrose, Colorado, as well as in the states of Wyoming and
Pueblo Fire Department named in his honor, the J.B. Orman
Idaho.17
Hose Company Number 3 located on 'C' Street.19
James Orman purchased his first real estate holdings in
In the footsteps of Moore and Carlile, James Orman em-
South Pueblo in 1873, recognizing that the Pueblo area was
barked upon a successful political career. Pueblo County vot-
fast becoming the state’s major railroad and industrial center.
ers elected Orman to be their representative in Colorado's
Orman increased his holdings, mostly within the present-day
Third General Assembly in 1880 and to the State Senate for an-
Union Avenue Historic District and Mesa Junction, and often
other two-year term in 1883. The Democratic Party chose
built houses to rent. His real estate investments paid hand-
Orman as their nominee for United States Senator in 1883, but
somely in the boom period that began in the mid 1880s.
he was defeated by three votes. Orman declined the Demo-
Orman, either alone or in partnerships, built many of the early
cratic Party nomination for governor in both 1888 and 1890,
business blocks in South Pueblo; these buildings were located
but he served as their delegate at the 1892 Democratic Na-
below the bluffs near the Arkansas River.18
tional Convention held in Chicago. Locally, Orman served as
Orman—like Palmer, Moore, and Carlile—developed a
mayor of Pueblo from 1897 to 1899. Orman accepted the Dem-
multilateral portfolio. He was a founding partner in the Pueblo
ocratic nomination for governor in 1900, serving in office from
Street Railway Company in 1878, and he served as its vice-
1901 to 1903.20
president and manager until being elected president in 1883.
Though Orman bounced around the state, he still found
The Pueblo Street Railway Company reorganized in 1889 with
time for a personal life. He married Nellie Martin, the daughter
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City of Pueblo
of his partner in a dry goods store in Pueblo, on September 27,
Orman, moved south within the neighborhood from a house
1876. The ceremony occurred at the bride’s brother's house in
at 207 Broadway Avenue.22
South Pueblo, and the reception moved to Orman's residence
Born on May 14, 1850 in Wisconsin, Alva Adams moved
on Evans Avenue. The couple had two children: Frederick B.
to Colorado, with his family, like many others at the time, when
and Edna A. Orman.21
a brother contracted tuberculosis. His first job in the state, as
The Orman family moved from their modest house on
expected now for someone of significance in South Pueblo,
Evans Avenue to a stately mansion, one of the largest and most
was with the railroad; Adams hauled railroad ties for the Den-
impressive in Pueblo, on Orman Avenue in 1891 (figures 5.5
ver & Rio Grande near Denver in 1871. He moved to Colorado
and 5.6). Denver architect William A. Lang designed the house
Springs in July of that same year, where he found himself in
in 1890 and building contractor Blackwell & Genest began con-
the employ of a lumber and hardware business. The business
struction the same year. The three-story Romanesque-style
lacked a store, however, leading Adams to construct one that
house cost nearly $75,000 when complete and occupied nine
he completed by August 7. In October, Adams launched a ca-
lots, about a quarter of the block. Orman took the house plans
reer as an entrepreneur when he purchased the lumber and
with him to New York in order to purchase the furnishings. The
hardware business for $4,100, on which he made monthly pay-
house features two round towers, each with a conical roof, and
ments. Adams brought a partner into the business in 1872
rock-faced, ashlar stonework. Several windows and the porch
who managed the store in Colorado Springs while Adams
in the eastern elevation feature wide rounded arches. The win-
opened a branch in Pueblo. Adams repeated this business
dows are often deeply recessed, and simply one-over-one
model of following the Denver & Rio Grande several times,
light. The house also features two gabled wall dormers, each
with a high concentration of stores in the San Juan Mountain
parapeted. The staple of the Romanesque style is the invoca-
region. He ultimately settled in Pueblo.23
tion of heaviness in its stonework, which, at the time, only the
railroad could transport.
Figures 5.5 and 5.6. James Orman’s first home (above), was quite modest compared to his later one (below). Alva Adams purchased the house in 1919. (Historic
image from History of the Arkansas Valley, contemporary image Jeffrey DeHerrera)
Alva Adams began a lengthy career in politics in South
Pueblo. He was appointed a trustee of South Pueblo in 1873 at
Orman does not appear to have been able to sustain such
the age of twenty-three, and by 1876 he was elected to the
a grand estate, losing much of his fortune after leaving the
Colorado House of Representatives' First Legislature, at the age
governor's office. Local lore maintains that the mansion was
of twenty-six, as the representative for Rio Grande County.
auctioned but that Orman was able to repurchase his home as
Adams made an unsuccessful gubernatorial bid in 1884, but
no one would bid against him. Nellie Orman died on Decem-
won the state's highest office in 1886. Coloradans elected the
ber 14, 1917, and James Orman on July 21, 1919.
youngest governor in their state's history at the age of thirty-
Upon the death of James Orman, and coincidentally fol-
six by about 2,400 votes. Adams won the gubernatorial elec-
lowing a trend in the North Side neighborhood, the house was
tion again in 1896, serving in office for another two-year term
purchased in 1919 by a man with a life story and career eerily
after an eight-year hiatus from politics, which he spent in
similar to its previous owner: Alva B. Adams. Adams, like
Pueblo.
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47
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Adams again retired to Pueblo and returned to politics
memoration of the Panama-Pacific International Exposition,
yet again for the 1904 gubernatorial election. Adams received
Adams traveled around the world on a trip that began in Sep-
a majority of 10,000 votes in the 1904 election, but the election
tember 1913 and, in terms of sheer mileage, could have circled
would be remembered as “the most corrupt election to ever
the globe twice. As an honorary dignitary of the exposition,
box.”24
Both major parties in the
Adams visited every continent except Antarctica. Through his
state allegedly committed voter fraud; the Democrats cast 717
travels and political career, Adam's library swelled to over 6,000
ballots in one Denver precinct where there were merely 100
volumes. The majority of the books in his library were donated
voters, and corporate mine owners demanded that their work-
to the McClelland Library in Pueblo, now the Robert Hoag
ers vote Republican in many company towns. Adams served
Rawlings Public Library, and a few even contributed to this
only sixty-six days as Colorado's only three-term governor be-
document. Some of the remaining books are in the Governor
fore being ousted by the state legislature. His opponent in the
Alva Adams Collection at the Colorado State Archives and
election, incumbent governor James H. Peabody, did not re-
more are located at Colorado State University-Pueblo.
haunt the Colorado ballot
ceive the legislature's nod for the office either, that designation went to Lieutenant Governor Jesse McDonald.
Figure 5.7. The citizens of South Pueblo voted Alva Adams trustee in 1873 when
he was just twenty-three years old. He later served multiple terms as Colorado
Governor. (Colorado State Archives at www.colorado.gov)
48
The realm of banking also caught the interest of Alva
Adams. He helped organize the Pueblo Savings and Trust Com-
Adams again ran for governor in 1906, but was defeated
pany in 1889 (precursor to Pueblo Bank & Trust), held the po-
by Dr. Henry A. Buchtel. In 1911, when Senator Charles J.
sition of director of the International Trust Company of Denver,
Hughes Jr. died in office, Adams sought the appointed posi-
and also served as the director of the Denver branch of the
tion but could not persuade enough votes from the state leg-
Federal Reserve Bank. Adams also invested again in the hard-
islature. Adams remained a prominent figure in Pueblo politics,
ware business on February 28, 1907, when he partnered with
even though it was no longer in an official capacity. He
George Holmes in the Holmes Hardware Company, located on
presided over the dedication ceremony of Memorial Hall, at
Union Avenue.26
which President Woodrow Wilson was present, and also hosted
Adams bounced around the state much like Orman did,
William Jennings Bryan at his home when Bryan stumped in
and he also found the time to manage a personal life. Adams
town.25
wed Ella C. Nye on October 25, 1872, in Manitou Springs, and
Adams kept busy outside the realm of politics as well. He
the couple had one child: Alva Blanchard Adams. The elder
joined and co-founded many local civic organizations, traveled
Alva Adams became an avid bicyclist and a zealous supporter
extensively, and compiled one of the largest private libraries in
of education in South Pueblo. But as his health failed he moved
the region. Adams participated in the Masonic cornerstone-
into the Kellogg brothers’ famous Battle Creek Sanitarium, in
laying ceremonies at the State Capitol Building on July 4, 1890,
Michigan, where he died on November 1, 1922. Then-gover-
and the Pueblo County Courthouse Building on January 1,
nor Oliver H. Shoup ordered Adam's body to lie in state in the
1909. Adams traveled throughout the United States and
Colorado State Capitol Building. Much of the city of Pueblo
Alaska and also took an extended trip through Europe. In com-
shut down for Adam's funeral; local banks and Pueblo city and
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City of Pueblo
county offices were all closed while the state flag flew at half
ecessor, died in office; he suffered a heart attack on December
mast. The funeral occurred at the family home on Orman Av-
1, 1941, in Washington, D.C. Alva B. Adams left behind a wife,
enue.27
the former Elizabeth Matty, whom he married on October 25,
Alva B. Adams, son of the former governor, and his family
resided at the house on Orman Avenue continuously from the
1909, in Denver, and four children: Ella, Elizabeth, Alva B. Jr.,
and William H. Adams.29
time his parents purchased the property until his death in the
Though many of the larger homes constructed around
fall of 1941. Alva B. Adams, born October 19, 1875, in Del Norte,
1890 were in the Mesa Junction area, at least one resident built
Colorado, graduated with a bachelor's degree in philosophy
a grand home in Corona Park overlooking the rail yards. Cap-
from Yale in 1896 and with a law degree from Columbia in
tain Wood F. Townsend built his residence at 48 Block 'W' (this
1899. That same year, the Colorado Bar Association admitted
is probably the house at present-day 607 Bellevue Place after
Adams to their organization, and he began practicing law in
extensive remodeling). Townsend, born May 3, 1841, in New
Pueblo through the firm of Adams & Gast. Adams would rise to
York City, moved with his parents to a settlement called
president of the Pueblo Savings & Trust Company and to vice-
Minequa Springs in Pennsylvania. It is speculated locally that
president of Western National Bank of Pueblo. He served as a
Townsend's influence in South Pueblo led to the name of Lake
director of Standard Fire Brick Company and owned a portion
Minnequa and the Minnequa neighborhood in Bessemer.
of Holmes Hardware Company, as did his father. The Alva B.
Townsend joined the Union Army at the age of nineteen, and
Adams Tunnel, which diverts water from Grand Lake under the
was injured at the Battle of Antietam in 1862. It is unknown if
Continental Divide and Rocky Mountain National Park to the
Townsend was a part of William Jackson Palmer's regiment;
headwaters of the Big Thompson River, is named in his
since Palmer employed many people from his regiment later in
honor.28
life, it is possible that the two were at least familiar with each
Alva B. Adams, like his father, joined the realm of politics.
He served as Pueblo County Attorney from 1908 to 1910, and
other. Following a battlefield injury, Townsend served both
General Robert Schenck and General Lewis Wallace.
served in the same capacity for the city of Pueblo from 1911 to
Before the Civil War, Townsend began to study law and
1915. Adams was appointed to the University of Colorado's
continued with those studies upon his honorable discharge.
Board of Regents in 1911, where he served until 1912. When
He was admitted to the bar on his twenty-fifth birthday.
United States Senator from Colorado Samuel F. Nicholson died
Townsend moved to Danville, Illinois, where he practiced law
in 1923, Adams was appointed by the governor to serve in the
for twelve years. Due to failing health, he relocated to Colorado
position until the following year. At the end of his term in 1924,
and moved to Pueblo in November 1878. He opened his law
Adams unsuccessfully ran for reelection. Adams took a respite
firm there in May of 1879. Townsend was an incorporator of
from national politics until running for United States Senator
the South Pueblo Water Company and rose to superintendent
again in 1932; his bid was successful this time and he was re-
of the company. He was also a founding investor of the Pueblo
elected in 1938. Coincidentally, Senator Adams, like his pred-
Street Railway Company, of which he served as a director and
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
49
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
as the corporate attorney. He also served as the local attorney
plant included Denver, Leadville, Colorado Springs, and
for the Denver & Rio Grande and operated a real estate office
Pueblo. They ruled out Denver as a location for the smelter al-
in Pueblo. Wood Townsend married Ellen Marr on November
most immediately as it was deemed too distant from the coal,
29, 1878, in Pueblo, after living in the city less than one month.
coke, and lime supplies needed for the smelting process. The
The couple had the house on Bellevue built around 1890, but
group of investors ruled out Leadville due to high railway and
appear to have lived there only two years. By 1892 they lived
labor rates and lack of a steady ore supply. Pueblo, seemingly
at 315 Broadway Avenue and at 215 East Evans Avenue by
beat out Colorado Springs as the location for the smelter due
1894.30
to its location downstream, and therefore down the railway
Purchasing the house from Townsend was Benjamin
Guggenheim, one of Meyer Guggenheim’s seven sons. Meyer
50
lines, from Leadville and its centralized proximity to the coal
fields south and west of the city.
Guggenheim amassed a fortune in two mining claims near
Benjamin Guggenheim and Edward Holden visited
Leadville beginning about 1880. The claims were producing
Pueblo on March 27, 1888 to submit a proposition to the
$2,000 a day in silver by 1882, and Meyer could no longer with-
Pueblo Board of Trade that asked the city to provide the land
stand the pressure from Benjamin, who sought to manage the
for the smelter and put up $25,000 to begin construction
mines. Benjamin left Columbia University that year and began
within one week. The Board of Trade held a mass meeting of
practicing practical mining and metallurgy near Leadville. Ben-
Pueblo citizens March 29 to solicit funds for the plant devel-
jamin’s brother Simon followed shortly after completing stud-
opment. Alva Adams contributed $500 at the meeting and
ies in Spain, and another brother William followed in 1889 after
within two more days all but $2,000 of the money had been
completing a degree in metallurgy at the University of Penn-
raised. About one week after receiving the offer, the Pueblo
sylvania. By 1890, the value of the mines Meyer owned and his
Board of Trade notified Holden that the money was ready. On
sons operated was $14,556,000.
April 10, Holden and Guggenheim notified the press that
Like many of the wealthiest men who figured into the
Pueblo had officially been chosen to house the new plant. The
early history of South Pueblo, the Guggenheims diversified
firm dropped the name Denver Smelting and Refining Com-
their investments by purchasing an interest in the Holden
pany, and adopted the name Philadelphia Smelting and Re-
Smelting and Refining Company in Denver (operated by Ed-
fining Company, to honor the city where Meyer Guggenheim
ward R. Holden) about 1887; both Benjamin and Simon re-
immigrated to in 1847. Construction of the plant began almost
ceived jobs at the plant. Holden retired from his namesake
immediately just southwest of the confluence of the Fountain
plant in January of 1888, and by January 13 that year, organ-
Creek and Arkansas River, and fired for the first time on De-
ized the Denver Smelting and Refining Company (DS&RC) with
cember 10, 1888 at a cost of just over $300,000.
the Guggenheim’s as partners. The DS&RC planned to build a
With the plant in place, Holden resigned from the
new plant capable of treating 400 tons of ore a day and cost-
Philadelphia Smelter in 1889, and was replaced by another
ing about $200,000 to construct. Proposed locations for the
Guggenheim brother, Murray. Benjamin Guggenheim moved
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
from treasurer to general manager and Simon scouted for ore
of Colorado’s volume. In 1901, the Guggenheims yielded to
throughout the Rocky Mountains. A fifth brother, Solomon,
pressure to join a statewide smelting association that divided
joined the business as a salesman based in New York, and the
the state into districts with one smelter assigned to each dis-
brothers Guggenheim formed the M. Guggenheim’s Sons part-
trict, ending the activities of the family in the state.31
nership to direct the smelter. The Philadelphia Smelter re-
The Guggenheim brothers do not appear to have called
mained in operation throughout the silver crash of 1893 as
Pueblo home for a lengthy amount of time. They are listed as
other smelters shuttered, bringing the volume of materials
boarders at the Grand Hotel from 1890 until 1895, with the ex-
processed to capacity. The brothers moved the business op-
ception of 1892. That year, Benjamin and Simon are listed as
erations of the partnership to Denver during the last week of
living at 48 Block ‘W’, the house built by Wood Townsend. Fit-
1893, leaving only the plant in Pueblo. The smelter continued
tingly, the house overlooked the Philadelphia Smelter and is
to thrive throughout the next decade, with ore arriving not
located at the northeast corner of Corona Park. The house still
only from the American West but from foreign countries such
stands today, but is devoid of its original Queen Anne styling.
as Mexico and Chile as well. The employee population of the
Gone are wood-shingled gable ends, wood siding, balustrade,
plant swelled to nearly 900, more than one third of all of
and turret. Benjamin Guggenheim drowned in the frigid wa-
Pueblo’s smelter employees and the average production value
ters of North Atlantic as he went down with the Titanic after it
of the plant during the 1890s totaled 11.1 percent of the state
struck an iceberg on April 10, 1912.
Figure 5.8. In 1892, smelter mogul Benjamin Guggenheim lived at the
Townsend House, located on Bellvue Place in Corona Park (top). Later it was “remuddled” beyond recognition (bottom). (Pueblo Star-Journal, August 29, 1979,
courtesy of Laurel Campbell)
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
51
Chapter 6
Neighborhood Institutions
With its roots in General William Jackson Palmer’s indus-
served as a Logan County commissioner in the early 1920s. Dil-
trial utopia plan and subsequent generations of entrepreneurs
lon employed Asbury Cherry to construct the Arcade Building,
and political leaders, it is no coincidence that South Pueblo
who broke ground for the structure in April 1924. The Broad-
hosts a disproportionately large share of the city’s cultural, so-
way Arcade sits on the site of the Mesa Hotel and the pattern
cial, and educational institutions. Prominent landmarks in the
of arched windows allude to that building (figure 6.1). Dillon
neighborhood include the Arcade Building, a commercial
designed the Arcade Building in the Renaissance Revival style
building dating to the 1920s that also held a theater and ball-
(figure 6.2). The building’s defining feature is the twelve ar-
room. The area hosts the campus of Pueblo Community Col-
caded, round-arched windows in the southeast elevation, ac-
lege and the classical edifices of Central High School and
companied by eight arcaded windows in the northeast
Keating Junior High School. It is also home to numerous
elevation. Window arches are decorated with keystones, and
churches and charitable organizations. Though no hospitals
beneath each window is a diamond-shaped decorative tile.
exist in the neighborhood today, it once hosted several. Phi-
The building also contains a long cornice accented by dentils,
lanthropist Andrew McClelland was responsible for two other
interrupted above each of the entrances.
institutions: the McClelland Orphanage and School and the
public library.
Asbury Cherry completed the first phase of construction
of the Arcade Building by late 1924, but the planned second
Figure 6.1. A fire on October 9, 1893, destroyed the Mesa Hotel before completion; it never opened. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
Figure 6.2. The Arcade Building has been a commercial, cultural, and geographical landmark in South Pueblo since its construction in 1924. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
Broadway Arcade Building
The Broadway Arcade Building, one of the latest additions
to the Mesa Junction commercial district, became the district’s
commercial cornerstone upon its completion. The combination retail and residential building was the vision of local architect and businessman J.P. Dillon. Dillon came to Pueblo by
way of Iliff, Colorado, where he served as president of the First
Bank of Iliff in the 1910s. He appears to have split his time between Pueblo and Iliff, as he constructed an apartment building in Pueblo at 215-221 Broadway Avenue in 1916, and he
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
53
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
phase, consisting of a theater proposed to cost $150,000, did
century in Mesa Junction or the Blocks have survived through
not begin until 1925. This was the first of many setbacks for
today. There are no instances of demolition of large homes as
the Arcade. Dillon enjoyed the benefit of securing a lease for
with John Thatcher’s Hillcrest estate in the Pueblo North Side
the yet-to-be-complete theater in the fall of 1925. E.K. Lucy
neighborhood. South Pueblo has, however, lost institutions
and W.S. Wilkinson, owners of many theaters throughout
similar in scale and architectural merit to the North Side’s Col-
Kansas, leased the auditorium but did not screen the first
orado Mineral Place, namely the St. Mary Hospital building (fig-
movie there until April 25, 1926, following a series of delays.
ure 6.3).
Lucy and Wilkinson envisioned the Broadway Theater as the
The Sisters of Charity founded St. Mary Hospital in a two-
quintessential performing arts and social gathering place for
story house in the Grove neighborhood in 1882. The hospital
the South Side neighborhood, including live music and the-
quickly outgrew the house in the Grove, and the Sisters pur-
atre. The pair from Kansas apparently never made any sort of
chased the block surrounded by West Grant Avenue, Quincy
profit, leaving the operation of the theater to change hands a
Street, West Pitkin Avenue, and Jackson Street where they
few times until closing its doors less than two years after open-
began construction of a larger hospital in 1883. The hospital
ing, on March 14, 1927. Operation of the theater resumed in
occupied the corner of the block at the intersection of West
the summer of 1928, when the Pueblo Community Theater
Grant and Quincy.
used it for the group’s stage shows. Management changes con-
As with many hospitals, the construction seemingly never
tinued for the next three years, when J.B. England purchased
ended at St. Mary. Within a couple of years in Mesa Junction,
the Arcade Building, renovated the theater, and reopened it as
the hospital added a dining room and laundry ward. On Au-
the Uptown Theater on December 11, 1931.
gust 16, 1891, at the pinnacle of building in the area, the Sis-
A number of Pueblo businesses have called the Arcade
ters of Charity broke ground on a new and larger sanitarium;
Building home throughout the years. Longtime neighborhood
construction was complete the following year. By 1904, a new
staple Broadway Pharmacy rooted itself there, before relocat-
hospital wing was added. The hospital capacity grew to 150
ing one block away at 101 Colorado Avenue. The United States
beds. Construction continued again in 1909 with the addition
Selective Service operated their Pueblo office in the second
of the chapel. In the spring of 1945, a fire broke out in the old-
story of the Arcade Building, along with the Army Recruiting
est portion of the hospital leading to that portion’s demolition.
and Induction Station, upon the United States entry into World
During the 1950s, St. Mary Hospital again developed plans for
War II. The building’s second story apartments housed per-
expansion but they were curtailed with the expansion of Cor-
sonnel from the Pueblo Ordinance Depot at one time, as well
win hospital in the Minnequa neighborhood.2
as new recruits awaiting transfer to basic training.1
St. Mary Hospital constructed Sebastian Hall for its nursing school in 1945. Walter DeMordaunt designed the building
Figure 6.3.The Sisters of Charity founded St. Mary Hospital and built this larger
building in 1883, and they continued adding on to it for decades. (City of Pueblo
and Pueblo County High School)
54
Hospitals
Many of the houses built before the turn of the twentieth
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
and the contractor was Robert M. Morris of Denver. Since 1899,
the nursing school occupied space in the hospital building.
City of Pueblo
The new nursing building was located at the corner of Jack-
most immediately established an orphanage in a small struc-
son Street and West Grant Avenue within the same block as
ture at 1104 East Routt Avenue under the operation of the
the hospital. The hall cost $125,000. Before construction fin-
Methodist Episcopal Church; at the time, orphans’ advocates
ished, a fire in the hospital building forced the institution to
placed children in large group homes, not with individual fam-
occupy the unfinished structure.3
ilies as is the case today. The committee greatly underesti-
St. Mary was not the only hospital ever located in the
mated the population of dependent children in Pueblo, as the
Blocks or Mesa Junction. The Colorado Fuel & Iron Company
orphanage was quickly overrun and had to erect tents to
Hospital, which began in two houses in Bessemer in 1881, out-
house its male population.
grew its capacity and by the next year began construction of
Andrew McClelland, owner of a building and sixteen sur-
a thirty-bed hospital building within Block 'X' in Corona Park
rounding lots at the southwest corner of Lake and Abriendo
(this is the present-day 500 block of East Abriendo Avenue be-
avenues, offered the property to the orphanage. It was at this
tween St. Louis Avenue and East Corona Avenue). This hospi-
location that the Methodist Conference had previously con-
tal was constructed in conjunction with the Denver & Rio
structed a building for its ill-fated school, the Pueblo Collegiate
Grande Railroad. The hospital increased capacity to 112 beds
Institute (figure 6.4). Colorado Fuel & Iron Company donated
with a few additions, but growth and ensuing injuries occurred
the land to the Methodist Conference in 1884. Financial hard-
so rapidly at Colorado Fuel & Iron Company that the company
ships delayed construction of the building, and the 1893 sil-
was forced to erect tents on the hospital grounds. The com-
ver crash caused the school to fail before it occupied the
pany eventually purchased the land at the current site of St.
structure. The building was assessed at $20,000, though the
Mary-Corwin Hospital in the Bessemer neighborhood in 1900,
childless McClelland offered it for only a $5,000, provided that
moving its operation there in November of that year. The hos-
the orphanage make $2,500 in needed repairs. The orphanage
pital was renamed Corwin Hospital upon the death of Col-
had to come up with the full $7,500 before the sale could be
orado Fuel & Iron’s leading physician, Dr. Richard W. Corwin, in
complete.
1929 and turned over to the Sisters of Charity which merged
the two hospitals in 1950.4
Figure 6.4.The building that became the first McClelland School was intended
to host the Pueblo Collegiate Institute. It reflected the then popular Italianate
style, but it was later remodeled and eventually replaced by the current McClelland school. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
When the Orphanage Committee raised almost the entire amount by the Christmas 1905 deadline, Andrew McClelland's wife, Columbia Jane McClelland, donated $5,000 to the
McClelland Orphanage & School
Committee so that they could purchase the building from her
Sadly, the debt of industrial progress often fell upon the
husband and the additional funds were earmarked strictly for
second generation of the working-class, particularly the nu-
renovations. In recognition of the McClellands' generosity, the
merous orphans who plied the streets of cities like Pueblo. In
Orphanage Committee named the institution McClelland Or-
1905, a group of Pueblo citizens recognized this population of
phanage; the orphanage became known locally as the Mc-
parentless children in town and met on January 10 to discuss
Clelland Home, or shortened to just “the home.” Incorporated
the issue. The group, the Protestant Orphanage Committee, al-
on February 19, 1906, the McClelland Orphanage opened on
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55
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
April 25 of that year. The initial population of the home was
ing in earnest even though the national economy lingered in
twenty children, though it grew to a capacity of one hundred
the Great Depression. The home relinquished many of its as-
as the interior construction came closer to completion.5
sets acquired since its inception to pay operational costs and
The home had to turn children away in 1908 as it had
56
accepted a $25,000 donation from the Pueblo Rotary Club.
more admissions than space; the need for expansion was ap-
Construction of the new building began in 1934, the de-
parent. Plans called for $10,000 worth of additions to the build-
sign of architect Walter DeMordaunt and the work of contrac-
ing, but many fundraising efforts fell short. Another large
tor Platt Rogers. Crews wrapped up construction of the new
benefactor, Mrs. Lizzie Welsh, of Los Angeles, rescued the plans
building in 1935, and it was occupied on February 17 of that
for expansion with a gift of the full amount. The orphanage
year. For a time, it was one of only two public buildings con-
erected a barn, small hospital, nursery, and small dormitory on
structed in the Colonial Revival style in Pueblo. (The other, the
the grounds by 1910.6
original Montgomery Ward building downtown, stands at 225
Tireless fundraising and generous public donations of
North Main Street, is listed in the National Register of Historic
money, food, and clothing could not keep up with demand at
Places, and today hosts the American Bank of Commerce.) De-
the orphanage. The financial burden intensified when local
Mordaunt designed the McClelland Home as a simplified but
churches could not support it between 1917 and 1920. The or-
nonetheless dignified example of the Colonial Revival style
phanage had to find its own salaried employees, which were
(figures 6.5 and 6.6). The building included multi-light, dou-
previously filled by double-duty employees and members of
ble- hung windows, but lacked fanlights, sidelights, and shut-
the church. The orphanage found a way to sustain itself until
ters. The main portion of the side-gabled building was
it secured its first large donation as its own entity from the
perfectly symmetrical, with colossal pilasters that extended to
Pueblo Community Chest in 1923 and 1924 in the amount of
the cornice. The pressed red-brick exterior featured quoins at
$9,686.7
the corners and a transom window opened above the front
Management of the McClelland Orphanage changed
entry door. A classical feature of the building was the triangu-
again in 1927. It established a Board of Directors and required
lar pediment in the front elevation, outlined by a white-
members to be in good standing in a Protestant parish in
painted cornice, which contrasts with the barrel-roofed
Pueblo. Twenty-one members occupied the first board.
dormers protruding from the roof.
Among the Board's initial efforts was to change the institu-
The drawings for the building included additional wings
tion’s name from the McClelland Orphanage to the McClelland
that could be added in the future, should the home find itself
Children's Home.8
needing additional space. The third floor of the two-and-one-
Economic prosperity continued to elude the McClelland
half story building remained unfinished until 1936. Also that
Children's Home following a change in its organizational struc-
year, the original McClelland Orphanage was razed and a roof
ture and name. Rumblings for a new building on the same site
installed over the basement to accommodate the home's laun-
began in 1932, and the home once again turned to fundrais-
dry facility. The Works Progress Administration salvaged the
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
materials from the original building and used them to erect
addition that included four new classrooms, a music room and
the Community Chest Building at the corner of Grand Avenue
small auditorium, and a kindergarten room. The McClelland
and West Fifth Street. The total cost of the new McClelland
Center added a preschool and the fourth and fifth grades in
Children's Home building was approximately $45,000.9
1994, when the institution once again changed its name, this
Beginning in the 1960s, local governments began to shift
time to simply the McClelland School, which it continues to
dependent children from large, institutional homes to indi-
use. The school administration commissioned the renovation
vidual residences or foster homes. Orphanages were gradually
of the former carriage house located at the southeast corner of
phased out, and the McClelland Children's Home was not ex-
the property to address further expansion. The school's most
empt. In 1973, the home changed its focus entirely, adopting
recent change occurred in 1995, when it added a middle
the Basic Diagnostic Program that studied four-year-old chil-
school program.10
dren for the early detection of learning disabilities. The home
The orphanage's large initial benefactor, Andrew McClel-
also underwent another name change to the McClelland Cen-
land, was born on December 18, 1850, in Grundy County, Mis-
ter for Child Study. The newly formed McClelland Center se-
souri. He taught high school from the age of seventeen until
cured operational grant funding through the year 1977.
twenty-one in Missouri, before moving to Colorado in 1872.
The McClelland Center evolved into a strictly educational
He resided in Georgetown, working as a carpenter during the
institution by 1979 and included students in kindergarten
summer and at a quartz mill during the winter. He partnered
through third grade. In 1993, the center completed another
to open a grain mill in Georgetown in 1874, and he sold his in-
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figures 6.5 and 6.6. The McClelland Orphanage evolved over time into a private school. Andrew and Columbia Jane McClelland were its principal benefactors. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
57
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
terest in the business in 1881. McClelland took a six month
ventured around the globe again from 1908 to 1909, stopping
respite from work to travel through the eastern United States
first this time at the Hawaiian Islands, before continuing on to
before returning to Colorado in May 1882.11
New Guinea, New Zealand, Australia, Africa, Italy, and north-
This time Andrew McClelland settled in Pueblo. He ini-
ern Europe. McClelland wrote letters home to the Pueblo Chief-
tially opened the McClelland Mercantile Company, a whole-
tain newspaper, which published them. He also collected
sale grain and flour business, and he later purchased the
numerous artifacts from his many destinations, depositing
Pueblo Flour Mill in 1907. As with many pioneers and entre-
most of them in his namesake library. In 1967, the library
preneurs of South Pueblo, McClelland became active in the
turned them over on a long-term loan to the Pueblo Metro-
railroad, though to a lesser extent than the other prominent
politan Museum. The Rosemount Museum now displays some
South Pueblo residents. He was instrumental in securing the
of the artifacts. McClelland only lived in Pueblo for about seven
westward expansion of the Missouri Pacific Railway into
years upon returning from his second globetrotting trip. He
Pueblo in 1888 by chairing the “Right-of-Way Committee” es-
then moved to Pasadena, California in 1916. Columbia Jane
tablished to secure $1,000,000 worth of real estate to give to
McClelland did not make the move and instead remained in
the railroad. That same year, the Pueblo Board of Trade,
Pueblo. Through the years she lived away from her husband,
Pueblo's precursor to a Chamber of Commerce, voted McClel-
Mrs. McClelland became known as a shrewd businesswoman
land as president. The board constructed a new building dur-
who refused to spend money frivolously but gave charitably.
ing his presidency in 1891 at the corner of Richmond and
Andrew McClelland died on March 20, 1936, in Pasadena; Co-
North Union Avenues. McClelland also donated $6,000 for a
lumbia Jane died on April 10, 1939, in her small Union Avenue
new library, the largest amount of any contributor. In addition,
apartment.13
he began dabbling in real estate, building the Riverside Business Block and contributing to the Grand Opera House; he also
McClelland Public Library/Robert Hoag Rawlings
gave money to fund the erection of the Colorado Mineral
Public Library
Palace.12
58
Andrew McClelland became arguably Pueblo's most
Andrew McClelland married Columbia Jane Gray, of Iowa,
noted philanthropist not only for his donations to the or-
on June 20, 1877, in Castle Rock. The couple had no children,
phanage, but also for his efforts to establish a public library.
and it does not appear that they spent much time together
On January 1, 1891, the McClelland Public Library opened in
after the turn of the twentieth century. Columbia Jane not only
the fourth floor of the recently constructed Board of Trade
gave the upstart orphanage the money to buy her husband's
Building after two years of fund raising. Initially Andrew Mc-
property, but she also did not accompany him on his leisurely
Clelland promised a $500 donation once $6,000 had been
trips around the world. The first of Mr. McClelland's trips oc-
raised; this was the same donation promised by the Thatcher
curred in 1904, when he visited much of Europe, Egypt, Java,
brothers. Though the idea of a library in Pueblo was originally
China, Japan, the Philippines, and the Hawaiian Islands. He
that of Dr. Richard Corwin, McClelland upped his donation to
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
$6,000 around November 1890 shortly before the library
Carnegie's stipulations in funding, the group asked city coun-
opened. Fund raising dollars amounted to $7,400 by Decem-
cil on December 16, 1901, to fund the new library in an annual
ber 30, 1890 and were enough to open the library two days
amount equal to ten percent of Carnegie's donation. City
later. McClelland was not a signor of the incorporation papers;
council agreed, and only a short time later, on February 3,
however he was among the first group of trustees.
1902, the city received a favorable reply to their request stat-
The initial library collection amounted to 1,072 books, but
ing that the city would receive $60,000. With funding secured,
they were not circulated. Instead, patrons read at the library.
the City of Pueblo chose Royal Park, at the intersection of
By April, the circulation policy changed allowing patrons to
South Union and Abriendo Avenues, as the site of the new li-
take books home. In order to check out books, however, the li-
brary. Construction began on October 1, 1902, and a corner-
brary charged patrons a five-dollar annual fee; later, the library
stone ceremony was held on January 12, 1903; Alva Adams
boards established monthly fees for those patrons who could
delivered the keynote address and Andrew McClelland dedi-
not afford the yearly fee. In 1891, the library board also re-
cated the stone. The stone was hollowed-out to fit a brass box
duced the yearly fee to two dollars. Reading books at the li-
that contained the photographs of the board of directors, his-
brary remained free.14
tory of the library, and other important papers. The architects
The McClelland Library could not sustain itself financially,
of the new building were Patton & Miller, of Chicago, assisted
and exhausted its funds by April 1893. The trustees decided to
locally by the firm of Bishop & Gile, and the contractor was
surrender control of the library to the City of Pueblo in ex-
Richardson & Campbell. Total cost of the building was
change for a $200 monthly budget and an additional $500 to
$100,000; Andrew McClelland donated a portion of the deficit.
clear the library's debt. Pueblo city officials agreed to the
A dedication ceremony was held on January 20, 1904. The
terms, passing the McClelland Public Library Ordinance on
third floor remained unfinished until 1907, at which time funds
June 26, 1893. The library eradicated the monthly fees and
were raised to complete it. Andrew McClelland provided the
made Andrew McClelland a life member of the library board of
majority of the funds for the third-floor museum, art gallery,
directors. Among the changes at the public library were a shift
and reference department. Though Andrew Carnegie provided
in cataloging to the Dewey Decimal System, still in use today,
most of the funding for the new library building, the building
and the establishment of the library as the fourth United States
was never named Carnegie Library; the name remained the
Depository Library in Colorado. Public use of the library soared
McClelland Library (figure 6.7).16
by May 1, 1894, when the collection amounted to 5,383 books
and 1,944 registered patrons.15
The McClelland Library building of 1904 served the needs
of the city through the post-World War II period, but popula-
During the peak of the Carnegie Library craze, several
tion growth and patronage finally caught up with the institu-
Pueblo citizens started an effort to send letters asking philan-
tion in the early 1960s. The director of the Pueblo Regional
thropist Andrew Carnegie for funds to construct a new library
Planning Commission at the time pressed the city to construct
building in Pueblo. As the citizen’s contingent knew of
a new building on the block surrounded by East Third and
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59
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Fourth Streets, North Santa Fe Avenue, and North Albany Av-
ing were too vague. The board took the defeat in stride
enue, the site of the present-day Greater Pueblo Chamber of
though, purchasing lots in the block immediately east of the li-
Commerce. Pueblo City Council approved an ordinance on Au-
brary in the next few years. The board developed a detailed
gust 26, 1963, earmarking $750,000 to construct a new library
plan that it presented to the public in 1999, and this time vot-
to be built on the same site at Union and Abriendo Avenues as
ers approved the $14 million bond issue. The library board
the previous library; city voters approved the issue on No-
soon realized that the bond issue would not cover the entire
vember 5 of that year. Construction crews broke ground for
cost of the new building, leaving room for Pueblo Chieftain ed-
the new McClelland Library, as the name remained, on May 5,
itor and publisher Robert Hoag Rawlings to cover most of the
1964 (figure 6.8). The new, modernist-style building lay imme-
deficit. Rawlings pledged $4 million to complete the project
diately behind the existing building in Royal Park, so there
and later pledged another $1 million to establish the InfoZone
would be no need for a temporary location. High school stu-
news museum to be located on the new building’s fourth floor.
dents from across the city volunteered to move books from
A benefit concert was also held that raised $700,000 and the
the old building into the new beginning on May 10, 1965 and
Friends of the Library group raised an additional $700,000. The
finished four days later. Demolition of the 1904 library began
library moved most of its collections to a building in the 700
on May 15 and the new library building opened June 1.17
block of North Court Street in May of 2001, which served as
The library building of the American civil rights era offi-
the library's nucleus over the next two years. This time, the ex-
cially gave way to the library building of the information age
isting building had to be razed before construction could
in 2003, though the planning for a new building began six
begin anew. Opened on October 25, 2003, the postmodernist-
years earlier. The Library Board put forth a $14 million bond
style Robert Hoag Rawlings Library leaves a footprint on two
issue to Pueblo voters in November 1997, which was over-
different city blocks and spans over a city street (figure 6.9).18
whelmingly defeated as critics claimed plans for a new build-
60
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
Figures 6.7, 6.8, and 6.9. The design of the Pueblo public library always reflected contemporary architectural trends as demonstrated in these images; clockwise from left, the
classical revival-style 1904 McClelland/Carnegie library, the modern-style 1964 McClelland
library, and the postmodern-style 2003 Robert Hoag Rawlings library. (Historic images
Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library, contemporary image Jeffrey DeHerrera)
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
61
Chapter 7
Churches and Faith-Based Schools
The growth of religious denominations was stunted during the formative years of South Pueblo. As many of the early
section with Abriendo Avenue); and the Presbyterian Church,
also located near the intersection of Abriendo and El Paso.1
residents worked for the Denver & Rio Grande or other rail-
The location of the churches reveals much about the pop-
roads, their residency in the new town was transient. The eco-
ulation densities and developments of the Mesa Junction and
nomic downturn in the early 1870s also slowed new
Corona Park area. Five of the seven churches constructed be-
construction and population growth. The 1879-1880 Pueblo
fore 1886 were located in Corona Park and only two, Trinity
and South Pueblo City Directory is the first available formal list-
Episcopal and St. Patrick's Catholic churches, were located in
ing of churches in South Pueblo; it is remarkably brief: the
Mesa Junction. As neighborhoods made up of largely work-
Southern Methodist Episcopal Church (also known as Corona
ing-class immigrants overwhelmingly worshiped in Roman
Chapel) located “on the Mesa”; the address was Lot 17, Block “P.”
Catholic and Orthodox churches, it is no surprise that St.
A check of the 1882 map on display at the Robert Hoag Rawl-
Patrick's was located at the easternmost portion of South
ings Public Library reveals that by that year there were four
Pueblo, nearer the steel works. Additionally, the name of St.
churches in the Mesa Junction and Corona Park areas: the
Patrick's also suggests an Irish-American immigrant influence.
Methodist Episcopal Church; the Cumberland Presbyterian
As the middle- and upper-class, non-immigrant residents
Church, at Lot 10, Block “M,” just behind Corona School; Trinity
tended to be Protestants, it is predictable that the Presbyte-
Episcopal Church, at the southwest corner of Albuquerque and
rian and Methodist churches developed among the somewhat
San Pedro Streets (the present-day site of the Divine Science
larger houses of the time in Corona Park rather than in Mesa
Church of Pueblo, at the intersection of Broadway Avenue and
Junction.2
East Routt Avenue); and a Baptist church located at Lot 10,
Block “Q.”
By the turn of the twentieth century, the churches of
Mesa Junction and Corona Park numbered an even dozen.
The area added three churches by the time of the three-
Among them were an Evangelical Lutheran Church, a
town consolidation in 1886: St. Patrick's Catholic Church, lo-
Methodist Episcopal Church, a Baptist Church, a Catholic
cated at the intersection of Guadalajara and San Pedro Streets
Church, and three Presbyterian Churches. As the house sizes
(present-day Michigan Street and East Routt Avenue); First
of the Mesa Junction area increased northwest of Broadway
Congregational Church, located on Corona Avenue near El
Avenue near West Orman and West Adams avenues, it is also
Paso Street (present-day South Union Avenue near its inter-
appropriate that one of the Presbyterian Churches was located
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63
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 7.1 and 7.2. Trinity Lutheran chose the Spanish Revival style, with distinctive elements of the Pueblo Revival, for its 1939 sanctuary (top) and school
(bottom). (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
64
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
at the intersection of Broadway and Adams Avenues.3
Trinity Lutheran School
The trend of the majority of churches congregating in the
Several churches established their own schools in South
Corona Park area in the 1880s had changed by 1925. Three of
Pueblo, among the oldest was the Trinity Lutheran School. It
the four churches located atop the bluffs in 1882 were located
began in 1893 as a day school operated by Pastor William
in Corona Park and five of seven were located there in 1886;
Luessenhop, of the German Evangelical Lutheran Trinity
by 1925, two churches were situated in Corona Park and six
Church. The church was located in the 900 Block of East Routt
were concentrated in Mesa Junction. Only one of the churches
Avenue where Our Lady of the Assumption Catholic Church is
located in Corona Park in 1882 remained after the first quarter
currently situated. The school enrolled enough students to jus-
of the twentieth century: Mesa Baptist Church, located at 18
tify the construction of an classroom addition to the church
Block “Q.” The other church located in Corona Park at this time
building in 1902, at which time the school operated with both
was the First Adventist Church, described as a “colored” church
a faith-based and secular curriculum in both the English and
in the city directory. It was located at 20 Block “U.” Three of the
German languages.5
neighborhood churches were situated on Broadway Avenue
The school moved to a new building a couple of blocks
in 1925: Broadway Christian Church, at 206; First Methodist
away at 523 East Pitkin Avenue (the southwest corner of East
Episcopal Church, at 402; and First United Presbyterian Church,
Pitkin Avenue and Jefferson Street) in 1911. The cost of the
at 630.
new school building amounted to $3,480 and the contractor
By the middle of the twentieth century, in 1950, a dozen
was parishioner F.C. Triebes. In 1917, in a rash of nativism co-
churches still remained in Mesa Junction and Corona Park,
inciding with the United States involvement in World War I, a
even though some names and denominations had changed.
local “patriotic committee” inspected the school and burned
Four of the churches were on Broadway Avenue: Broadway
all of the books containing German script. The school oper-
Christian Church, at 206; Trinity Methodist Church, at 402; First
ated out of its Pitkin Avenue building until about 1945, when
United Presbyterian Church, at 630; and Broadway Church of
the church sold the building to a congregation of Jehovah's
Christ, at the intersection of Broadway and East Orman Av-
Witnesses, who used the building as their Kingdom Hall. The
enue. Additionally, three more were located within one block
congregation of Jehovah's Witnesses razed and replaced the
of Broadway Avenue: Holy Trinity Episcopal Church, at 115 East
original school building with a larger Kingdom Hall in 1987.6
Routt Avenue; Tabor Lutheran Church, at 124 West Pitkin Av-
Upon selling the school building on East Pitkin Avenue,
enue; and First United Brethren Church, at 630 Quincy. The first
the school was relocated to the church basement, which by
church to be located in the extreme western portion of South
that time was located at 701 West Evans Avenue. Trinity
Pueblo was the new sanctuary for Trinity Lutheran Church,
Lutheran School could not secure any teachers from 1947-51,
opened in 1939 at 701 West Evans Avenue (figure 7.1). The
due to the convulsing postwar workforce, but the congrega-
style reflected the Spanish Revival style with adobe siding, or-
tion retained its funding for the school. In fact, Trinity Lutheran
namental vigas, and clay tile roof.4
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65
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 7.3 and 7.4. St. Patrick’s church dates to 1882 and the combination
rectory and school building dates to 1884. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library
and Jeffrey DeHerrera)
66
raised enough money to fund a new school building, holding
stepped parapet. The church held a cornerstone-laying cere-
a groundbreaking ceremony in August 1950 at 715 West Evans
mony in March 1951, a dedication ceremony in August, and
Avenue, next to the church building (figure 7.2). Like the
officially convened classes in September. Enrollment at the
church, the school followed the Spanish Revival style with
school grew slowly and it was not until 1978 that mumblings
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
within the congregation began to turn to expansion. By March
construction is unknown. The addition is so seamlessly similar
1980, the school constructed an addition that consisted of
to the original style and materials that it supports the belief
three classrooms, a new restroom, and storage areas, at a cost
that the church was expanded in phases as funding became
of $183,729. The school again expanded in the late 1990s, after
available. A defining feature of the addition is the square bat-
enrollment more than doubled in less than a decade. Con-
tlement tower on the southwest corner of the building.
struction resulted in the addition of 8,000 square feet, of which
In 1901 the parish of St. Patrick's decided to build a new
some was shared with the church proper. The school also
school, at a cost of $9,000; an addition to the new building was
added a pick-up and drop-off area for the students, greatly al-
constructed in 1910. During the flood of 1921, the school
leviating the traffic problem created by having two schools so
building housed displaced families, men in the auditorium and
close together. (Carlile Elementary is located directly across
women and children in the classrooms. St. Patrick's School en-
West Evans Avenue). The cost of the addition and improve-
rollment peaked in 1922, though the exact numbers are un-
ments amounted to $1.3 million when completed in 1999.7
known. When in 1950 the Diocese of Pueblo opened Seton
High School, only a block away from St. Patrick's, the old school
St. Patrick's School
building was remodeled into a gymnasium and kitchen. De-
The Catholic Church in Pueblo can trace its roots to St. Ig-
clining enrollment led to the closure of St. Patrick's School in
natius Church in 1873. That building burnt to the ground in
1969, and the diocese closed all Catholic schools in Pueblo in
1882 when construction was nearly completed on St. Patrick's
1971. The diocese razed the 1901 school building in 1992, and
Church in the Mesa Junction area of South Pueblo. Within two
officially closed St. Patrick's parish on March 30, 2008; at this
years, the parish grew large enough to sustain its own school.
writing the building was unoccupied.8
The church began construction of the limestone-block building, a combination school and rectory, in 1884, and officially
Seton High School
opened it in August 1885. The Sisters of Charity of Cincinnati
Another South Pueblo parochial school was Seton High
operated St. Patrick's School in three classrooms, with an initial
School. Realizing a need to separate high school students from
enrollment of 150 students (figures 7.3 and 7.4).
younger children, the Catholic Diocese of Pueblo constructed
The St. Patrick’s School building exhibits features of the
a new building to host Pueblo Catholic High School, formerly
Italianate style, including in the first story paired, narrow win-
located at St. Patrick's. The new building opened in 1950 and
dows, topped by lintels and segmented arches, and bracketed,
was decorated in the Art Deco style (figure 7.5). The building’s
narrowly overhanging eaves. This architecture is congruous
exterior walls feature smooth planes of brickwork, stone cop-
with the Gothic Revival style exhibited by St. Patrick’s Church.
ing with bold, geometric forms, a broken cornice at the
The edifice hosts “Gothic” arches, buttresses, and gabled dorm-
roofline, and an almost overwhelming emphasis on the verti-
ers protruding from the front-gabled roof. The entire front el-
cal. The Seton High School building strongly resembles the
evation of the church is an addition, but the date of
Walter DeMordaunt-designed addition to Park View School in
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67
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figure 7.5. Seton High’s 1950 construction reflects the Art Deco style. (Jeffrey
DeHerrera)
the East Side, although the architect of Seton is unclear.
68
meeting between the Pueblo Diocese and the parents of the
Seton High School was originally co-educational, but a
two Catholic high schools, held April 2, 1971, the diocese rec-
change in policy in 1965 led to boys attending Roncalli High
ommended that the schools operate as an autonomous en-
School while the girls remained at Seton. Financial difficulties
tity, separate from the diocese. The consolidation never
not only in the Catholic school system but throughout the en-
occurred, though, and the diocese announced the permanent
tire Diocese of Pueblo forced the diocese to consider selling
closing of all Catholic schools on March 30, effective at the end
the Seton High building to School District 60 in 1969. By late
of the school year. Strangely, while the diocese’s financial situ-
1970, the Diocese changed its course and planned to consoli-
ation waned, enrollment did not: the closings occurred in the
date the male and female high school students, but the loca-
wake of the highest-ever enrollment numbers at both high
tion of the consolidated school was never determined. At a
schools.9
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Chapter 8
Public Schools
In a settlement pioneered by industrial capitalists and
coming from Corona Park, as the school's bluff-top location
transient laborers, the education of young people was given
would have been a short walk from the majority of the neigh-
little consideration. But in time the neighborhood evolved into
borhood’s single-family homes.
Pueblo’s preeminent center of learning, with grand public
By the mid to late 1870s, District 20 held classes intermit-
schools, prestigious private academies, and Pueblo Commu-
tently. The district could not retain a teacher and seemingly
nity College.
held classes as it could. By the spring of 1878, plans called for
hiring a teacher to close out the last two months of the school
Public Education
year. The district appears to have hired a teacher but could not
Despite today’s grand edifices of learning, the genesis of
retain him or her; the school year began as scheduled, but the
the public education system in South Pueblo was quite hum-
teacher left by the beginning of October to take a higher pay-
ble. School District No. 20, which included South Pueblo and
ing position elsewhere. By the beginning of January 1879, the
later Bessemer, was organized in the summer of 1873. There
district operated two school buildings, though only the bluff-
are no records of the district's original officers. Its first school
top location of the Union Avenue building is known. The dis-
was constructed along South Union Avenue, just north of the
trict divided students by age into a primary school and a
present-day Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library. The sixteen-
higher department. It then divided the two age groups be-
by-thirty-foot, one-story brick building opened in the fall of
tween the two buildings. Enrollment in the primary grades
1873. While the members of the board of District 20 deter-
stood at sixty and in the higher department at thirty-four. Both
mined that school would adequately serve for years what they
schools again closed when the teacher at the higher depart-
thought was a rather small number of children, enrollment im-
ment resigned in February 1879. The schools did not reopen
mediately soared past capacity. Fifty-three students attended
until the fall of 1879, when one public school opened with
classes the first semester. The location of the school and its
fifty-seven students. A small, private school managed some of
high enrollment suggest that the Corona Park area was at-
the additional enrollment.
tracting families. Housing was generally available on Union Av-
As its teacher situation stabilized, the board of District 20
enue below the bluffs, though mainly in hotels, apartments,
met on June 14, 1879, to discuss the overcrowded and inade-
and boarding houses intended for the transient, and presum-
quate facilities within the small district. The directors agreed
ably mostly single-male, population. Children must have been
to a $7,000 bond issue to purchase a site and construct a new
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 8.1. The 1889 City Directory calls the Corona School, located at 50 Block
“M” (now 135 Jewell Avenue) the Fourth Ward School or the Brick School (Robert
Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 8.2 and 8.3. The Central Grade School originally had a cupola, shown
above, and was commonly referred to as the Stone Building. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library and Jeffrey DeHerrera)
70
school building. The location of this new building was lots 15-
As the population of South Pueblo began to grow rapidly
18 of Block “M” (present-day 135 Jewell Avenue), directly west
in the early 1880s, School District 20 realized that one school
of what would become Grome Park. Building commenced
building could not sustain the town's student population. Thus
soon after, but by the spring of 1880 the amount of the bond
it opened three other new school buildings within the course
issue proved inadequate to cover construction costs. On March
of two years. With a district-wide enrollment of 271 in 1881,
15, the directors met again and approved a second bond issue
which amounted to about double that of the previous year,
not to exceed $4,000 to complete the building. The school ap-
the district had no choice but to once again approve a bond
pears to have officially opened in early 1881, known simply as
issue. The District 20 board of directors met on September 28,
the “Brick Building,” later known as the Corona School (figure
1881, and approved a $15,000 bond issue to secure the
8.1). District 20 sold the previous school building on Union Av-
grounds of an additional school building and provide enough
enue at auction in September 1880 for $800.1
money to at least begin construction of the building designed
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
by architect C.R. Manning. The Colorado Coal and Iron Com-
ing meaning of the name Central School. The building was
pany offered lots 25 through 32 of block 153 for sale to the dis-
centrally located close to the growing populous of steel mill
trict for $800; the location was on Pitkin Avenue between Lake
workers in northern Bessemer and the eastern portion of
Avenue and Madison Street. The district agreed to Colorado
South Pueblo.2
Coal and Iron Company’s terms, and construction began at the
Student enrollment in School District 20 grew quickly be-
beginning of 1882 and lasted until the district extinguished
fore the beginning of the next decade. The district added two
the funds from the $15,000 bond issue. In late spring of 1882,
new classrooms to Central School in 1889 and construction
the directors authorized an additional $20,000 bond issue to
began on a new school building at the extreme western edge
complete the school building. It opened for classes later in
of the Mesa Junction and Corona Park neighborhoods. At that
1882 as the “Stone Building” and housed students in elemen-
time, this western portion of South Pueblo had developed the
tary through high school grades. District 20 soon adopted the
name “Carlile Town” in recognition of the area's first resident,
name of Central School (later Central Grade School). The other
James Carlile. District 20's school building here, Carlile School,
two buildings constructed by District 20 at this time were in
began with eight classrooms and cost $27,549 to complete in
Bessemer and the Grove neighborhood.
1890. At the beginning of the 1890-91 school year, Central
When it opened, Central School cost $40,000 to construct,
School was so overcrowded that the district constructed four
an amount well above the original $15,000 bond issue. The
temporary buildings on school grounds to handle the over-
building measured sixty-five by one hundred feet, with a max-
load and house the grade school students. A more permanent
imum height of 80 feet to tip of the cupola. Building materials
annex structure was built in 1897, but it was razed as part of a
consisted of rhyolite stone (hence the name “Stone Building”),
Works Progress Administration project in 1938.3
Figures 8.4 and 8.5. Pueblo voters approved a bond issue in 1910 to expand
Central High School, constructed just four years before (top). A postcard shows
the school with a proposed additional story and dome, which were never built.
(Top, City of Pueblo and, bottom, Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library).
both from Castle Rock and Pueblo County west of Pueblo. Central School was built in the then-popular Italianate style, meant
Central High School
to evoke picturesque villas of rural northern Italy. Still standing,
School District 20 administrators knew that in order to
the school building includes features such as paired windows
ease permanently the overcrowding at Central School, they
(covered by round-arched hood moldings on the first story), a
would have to construct another building to separate the ele-
truncated hipped roof, and decorative bracketed eaves. The
mentary and high school students. The district began pur-
central tower originally culminated in a belfry and cupola,
chasing land and developing building plans for a new high
which have since been removed (figures 8.2 and 8.3).
school building at the corner of Orman Avenue and Michigan
The District 20 board of directors provided the funds to
Street in 1902. Denver-based architect Robert Roeschlaub’s
finish half of the second floor in 1883, but the other half re-
plans called for the Central High School building to be con-
mained unfinished until November of 1887. Nonetheless, the
structed in phases as growth in the student population
location of the building proved ideal for residents of both
deemed it necessary. The first portion constructed at Central
South Pueblo and Bessemer, and is presumably the underlin-
High School, the east unit, opened in 1906 and overcrowded
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71
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
like had the district raised enough money to construct it as
planned. As proposed, the central portion should have had an
additional story above the cornice-line, crowned by a dome
(figure 8.5).
On February 28, 1916, when the central portion and west
wing of the school were merely four-years-old, a spectacular
fire destroyed them (figure 8.7). The event was a devastating
blow to a district which was still struggling to build enough
schools to handle skyrocketing enrollment. School District No.
1, consisting of the area north of the Arkansas River in Pueblo,
offered all available space to the displaced high school students, and the Pueblo County Commissioners offered the use
of vacant courthouse rooms downtown. District 20 declined
Figure 8.6. Central High School’s monumental architecture and landscape reflect its purpose as an enlightened center of learning. Though eligible for the
National Register of Historic Places, the building is not yet a local landmark. A
nomination could include students and be a step toward fostering neighborhood pride. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
before the end of the decade.
both offers, electing instead to use as classrooms modular
To combat overcrowding district-wide, not only in the
buildings temporarily constructed on the playgrounds. The
Mesa Junction and Blocks neighborhoods, School District 20
district went to the voters again at a special election held May
asked voters to approve a $190,000 bond issue in 1910. The
7, 1917, in order to finance the rebuilding of Central High
bond issue passed in November of that year, allowing the dis-
School; the issue overwhelmingly passed by a margin of more
trict to initiate another much-needed round of building ex-
than three to one. The district employed architect William
pansion. The district spent most of the bond money, $177,581,
Stickney to design the renovation, and W. S. Marble was the
to construct the Roeschlaub-designed central and west units
contractor. Marble served as a school board member at the
of Central High School, which opened in 1912. The contractor
time and resigned as his company bid on the project. The total
was Frank Taylor.
estimated cost was $324,752; the school reopened for classes
Still open and operating, Central High School is an excel-
in 1918.4
lent example of the Classical Revival style (figure 8.6). The
building features colossal classical Corinthian columns sup-
72
Keating Junior High School
porting a portico, a roof-line balustrade at both side elevations,
School District 20 put another bond issue before voters
quoins at the corners, and a dentiled cornice. Contrasting with
in 1920 in the amount of $391,000. It included $21,000 to pur-
other highly stylized Classical Revival buildings, Central High
chase a site and $130,000 to construct a new junior high
School lacks a pedimented portico and includes only simple,
school. The building would be constructed near both Central
undecorated window surrounds. An architect’s rendering in a
Grade School and Central High Schools to relieve the now all
postcard shows what Central High School could have looked
too familiar problem of overcrowding. The district failed to
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City of Pueblo
Figure 8.7. The central and west wings of Central High School burned on
February 28, 1916. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
sway voters in its favor this time, as the bond issue went down
$18,078. On May 7, 1924, the district awarded a contract to
in an overwhelming defeat. Committees made up of both ad-
build a nine-classroom stone annex at Central Grade School
ministrators, educators, and parents kept the issue of school
to contractor Raymond Whitlock; George Roe designed the ad-
overcrowding in the face of the voting public for three more
dition. In October 1923, the school board approved a deal from
years before a special election was held on May 8, 1923, for a
the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company to purchase lots for the pro-
new bond issue. This time the district asked for $600,000, and
posed junior high school near the two Central schools for
the bond issue easily passed by a margin of almost ten to one.
$30,600.5
The bond issue of 1923 included much-needed money to
School District 20 awarded the contract for the long-
expand many buildings throughout the district. At Corona
awaited junior high school in early 1926; the contractor was
School, William Stickney designed an addition to the existing
Peterman and Cooper and the architect William Stickney. The
building and contractor F.C. Triebes carried out the work for
cost of the building soared to $212,321, much higher than the
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73
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, and 8.11.William Stickney designed Keating Junior High (above) including the grand entrances.
The central entrance, at right, hosts six columns with ionic capitals while the side entrances, at right lower, host two
columns with ionic capitals. Its proximity to Central High School (below) created a monumental space to underscore the
importance of learning to Pueblo’s citizens. (Historic images City of Pueblo and contemporary images Jeffrey DeHerrera)
74
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
$130,000 anticipated six years earlier. When factoring in the
Pueblo Chamber of Commerce. The policy of pay-as-you-go
costs of land acquisition and equipment, the total cost in-
expansion continued until the Great Depression.7
creased to $258,934. The building consisted of sixteen rooms,
The ceaseless problem of overcrowding at Mesa Junction
an auditorium, and a library. The junior high school building
and Corona Park schools within District 20 continued even
was constructed in Classical Revival and Renaissance styles
after the completion of Keating Junior High School. The dis-
(figures 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, and 8.11). Classical features include Ionic
trict’s board of directors authorized in 1928 the purchase of
columns supporting colossal porticos. The junior high school
lots 6 through 32 in block 143 (the entire block consisted of 32
building also boasts triangular pediments at both side eleva-
lots, and this is currently the site of Central High School's foot-
tions. Renaissance features include the side-gabled roof, in-
ball field), vacant land intended to provide room for any future
tended to be covered in tile, exposed rafter ends, and quoins.
expansion. Superintendent Keating recommended, also in
Students, educators, and parents all clamored to name
1928, that a house adjacent to the junior high school that the
the school Keating Junior High in honor of longtime District
district acquired when it purchased the land be vacated and
20 Superintendent John F. Keating. He was born on September
converted into junior high school classrooms, thus relieving
23, 1862, in Miami County, Ohio, and graduated from Wesleyan
the pressures the soaring student population put on the new
College in 1892. He moved to Colorado upon graduation, first
building. The district's board of directors permitted the super-
settling in Aspen. He left that town to serve as the superin-
intendent to solicit plans to construct ten additional class-
tendent of the Central City School District, and he moved to
rooms in a new wing of the junior high school and two new
assume the same position at Pueblo School District 20 in 1896.
classrooms at Carlile Elementary at its December 10, 1928,
John Keating served as superintendent of District 20 until
School Board meeting. Architect Walter DeMordaunt drew
1936. He died on July 29, 1937. The district officially adopted
plans for an eighteen-classroom expansion of the junior high
the name Keating Junior High School at its October 10, 1937,
school, which was approved at the February 1929 board meet-
board meeting.6
ing. The contract for the new wings of the building was
Keating was beloved because he was able to expand the
awarded to the original contractor of Peterman and Cooper.8
school district’s capacity and improve schools despite financial woes and increasing enrollment. Desperate to keep class-
Carlile School
room space adequate for the student population,
Unlike at Keating Junior High School, construction of ad-
Superintendent Keating convinced the District 20 board of di-
ditional classrooms at Carlile Elementary did not immediately
rectors to support a perennially unpopular plan: asking voters
occur. As of 1930, Carlile Elementary had experienced no new
to increase the mill levy instead of relying on bond issues. The
construction since it originally opened over forty years earlier
increased mill levy, Keating argued, would ultimately cost the
(figure 8.12). A committee consisting of the Carlile community
taxpayers less money in the long-term. Voters adopted the mill
residents attended the March 11, 1930 board meeting and
levy during the 1926 election despite opposition from the
spoke of the need for additional classrooms at the school. The
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figure 8.12. The large Carlile School building near the corner of Harrison and
West Evans Avenue was demolished around 1930. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public
Library)
Figure 8.13.The original Carlile Schoolhouse was located one-quarter mile west
of the present school. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
76
committee argued for construction of the two classrooms
before the board again two months later on May 27, this time
pledged in 1928, a combination auditorium and gymnasium,
with Carlile Elementary principal Inez Chase. Miss Chase had
and a kindergarten room. They also argued that they willingly
been principal at Carlile Elementary since the school’s incep-
allowed the district to expand the junior high at the expense
tion in 1890. The board once again did not take a formal ac-
of Carlile Elementary, while the younger students doubled up
tion, but it asked the committee to provide sketches for the
in classrooms, used hallway and the basement spaces that
proposed expansion at the next meeting. On June 10, archi-
were ill-suited for instruction, or were transferred to other,
tect Walter DeMordaunt presented the rendering on behalf of
more distant schools. The board of directors refrained from
the committee; the board voted to adopt a watered-down ver-
taking action at the meeting. The citizens committee appeared
sion of the construction plan, consisting of only the kinder-
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City of Pueblo
Figure 8.14. Walter DeMordaunt’s 1931-1933 Carlile School follows the Spanish Colonial Revival style with its clay tile roof and highly decorative, widearched, recessed front entrance. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
garten and grade school classes, so students would not have
age, ultimately concluding that the building was in woefully
to attend classes in the basement. The new classrooms would
poor condition, technologically and pedagogically obsolete,
occupy an entirely separate building at the rear of the existing
and should be razed as soon as possible. Members of the
school. Contractor F.C. Triebes constructed them at a cost of
board of directors unanimously consented to the recommen-
$25,402.9
dation and abandoned Carlile Elementary while removing stu-
During the construction of the Carlile Elementary annex,
winds from a storm November 18, 1930 toppled a brick chim-
dents to Central Grade School and the Keating Junior High
School.
ney on the main building that crashed through its roof and
The engineer’s recommendation set off a chain reaction
into two classrooms on both the first and second floors. For-
concerning the safety of school buildings throughout District
tunately school was not in session at the time. School District
20. A city building inspector noted in a report that Bessemer
20 hired a structural engineer from Denver to assess the dam-
School (within the boundaries of District 20) was a fire hazard;
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
the report was made the same month as the Carlile Elementary
structed to conform to the existing architectural style of the
chimney collapse. Rumors of unsafe school buildings forced
annex, and the result was the Spanish Colonial Revival-styled
the District 20 board to employ a committee of Colorado Fuel
building that still stands today (figure 8.14). Defining features
& Iron Company engineers to inspect Bessemer, Columbian,
of the Carlile School include arcaded windows, a stucco exte-
Danforth, Wildeboor, Central Grade, and Central High Schools
rior finish, wrought iron window grilles and balustrade, and a
for any hazards. The committee of engineers found structural
low-pitched, tile-covered roof. Other prominent features in-
weaknesses at all of the subject schools, but it stated that the
clude a highly decorative, wide-arched, recessed front en-
weaknesses could be remedied.
trance, bracketed eaves, and a quatrefoil above the front
The school district capitalized upon public concern and
entrance.
called for a special election to consider a bond issue on February 10, 1931. The economy was collapsing, and before the
78
Expansion
election could take place representatives from a local taxpay-
As this construction occurred during the Great Depres-
ers league appeared at the January 7, 1931, board meeting.
sion, Superintendent Keating sought any way he could to cut
The league reported that it had several local contractors in-
costs and save money. At Carlile Elementary, he decided to
spect both Carlile and Bessemer Schools and the findings were
construct a building that could not only handle the student
such that problems at both buildings could be safely fixed. The
population of Carlile, but also of Corona School as well. In
Pueblo Chieftain became concerned with conditions at the
doing so, Keating argued that consolidation of the schools
schools of District 20 and hired a second structural engineer
could save the district money on maintenance at the aging Co-
from Denver to make yet another round of inspections. This
rona School. The board of directors agreed to the consolida-
engineer concurred with the first engineer that a new Carlile
tion, and awarded the construction contract to F.C. Triebes on
Elementary school building could be constructed at a lesser
June 2, 1931. Problems acquiring construction materials de-
cost than remodeling the existing building. With all of these
layed the school’s opening until January 1933. Once com-
reports and recommendations in mind, the district held the
pleted, the cost of construction and furniture was $104,838.10
February 10 election as planned; 1,279 votes were cast, 813 for
School District 20 appears to have weathered the Great
the bonds and 466 opposed. The bonds totaled $250,000,
Depression relatively well. The district constructed a new
$200,000 to construct new buildings, $25,000 for land acqui-
building for Carlile Elementary School and had finally reached
sition, and $25,000 for school furnishings.
a balance between enrollment and capacity district wide. Dur-
Construction of the Carlile Elementary annex was com-
ing the early 1930s, a work relief center was set up in Central
plete at the beginning of 1931. The district employed Walter
Grade School where the unemployed could sign up to com-
DeMordaunt again to draw plans for the new Carlile Elemen-
plete maintenance tasks for the district. In the Mesa Junction
tary school main building while employing contractor P.C. Croll
and Corona Park neighborhoods, work relief projects included
to raze the old building at a cost of $600. DeMordaunt was in-
the pouring of concrete curbs and gutters around school
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City of Pueblo
Figure 8.15.The 1950 Pueblo Public School Stadium (now Dutch Clark Stadium)
takes advantage of its bluff-top topography and hosts the annual football rivalry
between Centennial and Central high schools. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
buildings and the demolition of the now vacant Corona School
which the district was only billed $4,000. The Works Progress
building in 1935. Some of the stone blocks from the Corona
Administration also constructed an addition to the Central
School building were used to construct buildings at the Pueblo
High School stadium and built new tennis courts.11
Junior College campus and other materials went to build a
Construction within School District 20 screeched to a halt
garage and shop area at Central High School, with Works
during World War II, with the only changes involving the cur-
Progress Administration labor, beginning in 1938. The cost of
riculum; Central High School offered more industrial classes
the garage and shop area at Central High totaled $18,838, of
meant to support the war effort. The postwar period, however,
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
80
brought back familiar problems from the past. As early as 1944,
erations to close the Keating building rose again in 1993 and
the district's superintendent envisioned a building program
1994, but the district retained programs at the school. Finally,
that included a new gymnasium at Central High, remodeling
in 2009, the district executed what they called a temporary clo-
and an addition at Central Grade School, an addition to Carlile
sure of the school expected to save the district $646,000. The
Elementary, and bleachers at Central High School’s stadium.
Keating building was vacant at this writing.13
The estimated cost of these proposed building projects was
After the consolidation of School Districts 1 and 20 in
$400,000. At the November 1944 school board meeting, ar-
1946 into District 60, residents of the two former districts clam-
chitect Edward Bunts submitted sketches for the proposed ex-
ored for an adequate athletic stadium to house the athletic
pansion at Carlile Elementary School. The expansion did not
contests between the longtime high school rivals of each dis-
begin until 1948, however, and cost $106,982. Remodeling at
trict: former District 1's Centennial High and former District
Central Grade School wrapped up in 1948 at a cost of $62,411,
20's Central High School. The football rivalry dated back to
and included an auditorium and gymnasium in the basement.
1892, and it became so popular that neither school’s stadium
At that same time, the district commissioned a new, central
was large enough for the crowds. The District 60 school board
boiler plant to heat Central High School as well as Keating Jun-
considered the public outcry in 1947, but the pressures of
ior High School. Capacity of the boiler plant was large enough
bursting classrooms remained more pressing. At that time,
to accommodate its future expansion to Central Grade School
however, the board did secure an option to purchase land for
and cost $165,319.12
the proposed stadium. The parcel was located in the 1000
School buildings in the Mesa Junction and Blocks neigh-
block of West Abriendo Avenue, a place at the edge of the
borhoods have changed little since the postwar period. While
bluffs where city and county road crews had previously exca-
postwar home construction forced school expansion and new
vated gravel for streets. Citizens in support of a stadium took
construction elsewhere in the city, South Pueblo witnessed
the funding shortfall into their own hands by selling $72,000
very little new residential construction. As Pueblo grew out-
worth of bonds for the district and procuring in-kind dona-
ward since that period, new school buildings have been con-
tions. Students in all of the schools, not only the high schools,
structed in the newer residential areas. In 1982, consolidated
also raised money for the stadium. When the football season
School District 60 closed Keating Junior High School in order
opened in the fall of 1950, the schools played in a stadium
to save on maintenance and utility costs, but reopened the
large enough to handle their respective fan bases (figure 8.15).
school later that year as an alternative education facility,
Spectators sat in either the Centennial stands or the Central
named the Keating Education Center, focused on keeping
stands at Pueblo Public School Stadium, as no other high
high-risk students in school. District 60 put the Keating Edu-
schools existed within the district until almost a decade later.14
cation Center on the chopping block again in 1992, but re-
Built exclusively as a football stadium (though it also held
ceived a $1.2 million grant that same year that actually
the graduation ceremonies of all Pueblo high schools and a
expanded programs at the former junior high school. Consid-
speech by President John F. Kennedy), Pueblo Public School
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City of Pueblo
Stadium underwent an extensive makeover beginning in
all the expenses of the junior college.
1977. The renovation called for removing the unstable con-
The name changed to Southern Colorado Junior College
crete foundation beneath the seating, replacing the wood
in 1934 and to Pueblo Junior College in 1937. Also in 1937, the
bench seats, and constructing a track surface that circled the
Colorado General Assembly passed a bill allowing for the cre-
football field. The over twenty-five-year-old wood seats had
ation of junior college districts, much like a public school or-
decayed to the point they were nicknamed 'splinter gulch' in
ganization, that could fund its programs through tax levies.
the Pueblo Chieftain newspaper. To construct the track, crews
Thus was created the Pueblo County Junior College District.
permanently removed some of the seats on both sides of the
Colorado Fuel & Iron Company donated ten acres to the insti-
stadium; seating previously extended all the way to the field.
tution in the mid 1930s, an area that continues to serve as its
The time line of construction stated that the stadium would
campus. The Public Works Administration provided much of
be ready for football games and track meets in the fall of 1978,
the labor for its first building.16
but the contractor ran into shale beneath the former seating
Growing enrollment led to a special election held on Sep-
foundation that tacked on more than an extra year of con-
tember 30, 1938, in which county voters approved a $120,000
struction. The renovation cost $1.1 million when complete in
bond issue supplemented by a $90,000 Public Works Admin-
December of 1979, and stadium was renamed in honor of Earl
istration grant. The institution completed construction of new
Harry “Dutch” Clark, an alumnus of Central High School and a
buildings in 1940: a library, laboratory, classrooms, and a 1,104-
charter inductee into the Professional Football Hall of Fame.15
seat gymnasium. These buildings included the present-day
San Juan Building on the Pueblo Community College campus.
Further Education
So rapidly increasing was the enrollment after World War II that
Pueblo Community College
the institution purchased barracks from the Pueblo Army Air
The story of education in South Pueblo, unlike in the city’s
Base (the precursor to the Pueblo Airport located on Prairie
other neighborhoods, continues beyond high schools to post-
Avenue just west of the state fairgrounds) to use as classrooms.
secondary education. Pueblo Community College began as a
The college shifted its focus in 1946 to a vocational-technical
civic mission fostered through corporate benevolence from
program that took advantage of government-supplied tech-
the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company. First conceived of in Sep-
nical equipment during the war years. The institution was then
tember 1933 as a way for Depression-stricken recent high
renamed simply Pueblo College.
school graduates to continue their education and stay off of
The shift to a vocational-technical school brought about
the unemployment rolls, the San Isabel Junior College first
a master plan for the entire campus designed by architect Wal-
held classes in unoccupied rooms on the third floor of the
ter DeMordaunt, who envisioned a sprawling campus that in-
Pueblo County Courthouse. The first class numbered thirty-
cluded nineteen buildings. Voters approved a $750,000 bond
one full-time students and thirty-two part-time students, who
issue at a special election held February 24, 1947, to address
paid a flat rate of $4 per credit hour, which combined to meet
the expanding student population. The largest portion of the
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81
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 8.16 and 8.17. Only a portion of Walter DeMordaunt’s 1947 master
plan for Pueblo College was realized. In 1961, the Colorado General Assembly
changed the status of the college to a degree-granting, four-year institution and
split the campus in two: the original campus in Mesa Junction eventually came
to be called Pueblo Community College. The other campus, adjacent to the Belmont neighborhood, became Colorado State University - Pueblo. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
82
money went to construct the present-day Medical Arts & Tech-
ing, and the Gorsich Advanced Technology Building. DeMor-
nology Building. However, only a portion of DeMordaunt's
daunt designed the Medical Arts & Technology Building, the
master plan was ever realized (figure 8.16 and 8.17). Today the
San Juan Building, and the Central Administration Building.17
campus consists of eight buildings: the Health Science Build-
The Colorado General Assembly changed the status of
ing, the Health Science Annex, the Medical Arts & Technology
Pueblo College to a degree-granting, four-year institution gov-
Building, the College Center, the Mike Davis Academic Build-
erned by the Board of Trustees for State Colleges in 1961 and
ing, the Central Administration Building, the San Juan Build-
the Pueblo Junior College District was dissolved. The name
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City of Pueblo
changed once again, this time to Southern Colorado State Col-
emy moved to its long-time home at 530 Lake Avenue, only
lege. The institution now consisted of two campuses, the orig-
one block east of its original location. The Gulliford (sometimes
inal location at the extreme southwest corner of the Mesa
spelled Guiliford) family not only taught the basics in reading,
Junction neighborhood, called the Orman Avenue Campus,
writing, and mathematics, but also French, Spanish, and Italian
and a new site adjacent to the Belmont neighborhood, the
languages; art; music; etiquette; ballroom dancing; and elo-
present campus of Colorado State University-Pueblo. The chief
cution. The academy also boarded many of its students, and
focus of the Orman Campus remained vocational training,
the building served as the Gulliford family residence.19
while other programs were transferred to the Belmont Cam-
The Gulliford family immigrated to the United States
pus. In 1974, Southern Colorado State College renamed the
around 1894 from England where William H. Gulliford and sec-
Orman Campus the College for Community Services and Ca-
ond wife, Elise, developed extensive teaching experience.
reer Education (CCSCE), and a year later the Colorado General
William was born on February 13, 1830, in London. He strictly
Assembly passed a bill allowing the campus to be operated as
attended private schools and graduated with honors from
a technical community college eligible for state and federal
King's College, in London. William had three daughters and
funding administered by the Community College and Voca-
two sons with his first wife. Daughters Clare Hays (born around
tional System of Colorado. By 1978, the Colorado General As-
1870), E. Madame (born about 1873), and Amy (born around
sembly passed legislation for College for Community Services
1876) all taught lessons at the Academy. William Gulliford ap-
and Career Education to operate as a freestanding educational
pears to have remarried in England before bringing his family
institution. The name was changed to Pueblo Vocational Com-
to the United States and settling at Santa Fe, New Mexico. The
munity College on July 1, 1979, and to Pueblo Community Col-
family of educators moved to Pueblo in 1900. Upon the death
lege on July 1, 1982. (Southern Colorado State College,
of William on December 6, 1909 at the academy, Clare was ap-
meanwhile, became the University of Southern Colorado and
pointed the principal. Clare and Amy Gulliford appear to have
is now Colorado State University-Pueblo.)18
always taught at the Academy, while Madame split her time
between teaching in Pueblo and New York. Elise Gulliford
Gulliford Academy
passed away in December 1919, Madame on June 2, 1925,
South Pueblo also hosted one of the city’s most unusual
Amy on February 26, 1934, and Clare on September 6, 1937.
educational institutions: a private academy operated exclu-
The Academy closed after Clare’s death, and for a time the
sively by members of a single family. The Pueblo Private Board-
building was divided into six apartments. It fell into disuse and
ing and Finishing School opened at 306 East Orman Avenue
became known locally as “the haunted house,” which the City
in 1900. The following year, the newly renamed Gulliford Acad-
of Pueblo demolished in 1998.20
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Chapter 9
The Cultural Landscape
Perhaps more than any other Pueblo neighborhood,
Association, a citizens committee, recommended terracing the
South Pueblo exudes a sense of place through landscape fea-
bluffs along Union Avenue with a stone wall to allow the plant-
tures. While the North Side boasts Mineral Palace Park and the
ing of greenery. The Association also recommended the re-
Bessemer Neighborhood the Mountain View Cemetery and
moval and prohibition of billboards along the bluffs.1
Figures 9.1. Trees are a character-defining feature of the Mesa Junction and
Blocks, but they are not just for show. The shade is needed in both summer and
winter to help temper the constant Colorado sun. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
Minnequa Park, South Pueblo hosts a series of small parks and
large recreation facilities. Abriendo Avenue connects these
with its boulevard proportions and mature trees. These cultural landscape features tie the neighborhood together.
The National Park Service defines a cultural landscape as
“a geographic area, including both cultural and natural resources and the wildlife or domestic animals therein, associated with a historic event, activity, or person or exhibiting
other cultural or aesthetic values.” Included in cultural landscapes are buildings, structures such as trails and roads, plants,
drainage features, fences, and views. These combine to give a
distinctive feel to the Mesa Junction and Blocks areas.
The beautification of Mesa Junction and Corona Park progressed slowly. After the grand and optimistic plat of South
Pueblo had been recorded in December 1872, plans called for
planting over 10,000 trees throughout all three portions of the
new town. It is unknown how many of these trees actually
made it into the ground as the economic downturn forced
more austere beautification. In the spirit of the City Beautiful
Movement, residents from all Pueblo neighborhoods in 1909
called for better aesthetics above the railroad tracks. Many residents heard the complaints of railroad passengers that the
bluffs looked downright ugly. The South Pueblo Improvement
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Parks
John Blair, a landscape designer (sometimes referred to
as a landscape architect), developed Corona Park’s meander-
Figure 9.2. The original pocket parks in Corona Park (colored green) numbered
about twenty. Blair and Nettleton reserved no parks for the Mesa Junction area.
(City of Pueblo)
86
stalled playground equipment and eventually ballball fields.
The green spaces and now mature trees remain in most cases.
In some parks, lights allow for play late into the evening.
ing streets and small parks located along Corona Avenue. Blair
The site of the library, Royal Park, is a far cry from what
included no less than twenty of these pocket parks in the orig-
John Blair probably had in mind. The area was originally a small
inal plat of South Pueblo. These public spaces were not only
hill lacking any landscaping. The park later transformed into a
located within the small, oddly sized and shaped blocks near
grassy and shady respite through the hands of its namesake,
Abriendo Avenue, as seen today, but he also planned many to
Andrew Royal.
occupy space among the houses of Corona Park. Blair's inten-
Born in 1836 in Kingsdale, Ireland, Royal immigrated to
tion was clear: to provide recreational and scenic opportuni-
the United States at age eleven with his mother. They tem-
ties for the community. The park space was never intended to
porarily settled in a New York hotel, from which Andrew wan-
be sold as lots. On the original plat map of South Pueblo, these
dered away. He could not recall the name of the hotel or how
spaces remained unnumbered, unlike the lots on either side
to get back there before being approached by a policeman.
that were numbered consecutively. None of the parks planned
Andrew Royal's given name 'Reihill' was misinterpreted at the
between houses exist today, but many of the larger ones do.
police station, preventing his mother from finding him and he
Henkll Park is located on Abriendo Avenue bordered by Penn
was eventually adopted by a Quaker family in New Jersey.
Avenue and Ramona Avenue; Grome Park is situated on
At the age of sixteen, Andrew Royal traveled through
Abriendo Avenue surrounded by Jewel, King, and Lamar av-
Ohio and Illinois, and onto Maryville, Missouri. He studied law
enues; Delavan Park is located on West Corona Avenue delim-
at a firm in Maryville and was admitted to the Missouri bar be-
ited by two extensions of Harvard Avenue; Jackson Park is
fore working his way up to partner in the firm. Royal enlisted
found in the 400 block of West Abriendo Avenue; Wormley
in the Union Army upon the outbreak of the Civil War, serving
Park is located in the 300 block of East Abriendo Avenue; and
in all five years of the war before his discharge as a captain.
Little Chief Park is surrounded by extensions of St. Louis Av-
Royal returned to Maryville and was elected probate judge of
enue and East Corona Avenue.2
Nodaway County, Missouri, in 1866, and as county judge in
When created, these pocket parks reflected Romantic
1868; he was elected town trustee of Maryville in 1876. Royal
landscape design (figure 9.2). They consisted of large
moved to Pueblo with his second wife, Belle O. May, in 1881,
greenswards edged by trees. Within these oases, the middle
after having first visited the city in 1878. He almost immedi-
class could escape the industrial world that lay beneath them.
ately made a splash in Colorado politics. Pueblo County resi-
They recreated passively, and the parks served this strolling
dents voted Royal as their representative in the Colorado State
and socializing. By the early twentieth century, the parks
House and he served there in 1882 and 1883. City of Pueblo
began to transform into more active spaces, which served an
residents voted Royal as their mayor in 1888, the first immi-
evolving working class population in Corona Park. The City in-
grant to hold the position.4
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City of Pueblo
Clockwise from top left, Figure 9.3. Henkll Park serves the neighborhood with a small playground and large green space, holding the sandy soil in place.
Figure 9.4. Henkll Park serves as a front yard to the adjacent houses and a gathering place for families.
Figure 9.5. Delavan Park has the same program of large shade trees, grass, and a playground.
Figure 9.6. Grome Park’s playground is large as are its trees. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figures 9.7 and 9.8. The 1918 design for Mesa Junction’s lamp posts, below,
were inspired by the classical designs of the City Beautiful movement. Shown
above is one of the lamp posts installed at the intersection of Mesa Junction and
Broadway. (City of Pueblo)
Andrew Royal managed several businesses in Pueblo
linear park served both communities, providing recreational
upon moving to the city. He operated the Southern Hotel, on
opportunities and separating modes of transportation (at the
Victoria Avenue in South Pueblo, which he later renamed the
time horses from pedestrians and later street cars and auto-
Royal Hotel. Royal purchased the Weekly Democrat newspaper
mobiles), two tenents common in romantic landscape design
and changed it into the first evening newspaper in Pueblo.
as instituted in places such as Central Park in New York City.
While concurrently operating the Southern Hotel, he also op-
Traffic could move efficiently and safely along its length.
erated a liquor store on Victoria Avenue. While mayor, Royal
Abriendo Avenue is a spatial anomaly that must have
made the beautification of the pocket parks in Corona Park
seemed quaint to one traveling by horse-and-buggy and later
one of his highest priorities. He planted many of the trees in
mindboggling to those in automobiles. On its southwest side
Royal Park himself, while appropriating funds for other South
streets intersect at ninety-degree angles in regular, predicat-
Pueblo park beautification projects. Andrew Royal died on
able intervals. Yet the northwest side of the street is in marked
February 4, 1904, merely two weeks after the dedication of the
juxtaposition, with streets intersecting Abriendo Avenues at
library built upon his namesake park. Today the park is largely
contorted angles and irregular intervals. Rarely streets from
parking, having been heavily modified with the construction
Corona Park and Mesa Junction actually meet each other at
of the new library, its parking lot, and nearby intersection re-
Abriendo Avenue—though later alterations (such as Fourth
alignments.5
Street) now cross the boulevard directly, connecting both
While Corona Park was graced with small parks, Blair did
not reserve any blocks or spaces for parks in the land south of
neighborhoods. The original plan was intended to control the
flow of traffic from and through the neighborhoods.
Abriendo Avenue. Saleable lots occupied every inch of land on
In the early twentieth century, Pueblo embraced the City
the original plat in that area. Nonetheless, a large park still de-
Beautiful movement, focusing great attention on landscape
veloped there. Stauter Field, as the park is named, occupies
design in public spaces and monumental architecture. Of great
over four acres of land and the entire block surrounded by
importance to the execution of the City Beautiful vision was
Abriendo Avenue, Washington Street, East Evans Avenue, and
vegetation. Abriendo Avenue’s center median was planted
Jefferson Street. Today, Stauter Field is home to basketball
with trees; this green island served to provide shade and relief
courts and baseball fields. In addition, the Pueblo Parks and
from intense summer sun and give human scale to the boule-
Recreation Department planned to develop St. Mary Park on
vard. In 1918, plans for the “Mesa Junction Paving District No.
the former hospital grounds in 1979, but the park never
1” included a design of an elaborate concrete lamp standard.
reached fruition.3
Classically inspired, the lamp had an ornate base, shaft, and
capital of glass globes (figures 9.7 and 9.8).6
Abriendo Avenue
88
Along Abriendo Avenue lie important landmarks to the
Nettleton and Blair designed Abriendo Avenue, Spanish
people of Pueblo—small commercial buildings and the library.
for “opening,” to connect Mesa Junction and Corona Park. This
However, with the exception of the private McClelland School,
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City of Pueblo
the schools in the community are not along Abriendo but sit
Exposition of 1893, Puebloans Hector Chiariglione and
back within the community.
Columbo F. Delliquadri attended the Columbian Federation of
Italian-American Societies national convention in Chicago in
Pueblo Christopher Columbus Monument
1892. The Columbian Federation represented a collective of
Pueblo residents embraced the City Beautiful movement
Italian-American societies in the United States, and
to combat the perceived ugliness of the bluffs of the South
Chiariglione served as president of the national group. At the
Side. In Mesa Junction and Corona Park, this meant lining
convention Delliquadri, with the exposition a year away, urged
Abriendo Avenue with trees and constructing the median in
the group to raise funds to erect monuments to Columbus
the center of the street. One of the area’s immigrant groups,
across the country. Some communities already had such mon-
the Italians, extended this movement with their fledgling her-
uments, most notably Chicago due to the Exposition's loca-
itage movement and commissioned a monument to be placed
tion, but they were scattered. Monuments were erected
in the median in the 100 Block of East Abriendo Avenue. It ef-
throughout North and South America in 1892 in recognition of
fectively unified a diverse community, before becoming a
the 400th anniversary of Columbus' landing on October 12,
source of conflict by the end of the century.
1492. Chiariglione brought funds to Pueblo for such a monu-
With the arrival of the Denver & Rio Grande's tracks to
ment from all across the United States.8 The pro-Columbus
Pueblo in 1872 and the construction of the steel works within
sentiment in the United States at the time was rooted in much
a decade, Pueblo became a regional industrial hub. Southern
of the Catholic community that included eastern Europeans,
Italians, with a majority of Sicilians, who had been working
Italians, French Canadians, Mexicans, Irish, and Germans.9
near New Orleans harvesting sugar cane and New York and
In contrast, the anti-immigrant, and therefore anti-Italian,
Philadelphia constructing railroads, received word of the new
sentiment of the late nineteenth century shone through in the
industrial work opportunities in Pueblo. Italian workers also
workforce, where employers across the country exploited im-
moved into the coal field regions surrounding Cañon City and
migrant groups for their willingness to take less pay than other,
Trinidad to the extent that the populations of small towns such
native-born workers. Steelmakers in Pennsylvania imported
as Rockvale, Brookside, Ludlow, and Berwind became almost
blue-collar workers from Italy and other countries in 1883 as
entirely Italian. In Pueblo, the first largely Italian neighborhood
strike busters, as had been done previously in the New York
developed on Goat Hill near the present-day intersection of
construction industry in 1874. Also in 1874, Pennsylvania coal
East First Street and Interstate 25. These early Italians took ad-
mining companies relied upon the willingness of Italian im-
vantage of the neighborhoods’ proximity to the smelter just
migrants to force the native-born workforce to accept a cut in
to the southeast of the hill. The Italian population later mi-
wages.10
grated within the city limits southward to Bessemer to be
closer to the steel mill.7
In order to ready themselves for the World's Columbian
To overcome the anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant antagonisms, Delliquadri envisioned monuments of American
solidarity meant to unify all citizens of the United States,
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
though the main focus of the monuments was an individual
States, though the first lodge in Pueblo did not open until
of Italian descent sailing for Spain. The unification Delliquadri
1998.12
sought is evidenced greatly in Pueblo. Not only did throngs of
The location of the monument is quite impressive. At the
Italians immigrate to the town, the flag of Spain once flew over
time of the monument’s celebratory dedication, the median
the portion of town where the Christopher Columbus Monu-
surrounding it was the busiest streetcar junction in Pueblo,
ment rests and the industrial blue-collar jobs in the smelters
known locally as Mesa Junction. Employees of the steel mill
and steel mill brought other ethnic groups to Pueblo as well.
who lived in all areas of Pueblo except Bessemer passed the
Some early neighborhoods of Pueblo included the aforemen-
Monument daily on their streetcar ride to and from work until
tioned Goat Hill, along with Bojon Town, and Mexican Town.
the streetcars ceased operations in 1947.13 Even by that date,
The location chosen for the Pueblo monument coincided with
high volumes of automobile traffic passed in view of the mon-
the town's major streetcar junction, where residents of any
ument.
heritage or descent would have easily seen it.
Figure 9.9 and 9.10. Above, the Columbus Monument sits in the median of
Abriendo Avenue, at the prominent location in front of the library. Below, Columbus faces the library. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
In 1905, a Pueblo contingent unveiled its long-awaited
a gathering point for the people of Pueblo since its unveiling.
monument (figures 9.9 and 9.10). The Pueblo Christopher
To this day, it has been the backdrop of every Columbus Day
Columbus Monument was the result of three separate indi-
celebration in Pueblo. Though the audience was quite diverse
viduals and a contractor who assembled all of the pieces:
in the first years following 1905, the crowd in recent years has
sculptor of the bronze bust, Pietro Piai; engraver of the pillar,
become chiefly Italian-American and secondarily supported
J.A. Byrne; mason of the foundation, Michele Albo; and con-
by the local Hispanic community. Beginning about the turn of
tractor Markert & Genest. Both Piai and Albo practiced their
the twenty-first century, protestors have used the Columbus
crafts in Italy before working on the Pueblo Monument.11 The
Day celebration around the monument to denounce the cel-
cost of the bronze bust was $10,000 and paid for with dona-
ebration of the man, Christopher Columbus. Though the fi-
tions from Italian-American citizens across the country after
nancial backers of the Pueblo Christopher Columbus
more than ten years of fund raising; it is unknown if J.A. Byrne
Monument were mainly Italian-Americans from throughout
was paid for his services. The official unveiling took place on
the country, the celebration on the day of the monument’s un-
October 12, 1905, the first of Governor McDonald's proclaimed
veiling was meant to convey that recent Catholic immigrants
Columbus Days, in spectacular fashion. The event followed the
were also part of American heritage. Conversely, the statue
recent opening of a new library building across the street from
and other Columbus-related icons have become focal points in
the monument and only four months after the creation of the
recent decades for Native American protests against colonial-
Order Sons of Italy in America (OSIA). The OSIA became the
ism and the marginalization of their heritage.
largest fraternal Italian-American organization in the United
90
The Pueblo Christopher Columbus Monument has been
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Chapter 10
Transportation and Commercial Development
Much like East Pueblo, which grew up east of both Foun-
Streetcars
tain Creek and the tracks of the Denver & Rio Grande, the larger
Moore, Carlile, and Orman, among others, incorporated
portions of South Pueblo were platted across the railroad and
the Pueblo Street Railroad in 1878. The first horse-drawn line
the historic channel of the Arkansas River from Pueblo proper.
began at the intersection of West 'B' Street, in front of the pres-
Only the Union Avenue commercial district and those streets
ent-day Union Depot. The line traveled southeast one block to
in the immediate vicinity of Union Avenue lay north of the
Union Avenue, turned northeast on Union to West First Street,
tracks but still south of the historic river channel. This com-
east on First to Santa Fe Avenue, and north on Santa Fe to the
mercial district acted as a buffer zone for South Pueblo, as the
terminus at the intersection of Santa Fe and West Fifth Street.
area's merchants could lure in customers from both Pueblo
By constructing the first tracks in this fashion, the railroad men
Figure 10.1. Abriendo Avenue through Mesa Junction was a major hub of the
city’s streetcar system. (City of Pueblo)
and South Pueblo. The name Union Avenue also suggests the
developers of South Pueblo intended for the thoroughfare to
become the most important link between the rival towns.
South Pueblo was perfectly platted in order to take advantage of early streetcar systems and, later, automobiles. The
lots laid out for single-family homes atop the bluffs were located far from the businesses and commercial district along
Union Avenue below; the Mesa Junction and Corona Park
areas of South Pueblo literally sprawled for miles. Early
adopters of the neighborhood such as William Moore, James
Carlile, and James Orman undoubtedly had a public transportation network in mind when choosing to reside south of
the Arkansas River as they all became instrumental in the development of a streetcar system throughout Pueblo and South
Pueblo. Curiously, the earliest streetcar lines did not traverse
the hills leading to the top of the bluffs, but found their way
there soon enough.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
91
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Figure 10.2. Carlile Park (top) and Abriendo Avenue (bottom) served multi
modal transportation. (Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library)
92
were able to bring passengers to the Denver & Rio Grande sta-
The company also constructed its own generators as the ca-
tion and the Union Avenue commercial district from other
pacity of the local power company was inadequate for oper-
parts of town. The lines also distributed incoming Denver &
ating a streetcar system. The Pueblo City Railway Company
Rio Grande passengers to Pueblo’s chief commercial district
constructed over twenty miles of new electrified lines in 1890
on Main Street.
to supplement the existing thirteen miles of horse-drawn lines.
Demand for a streetcar line that traversed Mesa Junction
The construction of the new lines coincided with the boom in
and Corona Park increased exponentially with the construc-
residential construction in the Mesa Junction neighborhood;
tion of the Minnequa Works steel mill just southeast of the
this was also the time when Orman was planning the con-
South Pueblo town limits. To keep up with demand while
struction of his new home.5
streetcar lines could be constructed, the Pueblo Street Railroad
Like many enterprises at the time, the Pueblo City Rail-
developed a subsidiary company, the Pueblo City Railway
way Company failed after the demonetization of silver and the
Company, that operated horse-drawn omnibuses from the in-
ensuing financial crisis of the early 1890s, leading to a roller
tersection of Union Avenue and 'B' Street to the plant. Antici-
coaster of prosperity followed by hardship, lasting about three
pating high demand for service to the steel mill from
decades. The company was sold after foreclosure proceedings
throughout Pueblo and South Pueblo, the Pueblo Street Rail-
on August 31, 1895 to the company's bondholders and reor-
road constructed two lines catering to employees of Colorado
ganized as the Pueblo Electric Street Railway.
Coal & Iron. A line traveled southwest along Union Avenue
Prosperity returned to the streetcar system, and promi-
from its intersection with 'B' Street, across the original viaduct
nent Pueblo financial moguls John and Mahlon Thatcher pur-
to the intersection with Abriendo Avenue. From the intersec-
chased the company in 1898. The Thatcher brothers merged
tion of Union and Abriendo, the line traveled southeast along
the streetcar company with their Pueblo Light & Power Com-
Abriendo to Tampico Street (present-day Jefferson Street)
pany to form the Pueblo Traction & Electric Company, with An-
where it turned southwest for one block to Rio Grande Street
drew McClelland as vice-president and treasurer. The streetcar
(present-day Evans Avenue), thence following Rio Grande
and electric company was further consolidated to become the
around the bend to the steel mill. The second line constructed
Pueblo & Suburban Traction & Lighting Company and after
at this time traveled from the intersection of Union and
making many improvements not only to the lines and cars of
Abriendo avenues, southeast along Abriendo to Zotula Street
the company but also to the paving of many streets its cars tra-
(present-day Washington Street).
versed, the Thatchers sold the company to H.M. Byllesby &
The Pueblo Street Railroad Company reorganized in 1889
Company in 1911. More merging of the streetcar and electric
as the Pueblo City Railway Company, with James Orman as its
company ensued, leading to the creation of the Arkansas Val-
president and capitalized at $500,000. At the time the street-
ley Railway Light & Power Company. The financial burden re-
car line began to invest heavily in the rebuilding and electrifi-
sulting from the 1921 flood led to the company's
cation of its routes and was granted city franchises to do so.
reorganization again in 1923 as the Southern Colorado Power
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
Company.6
west on Adams for one block before turning northeast onto
By this time four major lines traversed the aptly named
South Union Avenue (this portion of South Union has since
Mesa Junction neighborhood. Both of the streetcar system's
been renamed Colorado Avenue). Streetcars then traveled
busiest lines, the Bessemer-East Pueblo and Lake Minnequa-
north on Union before leaving the Mesa Junction neighbor-
Grand Avenue/Fairmount Park routes, carried passengers
hood and on into downtown and eventually the North Side
through the neighborhood. As the name implies, the Besse-
neighborhood.8
mer-East Pueblo route carried workers between Colorado Fuel
A third line to dissect the Mesa Junction and Corona Park
& Iron Company’s Minnequa Works and their homes in East
area was the Irving Place-Orman Avenue line. This route car-
Pueblo. One end of the line began at the steel mill’s Indiana
ried a steady flow of passengers between residential neigh-
Avenue gate and turned onto East Evans Avenue. Streetcars
borhoods, Central High School, the Colorado State Hospital,
then entered the Mesa Junction neighborhood at the inter-
Corwin Hospital (present-day St. Mary-Corwin Hospital), and
section of Evans and Washington Street. They then traveled
Colorado Fuel & Iron Company. This line shared the same loop
one block northwest on Evans to Jefferson Street, northeast
terminus at the Minnequa Works’s Indiana Avenue gate as the
on Jefferson one block to East Abriendo Avenue, and north-
Bessemer-East Pueblo line, except this line traveled west on
west on Abriendo to the Mesa Junction at the intersection of
Indiana Avenue before turning north on East Orman Avenue.
Abriendo Avenue and South Union Avenue, where they trav-
The tracks entered the Mesa Junction neighborhood while
eled north on Union Avenue out of the neighborhood. The
continuing northwest on Orman Avenue for less than one
median in the center of Abriendo Avenue proved troublesome
block then turning northeast on Jefferson Street. One block
to streetcar motormen as all streetcar lines were constructed
later, the line turned northwest on East Grant Avenue and con-
on the south side (in the east-bound lanes) of the parkway.
tinued on that heading before turning northeast onto South
Streetcar drivers heading northwest on East Abriendo thus
Union Avenue (the present-day portion that is Colorado Av-
had to contend with automobile traffic heading southeast on
enue) and joining the Lake Minnequa-Grand Avenue/Fair-
the thoroughfare.7
mount Park line north out of the Mesa Junction neighborhood.
The second of the busiest lines to transverse the Mesa
Due to declining ridership in the mid-1920s, the Irving Place-
Junction neighborhood was the Lake Minnequa-Grand Av-
Orman Avenue line was shortened to the intersection of East
enue/Fairmount Park line. The line's purpose and popularity
Orman Avenue and Indiana Avenue where it wyed and re-
was notably different than the Bessemer-East Pueblo line, as
turned north; the line ceased to continue to the gate of Col-
the Lake Minnequa-Grand Avenue/Fairmount Park line carried
orado Fuel & Iron Company, although the Bessemer-East
recreating families to the amusement park and boating, swim-
Pueblo line continued to do so.9
ming, and picnic facilities of Lake Minnequa. From the south-
A few secondary “stub” lines crossed the Mesa Junction
ern terminus of the line near the lake, streetcars traveled north
neighborhood. The first was the West Abriendo-Mineral Palace
on Berkley Avenue to Adams Avenue. The tracks turned north-
line. The outermost end of this line consisted of a loop at West
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
93
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Abriendo Avenue and Arthur Street, near the northwest corner
Beulah to the three-way intersection of Beulah, Veta Avenue,
of the neighborhood. From the loop the line traveled south-
and Polk Street. At this intersection, the line followed the same
east along Abriendo Avenue to the mainline on Union Avenue
tracks to Mesa Junction as the City Park route.11
and out of the neighborhood. Streetcar motormen assigned
The streetcar lines never penetrated through to the Co-
to this line incurred the same problem as their coworkers as-
rona Park neighborhood, although the neighborhood was
signed to the Bessemer-East Pueblo line: the parkway in the
densely settled by 1900. Some streetcar motormen accom-
middle of Abriendo Avenue forced outbound streetcars into
modated their Corona Park passengers by stopping in the mid-
the way of the oncoming automobile traffic.164
dle of blocks, thus giving the riders a slightly shorter walk
Two secondary “stub” lines were added to the streetcar
home.
system soon after the construction of Pueblo City Park in 1913.
Streetcars created Mesa Junction. Yet today, while the
The City Park line terminated in the park and from there ran
moniker retains no operational meaning, it remains an impor-
east on Goodnight Avenue to Argyle Avenue. (This portion of
tant ceremonial center of Pueblo, with most of the city's pa-
Argyle Avenue no longer exists, as the Shrine of St. Therese
rades beginning at the intersection of Abriendo Avenue with
Catholic Church occupies the land). From Argyle, the line trav-
either South Union Avenue or Main Street. The local Colum-
eled southeast on Veta Avenue one block south where it
bus Day celebration also occurs at the former junction, where
crossed the Bessemer ditch. The placement of the line is pe-
the Pueblo Christopher Columbus Monument stands.
culiar though, as it bypasses the busier Adams Avenue; Veta
Avenue runs parallel to Adams Avenue. As is the case with the
94
Commercial Development
Veta Avenue selection, another trestle was needed when the
The streetcar lines spurred commercial growth at major
line turned northeast onto Polk Street. Not one ditch crossing
intersections throughout the city, and a subsequent commer-
would have been necessary if the line traveled along Adams
cial district sprang up, albeit slowly, around the intersection of
Avenue, but Veta Avenue became the route nonetheless. After
Union and Abriendo Avenues that would come to include the
travelling southeast on Veta, the line turned northeast onto
McClelland (and subsequent Robert Hoag Rawlings) Public Li-
Polk Street before turning southeast onto Abriendo Avenue to
brary and the Broadway Arcade Building. The Pueblo Street
the junction.10
Railroad installed switches at the busy intersection, leading
Another secondary route added to the streetcar system
riders to christen it “Mesa Junction,” sometimes shortened to
at the same time as the City Park line was the Beulah Avenue
simply “The Junction.” The name stuck and was officially used
route. Like the Lake Minnequa-Grand Avenue/Fairmount Park
by the streetcar transit system until it ceased operation in
line, this route catered to pleasure-seekers as it shuttled riders
1947. The name proved so popular that as the residential area
to the Colorado State Fairgrounds. From its terminus at the in-
filled in around the intersection, the designation expanded to
tersection of Beulah and Summit Avenues in front of the main
include the entire neighborhood between Abriendo and
gate at the Fairgrounds, the route extended northward on
Adams Avenues and Washington and Cleveland Streets.1
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95
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Clockwise from top left, Figure 10.5. At first, Corona Park was a barren landscape high above the bluffs and the Arkansas River. The bridge in the background is the Fourth Street bridge.
Figure 10.6. The intersection of Union and Newton Avenue was broad and multi modal.
Figure 10.7. The Arcade Building (seen in the distance) anchored Abriendo Avenue and Main Street. The building in the foreground has since been demolished.
Figure 10.8. Mesa Junction and Corona Park were connected to downtown by three bridges and the Spring Street viaduct; the Main Street bridge is in the foreground. (City of Pueblo)
96
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
By the early 1890s, entrepreneurs began to establish a
supply.3
small and incongruous commercial district along the 600 block
The Abriendo Avenue commercial district never experi-
of South Union Avenue to take advantage of the passing
enced a building boom, only growing sluggishly throughout
streetcar passengers. This developing district did not include
the 1910s and 1920s. The commercial district near the bluffs
all of the businesses residents would need, with only a livery,
on South Union Avenue never materialized in what could have
a feed store, a bakery, a paint store, and a few offices. A grocer
been an extension of the lower Union Avenue district. The
had also opened on Union Avenue near the intersection with
streetcar line spurred commercial development in the 100 and
Abriendo Avenue. In the 100 blocks of East and West Abriendo
200 Blocks of East Abriendo Avenue and the 100 Block of West
Avenue, where the present-day commercial district is located,
Abriendo Avenue, albeit slowly, and in a piecemeal pattern.
only a livery and a small produce stand had been constructed.
Entrepreneurs constructed new buildings in these blocks one
Additionally, construction crews were nearing completion of
at a time and seemingly years apart. Vacant lots remained pep-
the Mesa Hotel at the corner of Abriendo and Broadway Av-
pered throughout the fledgling commercial district as new
enues; the hotel caught fire on October 9, 1893, and burned to
construction spread into the 100 block of Broadway Avenue
the ground. For any services beyond those located at this in-
and the 700 block of South Union Avenue; the 700 block of
tersection, residents patronized businesses on Union Avenue
South Union Avenue (which later became the 100 block of Col-
below the bluffs or those in Bessemer.2
orado Avenue and all addresses on Colorado were renum-
Mesa Junction and the Blocks remained without a fully
bered accordingly). Another interesting address formulation
cohesive commercial district up to the turn of the twentieth
occurs in the transition of Abriendo Avenue from east to west,
century. There were no new buildings constructed near the
as the north-facing buildings in the 100 block of East Abriendo
edge of the bluffs since at least 1893, but seven new buildings
are addressed as odd numbers and the corresponding build-
had been constructed on the west side of Union Avenue at the
ings in the 100 block of West Abriendo are addressed as even
intersection with Abriendo near the bakery. It appears those
numbers. This numbering system repeats itself throughout the
new buildings lay vacant in 1905, as the only new business
Mesa Junction neighborhood.
listed in the area was a second bakery/restaurant. A bicycle
Development of the Mesa Junction commercial district
shop opened next to the livery in the 100 block of West
was largely complete by the mid-1920s, with the construction
Abriendo Avenue also at that time, and a drugstore (present-
of the Arcade Building at the southwest corner of Abriendo
day Broadway Pharmacy) opened at the corner of Abriendo
Avenue and Broadway Avenue. As evidenced by the Arcade
and South Union Avenues (present-day Colorado Avenue).
Building, the commercial district did not immediately grow to
Portions of the Mesa Hotel (which the neighborhood never re-
the successes its entrepreneurs would have liked; this appears
alized the market effects of ) remained standing in 1905, and
to be the reason why the Mesa Hotel was never rebuilt and the
four other commercial buildings had been constructed in the
lot remained vacant for over a quarter of a century.
same block; only one of these buildings was occupied: a paint
This relatively late period of development appears odd,
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
since the streetcar line brought residents from all parts of the
necting the South Side neighborhoods to downtown in 1905.
city directly in front of the district’s businesses. One other large
All three bridges remain today, with the majority of traffic trav-
commercial building, a Safeway grocery store located at 226
elling across the West Fourth Street Bridge. The Main Street
East Abriendo, was not constructed on a triangular-shaped
Bridge was replaced in 1995, and construction of a new West
parcel until 1946; this building was vacant at the time of this
Fourth Street bridge began in 2008 and is slated for comple-
writing. The size of the buildings in the commercial district re-
tion in 2011. The West Fourth Street bridge is the busiest con-
flects the slow development of the district, as the early build-
nection between downtown and South Pueblo.4
ings were generally narrow, one-story structures later
The lack of bridges at South Pueblo’s founding probably
complemented by the two-story Arcade Building whose foot-
dissuaded businesses from setting up shop in the Mesa Junc-
print nearly reaches one-quarter of the block. The expansion of
tion area. The road traversing the bluffs at Union Avenue was
the commercial district southwest within the 100 block of Col-
seemingly enough to get area residents downtown to shop.
orado Avenue also culminated in 1925, with many of the one-
Since the aforementioned bridges were erected by 1905, they
story buildings constructed about that time.
would have actually hindered commercial development atop
The Mesa Junction commercial district remains remarkably vibrant, with a collection of storefronts hosting a variety
the bluffs, as they only eased a pattern of downtown shopping
and leisure.
of small retail and service businesses. Most the buildings remain intact, but have had their facades remodeled, particularly between 1950 and 1980.
Automobile-Oriented Development
With the advent of the automobile in America and its wild
popularity, the streetcar system in Pueblo faced obsolescence.
Bridges
98
It officially ceased operations in 1947. Streetcar traffic com-
The sheer size and population of Mesa Junction and Co-
peted with automobiles on several of Pueblo's busiest streets
rona Park prompted the construction of three bridges to con-
for over twenty years until the automobile traffic eventually
nect the neighborhoods to the rest of the city north of the
won during the postwar boom. Automobiles provided their
Arkansas River. Originally, no bridges connected the high
owners with the freedom to travel anywhere at any time,
bluffs to the lower, downtown area, but there was one road
something streetcars could not match. Additionally, as cities
that traversed the bluffs on Union Avenue. A bridge spanned
continued to grow radially out from the streetcar lines, street-
the railroad tracks and river as an extension of West Fourth
car operating companies could not financially meet the chal-
Street at the western edge of South Pueblo by 1900. A second
lenge of rapid expansion.
bridge spanned the railroad tracks and connected to the top
Despite the popularity of the family car and the transfor-
of the bluffs at Union Avenue. A viaduct connected the neigh-
mative power of highways and interstates, the automobile ac-
borhoods at the east end of Corona Park at Spring Street. The
tually altered South Pueblo very little. The width and
city of Pueblo constructed a third bridge at Main Street con-
alignment of streets remained untouched. Business remained
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
largely the same as they had in the streetcar era, with a few fill-
Changing Street Names
ing and gas stations opening along Abriendo Avenue and on
The street names in the Mesa Junction and Blocks neigh-
Broadway and Colorado Avenue, near their intersections with
borhoods are not original to the platting of South Pueblo.
Abriendo. One reason for this tepid automobile-era growth
Local lore reasons that William Mellen named the streets of
was that large-scale new construction and development in the
South Pueblo and that he chose Spanish names based on the
neighborhood had ceased by 1950. Moreover, the area was
towns that William Jackson Palmer visited in Mexico in 1872
largely residential, with commercial development restricted to
while trying to secure land grants from the Mexican govern-
the Union Avenue district and, to a lesser extent, Abriendo Av-
ment to continue the tracks of the Denver & Rio Grande south
enue around the immediate Mesa Junction area.
out of Colorado and onto Mexico City. A second theory is that
Another reason the automobile failed to alter South
Mellen and Palmer both selected the names based on the
Pueblo was Corona Park’s curvilinear streets and, especially,
towns they envisioned the railroad passing through in Mex-
Mesa Junction’s canted street grid. Simply put, South Pueblo
ico, though this is unlikely. Palmer's wife and Mellen's daugh-
was not on the way to anything and failed to connect directly
ter, Queen, previously chose names for the streets of Colorado
to the rest of the city’s street grid. In this sense Palmer and
Springs from her and her husband's Rocky Mountain regional
Blair’s plan to isolate their utopia was a success. For instance,
travels, and it appears the group continued this trend in South
as the city expanded north and east following World War II, the
Pueblo.12
north-south streets in the North Side and the east-west streets
In fact, the co-opting of Spanish-sounding place names
in the East Side inevitably became busy arteries to and from
was a key part of a larger Anglo project to rewrite, romanticize,
the heart of the city. But motorists traveling from downtown to
and commercialize the Spanish and Mexican heritage of the
the neighborhoods extending to the south found that South
American southwest, often with incredulity towards Hispanic
Pueblo’s streets took them in an indirect, convoluted path. It
residents. Similar incidents occurred most notably in Santa Fe
was easier to drive around South Pueblo than through it.
and Los Angeles, where it was called the “mission myth.” As his-
Even postwar highway development left South Pueblo
torian George Sánchez notes in his book about the develop-
remarkably unscathed, especially when compared to the
ment of Mexican-American culture in Los Angeles, “By
North Side and East Side neighborhoods. Colorado 96 is the
depicting the city’s Latino heritage as a quaint, but altogether
only state highway to transect the neighborhood, kinking its
disappearing element in Los Angeles culture, city officials in-
generally east-west route as it runs along Lincoln Street from
flicted a particular kind of obscurity onto the Mexican de-
West Fourth Avenue to Thatcher Avenue. Interstate 25 ap-
scendants of that era by appropriating and then
proaches only the far northeast corner of the neighborhood
commercializing their history.”13
and its tight interchange with Abriendo Avenue provided no
space for commercial, automobile-related development.
After the vote in favor of consolidation of the three Pueblos in 1886, but before the official act of consolidation and the
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
unified towns chose Pueblo as their name, some residents
A few street names changed in 1889 with the passing of
north of the Arkansas River complained that its was too diffi-
City Ordinance 179, including the streets presently known as
cult to provide directions to people traveling south of the river
Boulder Avenue and Carlile Place. Some forty-five years after
and atop the bluffs due to the street names, and even harder
the street names were changed in Mesa Junction, Pueblo city
still to pronounce those names. During the last city council
council passed City Ordinance 1291, on May 12, 1931, renam-
meeting of the original, unconsolidated town of Pueblo, held
ing the streets of Corona Park. The Ordinance resolved that
April 14, 1886, the town's aldermen passed City Ordinance 18
Chapa Place would remain unchanged along with Corona Av-
changing the streets names in the Mesa Junction neighbor-
enue, except a small portion of Corona west of South Union
hood to those honoring United States presidents or Colorado
Avenue, which was renamed as Midway Avenue. By this time,
territorial and state governors. The only street to keep its orig-
all of the streets with names of Spanish or Mexican influence
inal name in Mesa Junction was the main thoroughfare,
had been changed. Yet there appears to have been no rhyme
Abriendo Avenue (from the Spanish verb “to open”). The street
or reason as to how city council chose the new names, though
names of South Pueblo below the bluffs were changed at that
the Pueblo Chieftain reported the local neighborhood associ-
time as well, eliminating the redundancy of having duplicate
ation, the Corona Park Improvement Association, requested
numbered streets in one town; the streets of Corona Park es-
the name change. Much later, in 2007, the name of the street
caped this round of name changes. Naturally, the renaming of
passing underneath the Robert Hoag Rawlings Library was
streets angered some residents of South Pueblo, who argued
changed from Newton Avenue to Bates Lane in honor of long-
to their credit that if the street names were overly Spanish or
time library president Charles Bates. In late summer of 2001,
Mexican to some people, then the town name of Pueblo
street signage in both Mesa Junction and the Blocks was
should be changed as well. Obviously the argument did not
changed to include the Spanish names above the current of-
sway many residents as the street names changed but Pueblo
ficial names, although the original names were not restored.15
remained Pueblo.14
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HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Chapter 11
Architects
Many commercial buildings and large residences in South
Robert S. Roeschlaub, a Denver-based architect, was
Pueblo were the vision of talented architects. Although the
prolific throughout the state designing private homes, insti-
majority of the buildings in these neighborhoods lacked a for-
tutional buildings, and commercial buildings. In Pueblo he de-
mal architect, a few were identified with specific architects as
signed the Central High School in 1906 (5PE.531.67) and its
listed below. Brief biographies of additional neighborhood ar-
addition in 1912.
chitects follow.
Miles McGrath designed the 1891 Galligan House
Patrick Mills
(5PE.611) at 501 Colorado Avenue and the 1891 Alexander T.
Likely the first architect to open an office in Pueblo,
King House and Carriage House (5PE.616) at 229 Quincy Street
Patrick P. Mills came to the city in 1880 from Wooster, Massa-
(figure 11.1).
chusetts. He specialized in large, public buildings, including
William Halsey Ward designed the 1889 Charles H. Stickney House (5PE.4210) at 101 East Orman Avenue.
the women’s wing of the Colorado State Hospital, the Pueblo
County Jail, and St. Mary’s Hospital. Mills certainly did not limit
P.C. Pape designed the 1906 Martin Walter House, now
himself to public commissions. He designed many notable
the Abriendo Inn Bed & Breakfast, (5PE.4212) at 300 West
buildings in the North Side, including the 1889 Barndollar-
Abriendo Avenue.
Gann House (5PE.525.4) at 1906 Court Street, the circa 1890
O. Bulow designed the 1891 Tooke-Nuckolls House
Owen Caffrey House (5PE.517.17) at 721 West Eleventh Street,
(5PE.4213) at 38 Carlile Place and the Colorado Mineral Palace.
and a circa 1900 residence at 2007 North Greenwood Street
Frank Weston designed the 1873 James N. Carlile House
(5PE.526.83). Perhaps his most important residential commis-
and its later renovation (5PE.4214) at 44 Carlile Place.
C.R. Manning designed the 1881 Central Grade School
(5PE.502) at 431 East Pitkin Avenue.
An architect with the surname Scott designed the 1890
house (5PE.6140) at 128 Jackson Street.
Figure 11.1. Miles McGrath designed the King House on Quincy Street. (Jeffrey
DeHerrera)
sion was one of the first three model homes for the North
Side’s prominent Dundee Place subdivision. Developer Ferd
Barndollar envisioned these houses as huge advertisements
for his subdivision, and Mills did not let him down. Located at
2201 North Grand Avenue the 1888 J.L. Streit House (5PE.4208)
Frank John Bishop (or Bishopp) designed the 1890
was based on an unusual and eye-catching octagonal plan. In
George E. Bragdon House (5PE.6159) at 117 East Orman Av-
South Pueblo, Mills designed the Grome House located at 19
enue (figure 11.2).
Carlile Place in Corona Park.1
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figure 11.2.The Bradgon Home, designed by Frank John Bishop, is one of many
stately residences of South Pueblo. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
101
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
George Roe
A prolific architect statewide, George W. Roe was born on
to have designed one house in the North Side, the Dr. Wilbur
Lucas House (5PE.516.19), at 409 West Eighteenth Street.2
October 24, 1850, in Jefferson County, Ohio. His father, William
Roe, was killed in the Civil War fighting for the Union. Despite
this loss, George Roe excelled in his public education and attended Hopedale College, in Hopedale, Ohio.
Figure 11.3. Prolific architect George Roe designed the First Methodist Episcopal Church. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
William W. Stickney
Perhaps the greatest of Pueblo’s architects was William W.
Stickney. He was born in Colorado on October 26, 1883, to
He initially worked for the Pittsburgh firm of W.A. Burkett,
prominent Pueblo banker Charles Stickney. He attended
one the nation’s most prominent architectural firms, before
Pueblo public schools and graduated from the prestigious
moving to Cañon City in 1881. He then moved to Denver, but
School of Architecture at Harvard. Stickney returned to Pueblo
finding twenty-seven architects already practicing there,
and resided in his father’s house, at 101 East Orman Street (fig-
thought that he would give mining a try. Roe eventually re-
ure 11.5 and 11.6). With his wife, the former Katherine Duce,
turned to his profession and Cañon City, moving his practice to
William Stickney had three children: Anne, Frances, and
Pueblo in 1889. He married Clara Schaefer and had two chil-
Charles.
dren, George H. Roe and Anne Roe. The elder George Roe was
Stickney was responsible for many of the grand public
also an active Democrat, and served as a Pueblo town trustee
buildings in Pueblo, including Memorial Hall, for which he won
and county commissioner.
a national award. Other major commissions were Keating Jun-
With an architecture career that spanned three decades,
ior High School in Mesa Junction, the Nurses’ Home at the Col-
Roe designed some of the most prominent buildings in Col-
orado State Hospital, and the First Methodist Church Building.
orado, including the library at the University of Colorado at
He also designed one of the largest public buildings in Pueblo,
Boulder; the dining hall, chapel, and other buildings for the
Parkview Hospital, which was a large-scale example of the ar-
State Industrial Schools for Boys (now the Colorado School of
chitect’s stylistic preference for historical revivals, particularly
Mines) at Golden; and the Carnegie Library in Lamar. Roe as-
those of Gothic, Classical, and Mediterranean descent. His
sisted Albert R. Ross in the design of the monumental Pueblo
many North Side residential commissions included the 1925-
County Courthouse. He planned 60 school buildings through-
26 Daniel Zane Phillips House (5PE.5805) at 1821 Court Street;
out the state, including Centennial High School in Pueblo. In
and the 1926 Asbury White residence (5PE.526.12) at 1819
all, Roe probably designed more than 600 buildings con-
North Elizabeth Street, which was one of his last commissions
structed across the state. In the Mesa Junction neighborhood,
before selling his firm to his protégé Walter DeMordaunt. Stick-
Roe designed the First Methodist Episcopal Church building
ney then moved his family to Los Angeles sometime in the mid
at 400 Broadway Avenue (the present site of the George F. Mc-
1920s, where he died on April 28, 1958.3
Carthy Funeral Home, figure 11.3) and six of the seven propFigure 11.4. Pueblo native William Stickney designed many grand buildings in
Pueblo during the height of the City Beautiful movement. (City of Pueblo)
102
erties in the Pitkin Place National Historic District: 302, 306,
310, 314, 318, and 326 West Pitkin Avenue. Roe is also known
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Walter DeMordaunt
A protégé of William Stickney, Walter DeMordaunt had a
City of Pueblo
remarkable career spanning nearly forty years and became
International style was particularly appealing to the architect
one of the most prolific architects in Colorado. He was born on
and defined many of his later buildings. His portfolio of public
September 4, 1896, in Butte, Montana. DeMordaunt attended
buildings was expansive, and included many designs for the
the University of Utah while simultaneously interning for ar-
Public Works Administration. His designs included the First
chitects in Salt Lake City and Butte. The United States entered
Presbyterian Church in Las Animas; the Catholic church in La
World War I as he graduated from college, prompting the
Veta; the Chaffee County Courthouse in Salida; the Lincoln
young architect to serve his country. He worked as a drafts-
School in La Junta; Ouray and Ridgeway high schools; the
man for the United States Shipping Board in Washington, D.C.,
United State Post Office in Lamar; and a women’s dormitory at
before being appointed chief of the division of planning and
the University of Colorado at Boulder. His Mesa Junction and
statistics for the Emergency Fleet Corporation in Philadelphia.
Blocks neighborhood commissions include Carlile Elementary,
After the war, DeMordaunt returned to the West, working first
several buildings for Pueblo Junior College (now Pueblo Com-
in Wyoming before arriving in Pueblo to work as a draftsman
munity College), and McClelland Orphanage (1936) at 415 East
for Stickney. DeMordaunt received his license in 1926 and took
Abriendo. The Seton High School Building may also be one of
over Stickney’s firm. He married Fredella Phillips on August 5,
his commissions.
1919, and had two children: Pauline Sells and Walter DeMordaunt, Jr.
DeMordaunt was responsible for many notable public
and residential buildings in the North Side as well. These build-
DeMordaunt began his career by designing in the same
ings include the 1949-55 Scottish Rite Temple (5PE.5837) at
historical revival styles as his mentor. However, Ray Bertholf,
1518 North Elizabeth Street; Freed Middle School; several ad-
who worked with DeMordaunt, recalled that the architect was
ditions to Parkview Hospital; and, astoundingly, over 50 build-
“not as interested in style as he was in structure. Other em-
ings for the Colorado State Hospital. Just as the architect took
ployees concerned themselves with the decorative end of the
over Stickney’s firm, in 1926, the Pueblo Star-Journal commis-
plans.”4 DeMordaunt preferred styles that were defined more
sioned him to design a house that would represent for the
by the sculptural impact of the entire building and less about
newspaper’s readers the ideal home of the late 1920s. The Star-
surface ornamentation. Thus, he favored the Art Nouveau, Art
Journal was one of the most widely read newspapers in Col-
Deco, and Art Moderne movements over the more orna-
orado and a successful design would guarantee the young
mented revival styles. He pioneered a simplified local subtype
architect future commissions. The completed house, notably
of the Mediterranean Revival, best expressed in his 1935 Young
situated in the North Side at 2920 Grand Avenue (5PE.4210),
Women’s Christian Association building at 801 North Santa Fe
was an immediate success. Other North Side residences in-
Avenue and in the Carlile School. The Young Women’s Chris-
cluded the 1929 Dr. Fritz Lassen House (5PE.526.14) at 1830
tian Association building features the clay-tile roofing, arcaded
North Elizabeth Street; the 1951 Frank John Meyer House
walk, and bracketed eaves indicative of the style, but lacks
(5PE.5862) at 1700 West Street; the 1926 Allen G. Chamberlain
other features and has an irregular plan. The minimalism of the
House (5PE.5749) at 1703 West Street; and the 1929 Joseph C.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Figures 11.5 and 11.6.The Stickney family shown at their very unusual home,
above, and the house as it looks today, below. (City of Pueblo and Jeffrey DeHerrera)
103
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Welte House (5PE.5803) at 1801 Court Street. The architect
continued to practice until his death on April 7, 1962.5
Jacob M. Gile
Serving the Pueblo building community from 1900 until
1932 was Jacob M. Gile. He worked briefly alongside fellow
William A. Lang
Pueblo architect John F. Bishop (1902-1903) and later with
Born in 1846 in Chillicothe, Ohio, to a family who moved
Denver architects Robert Willison and Montana Fallis (1910
often, William A. Lang served in the Union Army during the
and 1912). Gile moved to Pueblo from Denver to design and
Civil War before returning to his family and settling for a time
oversee the construction of the original Minnequa Hospital in
in Illinois. There, he took up farming and gained a fair amount
1900. The hospital still stands today, but its original design is
of construction experience. By 1879, Lang had moved to Al-
unrecognizable due to alterations. Gile designed the remod-
bion, Nebraska, where he married and operated a grocery
eling of the original 1904 McClelland Orphanage building and
business. He sold his portion of the grocery business to his
also the 1904 McClelland Library building. His other Pueblo
partner in 1884 and began practicing as an architect, design-
commissions include the 1900 Temple Emanuel building
ing one commercial building in Nebraska and one in Denver
(5PE.4202), at 1325 North Grand Avenue; the 1909 Edison
without any formal training.
School building (5PE.539.7), at 900 East Mesa Avenue; the Vail
Lang and his wife moved to Denver in 1885 where he was
Hotel (in collaboration with Willison and Fallis) (5PE.501), at
listed as both an architect and construction superintendent in
217 South Grand Avenue; Sacred Heart Cathedral (5PE.1125),
1886. Lang timed the building market perfectly, designing
at 1025 North Grand Avenue; and two houses, 2304 North
over 250 buildings in roughly ten years. His notable buildings
Grand Avenue and 417 West Eighth Street. Gile died on De-
in Denver include the Molly Brown House and the Castle
cember 28, 1937.7
Marne, both constructed in 1890 and showcasing his preferred
construction material of rusticated stone and features such as
Frederick A. Hale
turrets and arches. Lang designed the Orman-Adams Mansion
Lifetime architect Frederick A. Hale was born on Decem-
(5PE.495) at 102 West Orman in Mesa Junction, also in 1890.
ber 25, 1855, in Rochester, New York. He spent his summers
The Panic of 1893 greatly affected Lang, and for all intents and
working for local architects there before enrolling at Cornell
purposes ended his career. He sold his personal residence and
University in 1875. Hale spent two years at the school before
all of his belongings and was admitted to a hospital 1896. The
leaving and finding work with an architect back in Rochester
next year, Lang was diagnosed with dementia, but was re-
for the next two years. Hale moved to Denver in 1880 where he
leased into his brother's care in Illinois. He disappeared from
became the head draftsman for Robert Roeschlaub, one of
his brother's house on August 7, 1897, and was killed when he
that city's most prominent architects. In addition to his work in
wandered onto railroad tracks two weeks later, on August 21.6
Denver, Hale designed buildings in Boulder, Aspen, Longmont,
Pueblo, and Laramie, Wyoming. In Pueblo, Hale designed the
1887 Graham-Wescott Block (5PE.612.17), at 226 South Union
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City of Pueblo
Avenue; the 1889 Nathaniel W. Duke House (5PE.4204), at 1409
tional Church building (5PE.4209,) at 228 West Evans in Mesa
Craig Street; the 1890 First Presbyterian Church building
Junction. Hale moved to Salt Lake City, Utah, in 1890, where
(5PE.489), at 220 West Tenth Street; and the First Congrega-
he died in 1934.8
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105
Conclusion
Utopia Realized?
On July 26, 1869, General William Jackson Palmer arrived
Thomas Andrews notes:
in Pueblo via stagecoach from the Smoky Hill Trail. He paused
The smoke-belching smelters, mills, and factories of
for a moment to write a letter to his beloved wife, Queen, de-
the urban West, the extensive technological systems
scribing his journey:
providing transportation, heat, and light, not to
…Just before sunset we came in sight of the moun-
mention the glaringly unequal ways in which the
tains, Pike’s [sic] Peak, Spanish Peaks, and Greenhorn
costs and benefits of all these technologies mapped
Range. A thunder-storm came on and the clouds
onto the urban space, together helped account for
threw themselves into grand and fantastic shapes,
the radical transformation separating the “newer and
blending with the mountain peaks so as scarcely to
grander and happier Columbia [the New World]” that
be distinguishable. Riding as usual on top of the
William Jackson Palmer had glimpsed in 1870 from
coach I got wet, but what of that? One can’t behold
the burgeoning cityscape that [photographer]
the Rocky Mountains in a storm every day.1
William Henry Jackson depicted two decades later.
Yet in a matter of years no one would encounter Pueblo
…Colorado cities might be more scenic and less
and the Rocky Mountains in quite the same way. Soon they
fetid, but they hardly embodied the new utopia
rode in weather-proof cars on a smooth ribbon of steel. Trav-
Palmer had endeavored to build.2
elers would never again have to get wet. If they even bothered
But the history and development of South Pueblo sug-
to gaze out their windows they saw a city not in the shadow of
gest that Palmer’s vision may have had some lasting, positive
the mountains, but in the dark, swirling clouds of the steel mill.
results. Like any planner, he saw South Pueblo from a hyper-
The industrial sublime of the capitalist replaced the natural
idealized, bird’s-eye view, forcing on the landscape all the best
wonders of the transcendentalist. And no one was more re-
design principles of his day. It was a project doomed to failure.
sponsible for this transformation than Palmer.
Yet somehow drops of that idealism managed to trickle down
By almost all accounts, Palmer’s utopian project in Col-
to the streets, to manifest themselves in the grand promenade
orado regionally and in South Pueblo locally was a dismal,
of Abriendo Avenue, in the disorienting yet alluring curves of
even tragic, failure. It provided justification for heavy-handed
Corona Park, or in the unyielding yet graceful grid of Mesa
corporate management, sowed the seeds of worker discon-
Junction. His benevolence imprinted itself in spectacular civic
tent, and sparked horrifying environmental degradation. As
spaces extending from the library, or Central High School, or
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107
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
the Broadway Arcade, or Pueblo Community College, or any
number of churches and businesses.
108
“The spirit in which we act is the greater matter.”3
Perhaps, then, it is no mere coincidence that South
And Palmer’s vision challenged the people of South
Pueblo has been the cradle of governors and senators, may-
Pueblo to look beyond their own lives and consider their re-
ors and judges, entrepreneurs and philanthropists. And the
sponsibilities to their community. At the core of his utopian
spirit of benevolence flowed through all South Pueblo resi-
plan was the hope of creating an enlightened populace from
dents great and small who donated what they could to build
which new leaders would emerge, following his example of
a library, who fought for bigger schools, and everyday took the
benevolence—and incurring some bumps and bruises along
steps necessary to build and maintain a great and vibrant com-
the way. After all, General Palmer was fond of quoting Goethe:
munity.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Notes
Introduction
6.
Cummins, ibid.; Moore, ibid.
1.
Thomas G. Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest
7.
The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust Company, ibid.
Labor War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
8.
Sue Flanagan, “Charles Goodnight in Colorado,” The Colorado Magazine, Winter 1966, 14.
2008), 46-49.
2.
Ibid., 47, 49
3.
Fifteenth Colorado General Assembly, 211.
9.
Flanagan, 1-19, J. Evetts Haley, Charles Goodnight: Cowman and Plainsman (Norman, Oklahoma: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1979), 260-265.
Chapter 1: Mythical West
10. Flanagan, ibid.
1.
John R. and Christine M. Van Ness, ed., Spanish & Mexican
11. Evetts Haley, x.
Land Grants in New Mexico and Colorado (Manhattan,
12. “Peter K. Dotson” [obituary], Pueblo Chieftain, 7 July 1898,
p. 8.
Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1980), 28-34.
2.
3.
4.
5.
LeRoy R. Hafen, “Mexican Land Grants in Colorado,” The
13. Ibid.
Colorado Magazine, May 1927, 85-87; Ralph C. Taylor, “Col-
14. The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust Company, ibid; Brit
orful Colorado: Early Lands Grants Handled Poorly,” Pueblo
Allan Storey, “William Jackson Palmer: A Biography” (PhD
Chieftain, 24 December 1967, p. 9D.
diss., University of Kentucky, 1968), 349.
The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust Company, Abstract
of Title to Lots 19 and 20 Block 112 [509 Colorado Avenue]
Chapter 2: “Look out for the Locomotive!”
(Pueblo, Colorado: The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust
1.
Storey, 1-41.
Company, 1941).
2.
Ibid., 53-54.
Tom Cummins, “Charles and Annie Blake,” Pueblo Lore,
3.
Ibid., 75-82.
June 1996, p. 4-8.
4.
Ibid., 130-138.
Cummins, ibid; John C. Moore, “In The Pioneer Days,”
5.
Ibid., 145, 155, 200, 204.
Pueblo Chieftain, 23 September 1894, p. 2; “Funeral Of C.H.
6.
Ibid., 214, 207.
Blake,” Pueblo Chieftain, 24 September, 1894, p. 8; “Charles
7.
Ibid., 207, 237; Robert G. Athearn, “The Denver and Rio
H. Blake” [obituary], Pueblo Chieftain, 19 September 1894,
Grande Railway: Colorado's “Baby Road,'” The Colorado
p. 5.
Magazine, January 1958, p. 40-41.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
109
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
8.
Storey, 238.
teresting International History,” Pueblo Star-Journal and
9.
Athearn, 42.
Sunday Chieftain, 5 February 1950, Section 3, p. 14; “South
Pueblo,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 28 December 1873, p. 1.
10. The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust Company, ibid.
11. Dorothy R. Adler, British Investment In American Railways:
10. Taylor, ibid; “South Pueblo,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 28 December 1873, p.1.
1834-1898 (Charlottesville, Virginia: The University Press
of Virginia, 1970), 136-138.
11. Taylor, ibid.
12. Storey, 349.
12. Storey, 362.
13. Ibid., 369.
13. Ibid., 364-366, 378.
14. The Pueblo Title Guaranty and Trust Company, ibid.
14. Pueblo and South Pueblo, Colorado Directory 1879-80,
(Atchison, Kansas: R.T. Dean & Co., 1879), consulted.
15. “IO TRIUMPHE!,” Colorado Chieftain, 22 June 1871, p. 3.
16. Storey, 244-245; Athearn, 47; Paul S. Logan, “Building the
15. “Consolidation,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 16 February 1886,
Narrow Gauge from Denver to Pueblo,” The Colorado Mag-
p. 2; “Consolidated!,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 10 March 1886,
azine, November 1931, 206-207; “Special Election,” Col-
p. 2; “We Told You So!,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 7 April 1886,
orado Chieftain, 15 June 1871, p. 3.
p. 5.
17. Storey, 252; Athearn, 48; Logan, 207; Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps (for Pueblo, Colorado). New York: Sanborn
Chapter 4: Additions and Subdivisions
Map and Publishing Co., 1904.
notes 48 - 64
1.
Chapter3: A Rival Town
of Blocks V, W, X, and Y of South Pueblo [plat map], book #2,
1.
page #16, 19 August 1881; Moore & Carlile's Subdivision of
“Not So,” Colorado Chieftain, 11 April 1872, p. 3.
2.
Storey, 258-259, 263-264.
South Pueblo [plat map], book #2B, page #25, 21 February
3.
Ibid., 352-354.
1882.
4.
Ibid., 380-381, 339.
5.
Logan, 208.
6.
Storey, 352; “South Pueblo,” Pueblo Chieftain, 15 Decem-
7.
8.
9.
110
South Pueblo Homestead & Building Association Subdivision
2.
Ed Simonich, “The Life and Times of James N. Carlile,” The
Pueblo Lore, August 2005, 6-7.
3.
O.L. Baskin, ed., History Of The Arkansas Valley, Colorado
ber 1872, p. 4; H. Lee Scamehorn, Pioneer Steelmaker in the
(Chicago: O.L. Baskin & Co., Historical Publishers, 1881),
West, (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1976), 13.
806.
“South Pueblo,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 15 December 1872,
4.
Ibid.
p. 4.
5.
Ibid, 787,807.
“South Pueblo” Colorado Chieftain, 21 November 1872, p.
6.
Ibid, 807.
2.
7.
Morris Cafky and John A. Haney, Pueblo's Steel Town Trol-
Ralph C. Taylor, “Colorful Colorado: South Pueblo Has In-
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
leys (Golden: Colorado Railroad Historical Foundation,
City of Pueblo
Gewin, ibid.
1999), 11.
8.
9.
Baskin, 807; “In Memoriam. Arrangements for the funeral
16. Portrait And Biographical Record Of The State Of Colorado,
of Wm. Moore-Board of Trade Meeting,” Colorado Chief-
897; Gewin, ibid; “W.C. Pochon Dies At Age 97,” Pueblo
tain, 26 April 1883, p. 3; “Obituary: Death of One of the
Star-Journal and Sunday Chieftain, 19 April 1959, p. 6B.
First and Foremost Citizens of the South Side,” Colorado
17. Pitkin Place Subdivision [plat map], book 7, page 46, 28 Oc-
Chieftain, 26 April 1883, p. 3; Carrol Gewin, “First Traffic
tober 1891; Pitkin Place #2 Subdivision [plat map], book 8,
Over Viaduct On Union Avenue Was Funeral Cortege Of
page 4, 25 May 1892; Joanne Dodds, “Pueblo National
Man Who Inspired It,” Pueblo Star-Journal and Sunday
Register Of Historic Places,” in National Register Of Historic
Chieftain, 27 May 1951, section 3, p. 5.
Places: Pueblo County (Pueblo: Pueblo Library District,
Ed Simonich, “The Life and Times of James N. Carlile,” The
1987), 4.
Pueblo Lore, August 2005, 6-7.
10. Ibid, 8.
Chapter 5: Neighborhood Development
11. Simonich, 8; Baskin, 787; “Carlile, James N.” [obituary],
1.
cember 1872; Scamehorn, 13.
Pueblo Chieftain, 20 October 1921, p. 3; Directory of the City
of Pueblo for 1886, (Denver: James R. Ives & Company,
2.
Philip Pregill and Nancy Volkman, Landscapes in History:
Design and Planning in the Western Tradition (New York:
1886), 71.
Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1993), 479-483.
12. Colorado Coal & Iron Company Addition Number One of
South Pueblo [plat map], on file at pueblo County Clerk &
Map of South Pueblo [plat map], book 2B, page 4-5, 13 De-
3.
Map of South Pueblo [plat map], book 2B, page 4-5, 13 December 1872.
Recorder's Office, 22 May 1882.
13. Railey's Subdivision of South Pueblo [plat map], book 2B,
4.
Ibid.
page 24, 26 June 1882; W.C. Willits, J.S. Greene, and F.E.
5.
Frank Hall, History of the State of Colorado Volume IV,
(Chicago: The Blakely Printing Company, 1895), 531.
Baldwin, Map of Pueblo Colorado 1886, Special Collections,
Robert Hoag Rawlings Public Library, Pueblo.
14. Fifteenth Colorado General Assembly, Official Souvenir
6.
Ibid.
7.
Charles A. Birnbaum and Robin S. Karson, Pioneers of
And Manual Of The Fifteenth General Assembly And State
American Landscape Design, (New York: McGraw-Hill,
Of Colorado, (Denver: E.J. Miller, 1905), 214; “Judge Galli-
2000), 27-30; Marshall Sprague, Newport in the Rockies,
gan, Pioneer Of City, Dies In New York,” Pueblo Chieftain, 17
(Chicago: Sage/Swallow Press Books, 1980), 326.
February 1930, p. 1; Debra Austin, “Bit of history: Mrs. Liv-
8.
(Omaha: Overland Publishing Co., 1881), 61.
ingston: living record book of local memories,” Pueblo
Star-Journal and Sunday Chieftain, 23 January 1977, p. 1.
15. Portrait And Biographical Record Of The State Of Colorado,
(Chicago: Chapman Publishing Company, 1899), 896-897;
George A. Crofutt, Crofutt’s Grip-Sack Guide of Colorado,
9.
F.E. Balwin and J.S. Greene, Map of Pueblo, South Pueblo,
and Bessemer, (1882).
10. W.C Willits, J.S. Greene, and F.E. Baldwin, Map of Pueblo
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
111
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Patterson, National Register of Historic Places Inventory-
Colorado 1886, (1886).
Nomination Form, State Historical Society of Colorado, 21
11. Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps (for Pueblo, Colorado). New
September 1975.
York: Sanborn Map and Publishing Co., 1893 and 1905.
12. Scamehorn, 68.
23. Frank Hall, History of the State of Colorado Volume III,
(Chicago: The Blakely Printing Company, 1895), 51-52.
13. “New Buildings,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 22 March , p. 16.
14. Directory of the City of Pueblo for 1889, (Pueblo: Ives &
24. Jason Brockman, “Biography of Alva Adams,” Colorado
State
Rood Publishers, 1889), 285; Hall, Volume IV, 535.
Archives,
http://www.colorado.gov/dpa/doit
15. Baskin, 808.
/archives/govs/adams.html (accessed December 7, 2010).
16. Baskin, 808.
25. Fifteenth Colorado General Assembly, 74; Brockman, ibid;
Eleanor Fry, “Alva Adams,” Pueblo Lore, November 1996, 4.
17. Hall, Volume IV, 535; Fifteenth Colorado General Assembly, 72b.
26. Fry, “Alva Adams,” Pueblo Lore, November 1996, 3-4; Fry,
“Alva Adams,” Pueblo Lore, January 1997, 1-6.
18. Orman partnered with William Moore to build the Western National Bank Block at a cost of $20,000 in 1880, con-
27. Fry, “Alva Adams,” Pueblo Lore, January 1997, 1-6.
structed a building block at the corner of Union Avenue
28. Taylor, “Colorful Colorado: Adams On Political Horizon
and 'D' Street in 1884, and partnered with William Crook
Since Colorado Attained Statehood,” Pueblo Star-Journal
(Orman's railroad partner) to build the Orman and Crook
and Sunday Chieftain, 20 April 1952, section 3, p. 12.
Building and the Armory Hall Block on Union Avenue in
29. History of Colorado Biographical Volume IV, (Denver: Linderman Company, 1927), 418.
1885. Hall, Volume IV, ibid.
19. Hall, Volume IV, 536; Directory of the City of Pueblo for 1886,
(Denver: James R. Ives & Company, 1886), 71.
30. Baskin, 820.
31. Donald Fremont Popham, “The Early Activities of the
Guggenheims in Colorado,” The Colorado Magazine, Oc-
20. Fifteenth Colorado General Assembly, 72B; James O. Chip-
tober 1950, 263-269.
man and George Orlowski, “Biography of James B. Orman,”
Colorado State Archives, http://www.colorado.gov/dpa
/doit/archives/govs/orman.html (accessed December 3,
2010); Joanne West Dodds, Pueblo: A Pictoral History, (Vir-
Chapter 6: Neighborhood Institutions
ginia Beach, Virginia: The Donning Company Publishers,
1.
vation Commission Application For Landmark Designation,
1982), 62.
Pueblo Historic Preservation Commission, 12 December
21. “Married,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 28 September 1876, p. 4;
2008.
Chipman and Orlowski, ibid.
22. “New Buildings,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 22 March 1891, p.
2.
112
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
“Medical 'Firsts' Scored In Pueblo; Future Looks Bright,”
Pueblo Chieftain, 2 January 1955, p. 6D.
9; Helen Cannon, “First Ladies of Colorado: Nellie Martin
Orman,” The Colorado Magazine, Winter 1973, 61; Floyd
Ivan G. Balles and Felicia Gonzales, Pueblo Historic Preser-
3.
“Pride Of St. Mary Hospital-Sebastian Hall-Home Of Nurs-
City of Pueblo
4.
5.
ing School,” Pueblo Chieftain, 1 January 1946, section 3, p.
Jane M'Clelland, Philanthropist, Succumbs,” Pueblo Chief-
2.
tain, 11 April 1939, p. 1.
“Medical 'Firsts' Scored In Pueblo; Future Looks Bright,”
14. Dodds, Pueblo Library District, 2.
Pueblo Chieftain, 2 January 1955, p. 6D; Mary Jean Porter,
15. Ibid, 4-6.
“Corwin: Hospital builder, man of many interests,” Pueblo
16. Ibid, 8-10; Opal Eckert, “'Royal' data reveals Pickering his-
Chieftain, http://www.chieftain.com/life/local/article_
tory,” Grassroots Reflection special to the Maryville Daily
f84d8860-c930-11df-88d5-001cc4c03286.html (accessed
Forum, 21 February 1992, p. 3
December 9, 2010).
17. Dodds, Pueblo Library District, 25.
“McClelland Orphanage Is Formally Opened: Many
18. Mary Jean Porter, “Rawlings major library benefactor,”
Puebloans Attend Opening of New Home For Homeless
Pueblo Chieftain, 24 October 2003, p. 3F; Peter Strescino,
Children,” Pueblo Chieftain, 25 April 1906, p. 12; Susie S.
“Pueblo libraries: A long, colorful history continues on Sat-
Anton, National Register of Historic Places Inventory-Nom-
urday,” Pueblo Chieftain, 24 October 2003, p. 4F.
ination Form [for McClelland Children's Foundation], State
Historical Society of Colorado, 28 July 1983; Tom Purfield,
Chapter 7: Churches and Faith-Based Schools
“A Child's Place: McClelland serving Pueblo's kids for a
1.
Pueblo and South Pueblo, Colorado Directory 1879-80,
century,” Pueblo Chieftain, 11 July 2005, p. 5A.
(Atchison, Kansas: R.T. Dean & Company, 1879), consulted;
6.
Anton, ibid.
Directory of the City of Pueblo for 1886, (Denver: James R.
7.
Purfield, ibid.
Ives & Company, 1886), 71; Baldwin and Greene, ibid;
8.
Purfield, ibid.
Willits, Greene, and Baldwin, ibid.
9.
Anton, ibid; Purfield, ibid.
2.
Rev. John McGrath, “St. Patrick's Parish,” in St. Patrick's
10. Purfield, ibid.
Church, ed. St. Patrick's Church (Slokie, Illinois: LeMann &
11. Jerome Smiley, Semi-Centennial History Of The State Of
Associates, 1976), 4.
Colorado Volume II, (Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Com-
3.
pany, 1900-01), consulted.
pany, 1913), 58-59.
12. Smiley, 59; “Andrew McClelland”, Pueblo Pioneers [binder],
City of Pueblo Directory, (Pueblo: R.L. Polk Directory Com-
4.
City of Pueblo Directory, (Pueblo: R.L. Polk Directory Com-
available at Robert Hoag Rawlings Library, Pueblo; An-
pany, 1925), consulted; City of Pueblo Directory, (Pueblo:
drew McClelland [pamphlet], (Pueblo: Pueblo Metropoli-
R.L. Polk Directory Company, 1950), consulted.
tan Museum Association, 1980), 2.
5.
God's Blessings, (Pueblo, Trinity Lutheran Church, 2008), 1-
13. Smiley, 59; Joann West Dodds, Pueblo Library District: Cel-
4.
ebrating a Century of Service 1891-1991, (Pueblo, Pueblo
Library District, 1991), 13; “Andrew McClelland Dies In California,” Pueblo Chieftain, 21 March 1936, p. 1; “Columbia
Trinity Lutheran Church, One Hundred Twenty Years Of
6.
Trinity Lutheran Church, ibid; “Trinity Lutheran Church Will
Celebrate Its 45th Anniversary Here Next Sunday,” Pueblo
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
113
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
7.
Chieftain and Sunday Star-Journal, 5 March 1933, p. 2.
of Central High School,” Pueblo Chieftain, 28 November
Trinity Lutheran Church, ibid; “Trinity School addition to
1971, p. 2C.
be dedicated,” Pueblo Chieftain and Star-Journal, 8 March
5.
High School,” ibid.
1980, p. 6A; Mary Jean Porter, “A Little School Gets Bigger:
Trinity Lutheran School begins major expansion,” Pueblo
8.
9.
Risley, 151; Taylor, “Colorful Colorado: 89 Years of Central
6.
Risley, 152-153; Mary Jean Porter, “Keating continues 52-
Chieftain, 24 November 1997, p. 5A; Marvin Read, “Trinity
year tradition of serving students,” Pueblo Chieftain, 18
Lutheran School: New building, old purpose,” Pueblo
June 1978, p. 7D.
Chieftain, 8 May 1999, p. 1B.
7.
Risley, 153.
Rev. John McGrath, “St. Patrick's Parish,” in St. Patrick's
8.
Risley, 154; Porter, ibid.
Church, ed. St. Patrick's Church (Slokie, Illinois: LeMann &
9.
Risley, 154-155.
Associates, 1976), 4; “Goodbye, St. Pat's,” Pueblo Chieftain,
10. Ibid., 155-158.
29 September 1992, p. 1; Gayle Perez, “Bessemer-area
11. Ibid., 225-226.
faithful grieve over church closures,” Pueblo Chieftain,
12. Ibid., 295-296.
http://www.chieftain.com/editorial/article_8082d120-
13. Juan Espinosa, “Reaction is swift, negative on closing
8d65-587a-9754-8891babd0e99.html (accessed January
Keating Center: Second time school has been on block,”
4, 2011).
Pueblo Chieftain, 10 January 1992, p. 5A; Karen L. Vigil,
“Pueblo Diocese Postpones Decision On Selling Seton
“Keating on most District 60 hit lists,” Pueblo Chieftain, 9
High for One Year,” Pueblo Chieftain, 15 September 1969,
March 1993, p. 5A; Gayle Perez, “Keating school to close by
p. 7A;”Merger of 2 Catholic high schools in Pueblo
fall: The diverse educational programs now housed at
planned,” Rocky Mountain News, 23 December 1970, p.
Keating will be relocated to other locations,” Pueblo Chief-
(Schools-Seton High School subject folder); Terrence Cur-
tain, http://www.chieftain.com/news/local/article_a3b77
ran, “Roncalli, Seton High Schools Can Be Merged, Run as
133-8220-5143-8e68-dff9230e5334.html (accessed De-
Private Institution, Parents Are Told,” Pueblo Star-Journal, 3
cember 31, 2010).
April 1971, p. 8A; “Seton To Close May 30: Merger Aban-
14. Risley, 307-308.
doned,” Seton High Tatler Volume 33, May 14, 1971, 1.
15. Ray Broussard, “Splinter gulch: Major renovation of Public
School Stadium scheduled next year,” Pueblo Chieftain, 16
114
Chapter 8: Public Schools
September 1977, p. 12A; Steve Henson, “Job done: Sta-
1.
James H. Risley, How It Grew, (Denver: University of Den-
dium renovation project complete after 2-year effort,”
ver Press, 1953), 40-43.
Pueblo Chieftain, 26 December 1979, p.
16. Risley, 234-235; Harold A. Hoeglund, History of Pueblo Col-
2.
Ibid, 44-46.
3.
Ibid, 66, 148.
lege, 1933-1963, (Pueblo, Colorado: Southern Colorado
4.
Ibid, 148-150; Ralph C. Taylor, “Colorful Colorado: 89 Years
State College, 1963), 10-11.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
Pioneer Citizen Departs This Life at 12:18 O'Clock,” Pueblo
17. Hoeglund, 19,47; Pueblo Community College, “Discover
College,
Chieftain, 4 February 1904, p. 5; “Soldier And Citizen Will
http://www.pueblocc.edu/AboutUs/History/ (accessed
Be Buried Today: Last Sad Tribute Will be Paid to Late
December 31, 2010).
Judge Andrew Roybal,” Pueblo Chieftain, 7 February 1904,
Our
History,”
Pueblo
Community
p. 6.
18. Hoeglund, 83-84; Pueblo Community College, ibid.
19. “Gulliford Academy,” Pueblo Chieftain, 30 December 1901,
6.
Paving Dist’ No. 1 [drawing], 30 November 1918.
p. 7.
20. “Noted Educator And Mason Answers Call,” Pueblo Chief-
J.J. Bartlett, Design of Lamp Post for the Mesa Junction
7.
Russell Frank, “Get On One End Of The Rope And Pull To-
tain, 7 December 1909, p. 12; “Prof. Gulliford Is Laid to
gether,” in Old Ties, New Attachments: Italian-American
Rest,” Pueblo Chieftain, 8 December 1909, p. 16; “Madame
Folklife in the West, ed. David A. Taylor and John Alexan-
Gulliford Smith” [obituary], Pueblo Chieftain, 3 June 1925,
der Williams (Washington: Library of Congress, 1992), 145.
p. 12; “Miss Amy Gulliford, Well Known Teacher, Succumbs
8.
Ralph C. Taylor, “Colorful Colorado: Italian Colony Perpet-
To Illness,” Pueblo Chieftain, 27 February 1934, p. 3; “Gulli-
uates Old-Country Customs Here,” Pueblo Chieftain, 18
ford, Clare Hays” [obituary], Pueblo Chieftain, 7 September
March 1951, section 2, p. 12.
1937, p. 5; Yvette S. Padilla, “Eyesore no more: 'Haunted
9.
Rebecca Edwards, New Sprits: Americans in the Gilded Age,
house' gives way to wrecking ball,” Pueblo Chieftain, 3
185-1905 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 107,
April 1998, p. 1; Joanne West Dodds, ed., 20th Pueblo
184, 240.
Women's History Week Celebration 1982-2002: Outstanding
10. Edwards, 127, 214-216, 240.
Women Awards, (Pueblo: Pueblo City-County Library Dis-
11. “Monument To Discoverer Is Unveiled,” Pueblo Chieftain,
13 October 1905, p. 1; Dodds, 20-21.
trict, 2002), 25.
12. Dodds, preface.
Chapter 9: The Cultural Landscape
1.
13. Morris Cafky and John A. Haney, Pueblo's Steel Town Trol-
“South Pueblo,” Pueblo Daily Chieftain, 15 December 1872,
leys (Boulder: Colorado Railroad Historical Foundation,
p. 4; “South Side Club To Convert Union Depot Bluff Into
1999), 12.
Nice Park,” Pueblo Chieftain, 28 December 1909, p. 5.
2.
3.
Map of South Pueblo [plat map], book #2B, page #4-5, 13
Chapter 10: Transportation and Commercial Devel-
December 1872.
opment
John A. Salas, “Planners recommend approval for 10
1.
Cafky and Haney, 11-12.
neighborhood park sites,” Pueblo Star Journal, 21 Febru-
2.
Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps (for Pueblo, Colorado). New
York: Sanborn Map and Publishing Co., 1893.
ary 1979, p. 8A.
4.
Dodds, Pueblo Library District, 11; Eckert, ibid.
5.
“Judge A. Royal Claimed By Death: After Lingering Illness
3.
Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps (for Pueblo, Colorado). New
York: Sanborn Map and Publishing Co., 1905.
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115
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
4.
Dennis Darrow, “Main Street bridge plans progress,”
Sketch for Mills, Patrick P. Denver: CHS-OAHP, 11 April
Pueblo Chieftain, http://www.chieftain.com/import /main-
2001.
street-bridge-plans-progress/article_28e519e1-7287-
2.
“George W. Roe,” in History of Colorado, vol. II, Wilbur Fisk
57a3-9beb-3b14cdf253c4.html (accessed 28 February
Stone, ed. (Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Company,
2011).
1918), 438.
3.
Rotary Club of Pueblo, resolution naming William W. Stick-
5.
Cafky and Haney, 17.
6.
Ibid, 19-23, 41.
7.
Ibid, 73-74.
8.
Ibid, 76.
manuscript, Special Collections, Robert Hoag Rawlins
9.
Ibid, 78-79.
Public Library, Pueblo.
ney as a posthumous honorary member, May 1958.
4.
Paul J. McLeod, “Walter DeMordaunt,” 1982, unpublished
10. Ibid, 79,83.
5.
Ibid.
11. Ibid, 84.
6.
Colorado Historical Society, Office of Archeology and His-
12. Ibid, 85.
toric Preservation, Colorado Architects Biographical
13. Heraldo A. Acosta, General William Jackson Palmer's
Sketch for Lang, William A. Denver: CHS-OAHP, 9 October
2002.
Spanish Streets of South Pueblo 1872: Why Were They
Named and Why Were They Changed?, (Pueblo: The
7.
toric Preservation, Colorado Architects Biographical
Pueblo Celebration of Cultural Diversity, 2008), 2-3.
Sketch for Gile, Jacob M. Denver: CHS-OAHP, 3 June 2007.
14. George J. Sánchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity,
Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945
Colorado Historical Society, Office of Archeology and His-
8.
Colorado Historical Society, Office of Archeology and Historic Preservation, Colorado Architects Biographical
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 70-71.
14. Acosta, 8-9.
Sketch for Hale, Frederick A. Denver: CHS-OAHP, 2 June
15. Ibid, 12; Karen Vigil, “South Pueblo streets reflect original
2007.
Spanish
names,”
Pueblo
Chieftain,
http://www.chieftain.com/metro/article_0c5e9826-118a-
Conclusion
5518-8f71-01f2fb2a2736.html (accessed January 7, 2011).
1.
General William Jackson Palmer quoted in John Stirling
Fisher, A Builder of the West: The Life of General William
Chapter 11: Architects
1.
116
Jackson Palmer (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press, 1939), 161.
Colorado Historical Society, Office of Archaeology and
2.
Andrews, 73.
Historic Preservation, Colorado Architects Biographical
3.
Fisher, 19.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Section 2
Preservation Plan for South Pueblo
117
City of Pueblo
Pueblo is a city filled with people who stay in one place.
areas in Pueblo.” But especially in South Pueblo, “maintenance
The 2010 City Citizen Survey revealed that seventy-five per-
of city or neighborood streets” and “preservation of historic
cent of the respondents lived in Pueblo for twenty years or
areas” are not mutually exclusive. In fact, they are quite com-
more; fourteen percent lived in Pueblo from fourteen to
plementary. By maintaining the curbs, street trees, sidewalks,
twenty years. People clearly love the city enough to remain for
and signs, the city is performing preservation maintenance.
decades, if not their entire lives.1
Most of the respondents, eighty-one percent in fact, said
The overall goal of historic preservation at the City is to
that “redeveloping older neighborhoods should be an ‘essen-
create economically, physically, and environmentally sustain-
tial’ or ‘important’ part of the City's redevelopment plan.” His-
able neighborhoods. While officially designating properties as
toric preservation planning will be a critical piece of this
local landmarks or listing them in the National Register is a tra-
redevelopment. Residents are not asking for a clean slate of
ditional means to that end, these actions are clearly not going
buildings and landscapes; they want to keep the neighbor-
to work in Pueblo. The benefits of listing (such as tax credits) for
hoods they already have.
the average property owner do not outweigh the cost and re-
This preservation plan is really a series of recommenda-
strictions of listing (such as the fee the City charges for land-
tions that allow the City to seize opportunities as they arise
mark review and the Certificate of Appropriateness permit
and take small steps to achieve the overall goal of sustainabil-
process for landmarked properties). In Pueblo, historic preser-
ity. It is not meant to be overly prescriptive, and it therefore
vation is not just for the officially landmarked. As property
does not follow traditional planning models with goals and
owners evolve into stewards of their historic properties,
objectives and timelines. Indeed, preservation in Pueblo hap-
whether officially designated or not, the neighborhood will
pens on its own timeframe. This document is meant as a rud-
thrive. Still, without official designations or other planning
der for opportunities related to South Pueblo (at least in the
tools such as infill standards, out-of-scale and out-of-character
Mesa Junction and the Blocks/Corona Park areas).
houses could be inserted into what is now a great architectural
Preservation is not just the City’s responsibility. In the end,
fabric, which contributes to heritage tourism and authentic
the caretakers of the neighborhoods include the City, prop-
neighborhoods.
erty owners, renters, non-profit institutions, and neighbor-
The Citizen Survey also revealed that sixty-one percent of
hood associations. Even History Colorado’s Office of
respondents believed that “maintenance of city streets” was
Archaeology and Historic Preservation (OAHP), in Denver, has
the area of city maintenance/public works services that should
a hand in it. Therefore, the tasks for preservation planning for
receive the most emphasis over the next two years; forty-two
the South Pueblo neighborhoods are shared; these tasks are to
percent chose “maintenance of neighborhood streets” as the
research, document, evaluate, monitor, promote, and steward.
priority. Only eight percent chose “preservation of historic
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
q It takes a village. Preservation is the work of many. Small actions
combine to achieve great things.
4
d
G
%
R
City planner (preservation)
City Staff
City Council
Historic Preservation Commission
Pueblo History Groups
B
Neighborhood Associations
Ï
Students
H
Owner Occupants
!
Consultants
1
History Colorado/OAHP
119
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Research
of events and people that constructed Pueblo’s built environment, there is still a need for a thorough academic history of
A Comprehensive History of Pueblo (R.1)
4 R !1
Pueblo has systematically contracted histories of its larger
neighborhoods: the North Side, the East Side, and the South
Side. The Bessemer neighborhood and a study of Pueblo’s midtwentieth century resources are scheduled to be completed
in 2012. While these neighborhood histories certainly have informed preservation planning and communicated the series
pPocket Parks. The smaller pocket parks in South Pueblo provide physical
and mental respite from the industrial and developed city for the middle and,
later, working classes. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
p u Mature trees. One of the most interesting aspects of South Pueblo is
the use of coniferous trees, which provide year-round shade in the bright sun
and are amply suited to Pueblo’s dry climate. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
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HISTORITECTURE, LLC
Pueblo that ties them altogether with other contributors to
Pueblo’s environment, such as Colorado Fuel & Iron and the
Colorado State Hosptial. Pueblo has one of the longest, most
intriguing and complex histories of any city in Colorado–and
the West. Few places in the state can rival the city’s cultural diversity and architectural heritage. It deserves a history of its
own.
City of Pueblo
t Landscape composition. What makes the Pitkin Place National Register
District so attractive is not just the lovely houses, but the symphony of trees,
shrubs, porches, and yards that make the scene compelling to the senses. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
Further Research on South Pueblo Area (R.2)
4%R Ï
Like all studies, the historic context left additional questions about South Pueblo’s history that require further research. First, not enough attention was given in the document
and later the steel mill, but a systematic study of census
records and city directories would say for sure. While it appears
shifts occured in neighborhood socio-economics during the
early and late 20th century, the context did not address this
adequately.
Additionally, the following topics require more research:
to “ordinary” citizens, due largely to the time constraints and
scope of the project. Questions regarding the neighborhood’s
•
letters related to his goals for his Industrial Utopia;
general ethnographic composition remain. Futher, how the
occupations of the neighbors changed over time is not certain. Most likely attended to the railroad and related industries
A more detailed reading and interpretation of Palmer’s
•
Andrew Royal’s contributions as citizen and mayor; and
•
A biography of John Blair, including his professional works
in Illinois and Vancouver.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
121
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Cultural Landscape History (R.3)
4%R Ï!1
Little has been researched and written about Pueblo’s rich
cultural landscape history, both the designed landscapes of
Cultural Landscape Inventory (D.1)
4%R Ï!1
parks and the vernacular landscapes of private yards. This
A more detailed narrative history of the cultural land-
would provide information about the potential for state or na-
scape would contribute to a cultural landscape inventory (CLI).
tional significance found in these local resources. Subjects de-
A CLI is a document that provides a comprehensive and illus-
serving of further study include:
trated landscape narrative, identifies the character-defining
•
the City Beautiful movement and specifically the design
features of the landscape, analyzes the integrity of historic fea-
of boulevards across the nation and in Pueblo;
tures, and develops strategies to preserve, protect, and inter-
the development and execution of Romantic suburbs
pret those features. Typically newly drawn “snapshot” maps
across the country contrasted with Corona Park;
demonstrate how the landscape changed over time. (In South
a present-day analysis of the areas developed by “gentle-
Pueblo, for instance, the maps might include 1872, 1886, 1920,
men” speculators contrasted with areas that had com-
1965, and 2000.) These maps, drawn to the same scale, can be
prehensive landscape design and planning; and
overlayed to show changes over time. The inventory would in-
ethnographic landscapes in South Pueblo including the
clude large-scale features such as buildings, structures, and
presence of yard art and devotional shrines.
roads and minor features such as curbs, paving, gutters, and
By combining these areas of study with existing scholar-
yards.
•
pq Specimen trees. When certain mature trees die, as above, their locations are so critical that they should be replaced. When they are not, the spaces
turn into concrete yards that are cold–or rather hot–wastelands, as below.
Though there are maintenance advantages to having no trees or grass, the cumulative loss of green makes for a desolate urban fabric. A cultural landscape
inventory could help identify these specimen trees. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
Document
•
•
ship on the Columbus Monument, School District 60, and the
A CLI is a logical way to inform preservation planning in
library, a better understanding of the significance of the land-
the neighborhood. For instance, a current need is a schedule
scape could be developed. This project in particular is one to
for “shadow” planting of the larger street trees along Abriendo
which college-level student-researchers could contribute, as
Avenue and in the parks, so that when they fall or die the City
a paper on each of these topics could be completed over a se-
knows what will be planted in place. A CLI can also be used as
mester. Ideally then, a consultant or graduate student in land-
a National Register nomination (evaluated as a district).
scape architecture would be able to compile a cultural
The National Park Service provides guidance on cultural
landscape inventory including maps documenting the devel-
landscapes in its “Preservation Brief 36: Protecting Cultural
opment of the area over time (see below).
Landscapes Planning, Treatment and Management of Historic
Landscapes.” The National Park Service’s Cultural Landscapes Inventory Professional Procedures Guide (January 2009) is another
resource. (Though it is actually a manual for entering landscapes found within the National Park System into a database,
122
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
the explanations of evaluating integrity and significance of
landscapes are quite good).
Keep Information about Properties Organized (D.2)
4dÏ
The City needs to manage information about properties
in the neighborhood to facilitate landmarking. By creating a
simple database, the City can record property history and tidbits of information as they become available. This could be a
physical system (e.g. property folders in filing cabinets), but
ideally would be digital (e.g. a database or spreadsheet). Fields
in the database should be related to historic preservation information such as location (address and UTM coordinants),
construction date and source of that information, architectural
form and style, narrative property history, photographs, etc.
Tying the electronic database to existing City records such as
the Assessor’s information or the GIS database is appropriate.
Documentation Before Demolition (D.3)
4dÏ!1
Students can assist by gathering photographs or researching
While South Pueblo has less vacant properties than other
individual properties (as opposed to having them do full nom-
neighborhoods throughout the City, there are nevertheless
inations). Start with the properties already landmarked or
numerous empty buildings. To prepare for inevitable demoli-
listed. The database can be built slowly to assure quality con-
tions that follow blighted and dangerous properties, the City
trol of the information and opportunistically as information
should begin to document these properties now. This begins
becomes available. By its nature, this project should never be
with a very simple step: documenting the properties through
completed; it must evolve and continue to accumulate data.
photographs. Having a printed and digital record of the build-
The goal is to keep the information organized and readily avail-
ings that exist in the neighborhood is a crucial step.
able, thus more easily providing technical assistance to prop-
The photographs should be printed and stored in physi-
erty owners seeking official designation and ease the burden
cal files and saved to a database to facilitate future research.
of research, which is a subtantial portion of the cost of land-
The second step of demolition documentation would be to re-
marking a property.
search each property’s history through deeds, permits, city di-
pDemolition is unavoidable. A city settling into its post-industrial boom,
Pueblo has hundreds of abandoned and blighted properties. Demolition for some
is unavoidable, so now is the time to document those properties and record their
histories. (Wade Broadhead)
qPoorly designed infill is avoidable. It is also time to provide guidance for
infill, before streets get filled with houses that do not blend with the existing
ones in setback, style, and size. (Jim Lindberg/National Trust for Historic Preservation)
rectories, and newspapers. Important dates in the life of the
property (construction dates, additions, sales) should be out-
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
123
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
LOCAL LANDMARKS
116 Broadway Avenue, Hose Company House #3
126 Broadway Avenue, South Pueblo Lodge #31
330 Colorado Avenue, J.A. Wayland House
lined in a timeline. Prominent owners or occupants of the
buildings would be identified through this process.
Federal and local laws require Historic Preservation Commission or OAHP review of landmarked, listed, or eligible
properites before demolition. Only a demolition permit is re-
NATIONAL REGISTER PROPERTIES
quired for non-historic properites. So a small handful of these
300 West Abriendo Avenue, Martin Walter House (5/17/84,
blighted properties will be recorded according to Historic
5PE.4212)
415 East Abriendo Avenue, McClelland Orphanage
(1/30/92, 5PE.4217)
American Building Survey standards. Others will fall into disrepair and be demolished by neglect. Either way, the time to
record the City’s architectural legacy is now.
400 Broadway, First Methodist Episcopal/Trinity Methodist
Church (11/14/79, 5PE.503)
38 Carlile Place, Tooke-Nuckolls House (11/7/85, 5PE.4213)
Evaluate
44 Carlile Place, James Carlile Residence (2/8/85, 5PE.4214)
501 Colorado Avenue, Galligan House (6/3/82, 5PE.611)
228 West Evans, First Congregational Church (2/8/85,
5PE.4209)
101 East Orman Avenue, Charles H. Stickney House (2/8/85,
pLandmark. Jacob Gile designed this commercial property at 114 Colorado,
which is not yet landmarked. Some property owners are ready to reap the benefits of landmarking, including tax breaks, access to grants, and increased property values. Still, landmarking is not the only means to preserve South Pueblo’s
architectural heritage. (City of Pueblo)
5PE.4210)
102 West Orman Avenue, Orman-Adams House (7/13/76,
5PE.495)
102 West Pitkin Avenue, John A. Black House Complex
(11/7/85, 5PE.4211)
431 East Pitkin Avenue, Central High School (11/14/79,
5PE.502)
229 Quincy & 215 Routt Avenue, Alexander King House and
Landmark Designations for Corona Park (E.1)
4% R Ï!1
Most of the properties officially designated in South
Pueblo are in the Mesa Junction area. Those that are listed in
Corona Park are on the far south end. Still Corona Park has
many buildings that could either be individually landmarked
or listed as a district, if owners are willing. A good candidate for
a district would be along Carlile Place, which already has three
National Register properties on the street, all within one block
of each other (the Carlile residence is the oldest in Mesa Junction or Corona Park). The challenge here will be the high percentage of rental units in the neighborhood.
Carriage House (4/21/83, 5PE.616)
Pitkin Place Historic District (1/31/78, 5PE.490)
Large-Scale, Grant-funded Surveys (E.2)
4 G%R !1
Following traditional preservation practices, after completing the neighborhood context the City would next apply
124
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
ABERDEEN
ABERDEEN BLUFF SUBDIVISION
2ND FILING
BLUFF
SUBDIVISION
RIVERVIEW
UPLANDS
SUBDIVISION
PARKS
SUBDIVISION
HIRSCH
SUBDIVISION
RIVERVIEW
2ND FILING
SHARMAR
SUBDIVISION
STATE
ADDITION
TO PUEBLO
SAM JONES
SUBDIVISION
DRISCOLLS
SUBDIVISION
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SUBDIVISION
ABERDEEN
ABERDEEN
SUBDIVISION RE-SUBDIVISION
THATCHER
MIDTOWN AND GASTS
CIRCLE SUBDIVISION
SUBDIVISION
PUEBLO
qLet History Be Your Guide. The subdivisions of South Pueblo—some
just a block or two long—provide organization to survey potential historic
districts. (Map by Chris
Markuson, Pueblo County GIS office)
AMHEARST
CONDOMINIUN
PLAT 3RD FILING
CARLEO
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CENTER NO 1
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SOUTH
PUEBLO
4TH & ABRIENDO
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SUBDIVISION
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PLACE
PLACE
South Pueblo Context Study
PASEO DEL RIO
CONDOMINIUMS
2ND AMENDED
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SUBDIVISION
COMPANY
FILING NO 1
ADD NO.2
LAMKIN
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VIEW PUEBLO UNION
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ARKANSAS RIVER
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MURRAY &
PUEBLO MUNICIPAL BUSINESS PARK
SUBDIVISION
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HILLS
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ADDTION NO.3
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WILSON SUB MURRAYS
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PLACE NO 2
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SUBDIVISION
Prepared by the Pueblo County GIS Center
For: South Pueblo Historic Context Study
Unauthorized reproduction or duplication of this document is strictly prohibited
without written consent by the Pueblo County GIS Center.
The Pueblo County GIS Center makes no claims as to the accuracy of the
information portrayed in this document.
For further information, please contact the Pueblo County GIS Center.
215 W 10th St, Pueblo CO 81003 719.583.6240 (v) 719.583.6249 (f)
Lakes and Rivers
Highway
Collector
County Road
Base Data Sources: Pueblo County, CDOT
File Name: South Pueblo Context Study - 03-15-11.mxd
Path: S:\gis\chris\Historic Preservation\South Pueblo Context Study
Date of Preparation: 03/15/11
Prepared by Chris Markuson
Local Street
Railroads
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
125
Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
for a grant from the State Historical Fund and begin to sys-
stance, the Moore and Carlile, Martin, Railey, Shull and Graham,
tematically survey the South Pueblo area. For an area as large
and the Cameron subdivisions could help organize district
as Mesa Junction and Corona Park, this would take a long time
boundaries in much the same way that the Pitkin Place and
and a lot of money. Still, the City should seek outside funding
Pitkin Place No. 2 subdivisions became the basis for the Pitkin
through Certified Local Government and State Historical Fund
Place Historic District. Other areas to consider are the 500 block
grants to tackle a large survey of dozens or hundreds of
of Colorado, which hosts a community of preservation sup-
properites. With uncertain budgets, these types of projects are
porters, and “boulevard” districts along Orman Avenue and
difficult to fund. Still, priorities in South Pueblo for large-scale
Broadway Avenue. Find a group of neighbors interested in a
surveys would include:
district, and put to work on their behalf the resources available
•
to the City and advocacy groups.
Corona Park north (around Moore and Carlile’s, Delevan,
Abriendo Place, Florida Place, and Railey’s resubdivisions);
•
Corona Park south of the library; and
Multiple Property Documentation Form for Nominations
•
Mesa Park central (around the small resubdivisions).
to the National Register (E.4)
Community-Built Surveys (E.3)
4%R B ÏH
126
4%R !1
The National Register Multiple Property Documentation
Form (MPDF) is a document that streamlines listing of proper-
Knowing that grant-funded surveys are difficult and
ties that are related geographically, thematically, and tempo-
costly, Pueblo seeks to reduce the cost of survey while involv-
rally. According to the National Register Bulletin 16b: “The form
ing owners and neighbors. South Pueblo provides an oppor-
facilitates the evaluation of individual properties by comparing
tunity to test small scale, community-built surveys. These are
them with resources that share similar physical characteristics
modeled on the community-built park planning practice,
and historical associations.”2 The MPDF is not a nomination
which engages citizens and creates strong buy-in and sus-
per se. Rather it is an umbrella document that includes two
tainability. These surveys may be small enough to be com-
parts: the historic context and the registration requirements.
pleted by local gorups.
Individual properties still require their own nomination, based
As demonstrated in the context, South Pueblo developed
on the information found in the MPDF, but it significantly re-
through many resubdivisions within the larger neighborhood
duces the cost and time required to complete a full National
(getting denser instead of larger). These approximately fifty re-
Register nomination.
subdivisions provide a potential outline for district nomina-
The City of Pueblo has done an excellent job developing
tions or neighbor-facilitated surveys, which could be funded
historic contexts for its neighborhoods. An MPDF is a possible
by the City or by other small grants rather than through Certi-
next step to streamline National Register nominations and
fied Local Government or State Historical Fund grants. For in-
could be very easily adapted to the Pueblo landmark process.
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
City of Pueblo
This document would include a city-wide historic context,
ent standard of physcial integrity than is conventionally ap-
based on the completed contexts for the neighborhoods. It
plied to nominations.
would establish the theme, geographic extent, and time period for potential listings (for instance “City of Pueblo’s Residential Neighborhoods between 1860 and 1960”). In addition,
Monitor
it would list “associated property types,” such as single-family
residential, multi-family, or small-scale commercial buildings
or districts that are found in the temporal period and geographic area of the theme. The MPDF establishes criterion for
listing and justifies the physical properties that must be present to be listed (for instance, would a single-family residential
building built in 1900 but stuccoed in 1975 have enough physical integrity to be listed?).
The MPDF is a guidance document that would make it
easier for non-professionals to complete National Register and
local landmark documentation, since it already deals with
most of the technical and sometimes too subjective areas of
significance and integrity. A cost-benefit analysis would be
necessary before pursuing an MPDF to make sure the cost of
the document is worth the number of properties that could
be listed.
The MPDF would have the added benefit of describing to
the Office of Archeology and Historic Preservation exactly
what makes Pueblo’s architecture different from that found in
the rest of the state. Pueblo is an industrial city, much more
akin to Pittsburgh and Johnstown, Pennsylvania, Youngstown,
Ohio, or Gary, Indiana, than to Denver or Colorado Springs. The
largely working-class, vernacular houses that define Pueblo’s
architectural heritage evolved as the ethnic families residing
within them changed over time. Therefore, the modification
Create a Style Guide (M.1)
4%!1
The Historic Preservation Commission is largely responsible for monitoring preservation of the designated historic
properties through its Certificate of Appropriateness review.
This means the commission has been largely focused on the
Union Avenue Historic District. Since the percent of officially
designated properties is quite small, the commission can provide very little guidance over the Mesa Junction and Corona
Park area. Furthermore, the commision review is not required
for the non-contributing buildings in a district. Still, the commission should prepare for a growing number of listings, dis-
pMaintenance? Until a neighborhood is surveyed for its potential historic
properties, the historic preservation ordinance has no teeth. Therefore, the City
Council must pass and enforce ordinances encouraging good maintenance. This
could help prevent inappropriate additions and improve neighborhood safety.
qHistoric Integrity? Applying stucco over original siding is a common maintenance practice in Pueblo, but it might make a house ineligible for landmarking according to typical preservation standards of integrity. (Wade Broadhead)
trict designations, and demolitions by modifying its citywide
design guidelines, the Standards of Appropriateness & Demolition Standards For Alteration, New Construction, Reconstruction,
Restoration, Rehabilitation and Relocation of Pueblo’s Historic
Landmarks and Districts. Specifically, “Section: 4.1 Themes In
The Character Of Residential Architecture” is woefully lacking
the vernacular architectural styles of South Pueblo (and the
rest of the city for that matter). This preservation plan includes
a brief glossary of the architectural forms and styles found in
South Pueblo to demonstrate the need for a methodical style
guide. Style guides are popular with citizens and can engage
a wider audience.
of dwellings in working-class neighborhoods is a part of
Pueblo’s story; these modified buildings might have a differ-
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Support Non-Preservation Maintenance Ordinances (M.2)
dG%B H
Until the neighborhoods are surveyed and properties
landmarked, the historic preservation ordinance has no teeth
to encourage good maintenance practices. Therefore, the City
Council has to monitor and enforce existing building ordinances. The City Council can help remove road blocks to landmarking like reducing the financial burden and long timeline
when applying for landmark status. Modifications to houses
—stucco, window replacement, and over-sized additions—
often make houses ineligible for landmark listing or district
pStreet Signs in South Pueblo. The tiny, brown sign above the street name
boasts of “Historic South Pueblo” and lists the original Spanish street name (in
this case unchanged). Banners large and small throughout the neighborhood
should celebrate South Pueblo’s history. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
borhood (like the design of Corona Park’s undulating streets).
The easiest way to interpret South Pueblo’s history and
promote its preservation is for the planning department to
constantly update the historic preservation pages, especially
on its newly launched redesigned section of the City’s website. Move away from bureaucratic language that says “regulations
looses some of its character and property values suffer.
historic
landmarks”
and
move
toward
human-centered language like “benefits for historic landmarks.” Make finding information on tax credits easy. Make the
neighborhood context available. Add photographs to the
website showcasing South Pueblo history.
Similarly, Historic Pueblo and other neighborhood insti-
membership. The owners, then, can not benefit from tax credits and other preservation incentives. The neighborhood itself
for
tutions need to keep their websites updated and use social
media to reach new and existing audiences. No matter the audience, history needs to be alive and exciting, not regulatory
and in the past.
Promote
Revive the Improvement or Neighborhood Association
Innovative Interpretation Tailored to Appropriate Audiences (P.1)
4 R B Ï!
Traditional forms of historic preservation education may
not work for South Pueblo, a neighborhood filled with both
longtime residents and new, young families. For instance,
walking tours facilitate appreciation of neighborhoods for
those in attendance, but require a time and physical commitment unavailable to young families or people with disabilities.
In Pueblo, those people who are able to attend meetings are
not necessarily representative of the more general interest in
historic preservation. Student audiences may learn best
through five-minute podcasts on specific aspects of the neigh-
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(P.2)
BH
One way to connect neighbors with historic preservation
is to revive the neighborhood associations once prominent in
South Pueblo. Many interested parties could be cultivated as
“virtual” groups via social networking sites rather than in person via meetings. It is the neighbors—and not the city—that
decide to landmark or create districts. By working together,
neighbors can begin to landmark blocks and reap the economic benefits of listing through tax credits and increasing
property values and the City can benefit with more heritage
tourism opportunities.
City of Pueblo
t Elegant elms. American elms were the street tree of choice during the City
Beautiful movement, but Dutch elm disease wiped out many across the state. As
the trees age, having a plan for replacement will be necessary to assure a uniformity that honors the original design. In South Pueblo especially, it is the City
maintenance department that is responsible for historic preservation, not the
planning department. (Jeffrey DeHerrera)
City Staff as Preservationists (P.3)
4dG%
City staff in all departments need more training in historic
preservation and cultural landscapes. Specifically, the Historic
Preservation Commission, which has been largely focused on
buildings, needs to expand into more holistic landscape
city maintenance staff might learn additional aspects of the
cultural landscape that further the character of the South
Pueblo neighborhood. By keeping South Pueblo trees healthy,
streets clean, and grass mowed, the city maintenance staff becomes a champion of historic preservation and helps preseve
an important aspect of Palmer’s industrial utopia.
preservation. This can be through formal classes or via access
to technical preservation series publications. Furthermore, the
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Community Outreach (P.4)
4%R B
The City, neighborhood organizations, and the residents
of South Pueblo need to stump for historic preservation. There
seems to be a bias in Pueblo preservation that is especially obvious in South Pueblo: only high-style, Victorian-era homes are
tion through a program with East High School students to
landmark properties on the East Side. Similar efforts could be
made with Central High School students and properties in
Mesa Junction and Corona Park. Planning is underway for a
2012 Youth Summit, which will provide a great opportunity to
solicit feedback from students on preservation matters.
worthy of preservation. This is just not true. There are many
modest, vernacular homes worthy of designation and that together make the South Pueblo neighborhoods interesting,
beautiful, and historic. A simple gesture, the dual street signs
(with the old Spanish and new names) help to communicate
the area’s history. But the small font identifying “Historic South
Steward
Support Existing Institutions (S.1)
4dG R H
Pueblo” should be larger and more prominent on signs
South Pueblo’s institutions (the school district, McClelland
throughout the neighborhood. Even programs such as coffee
School, and Pueblo Community College, to name a few) need
chats to explain the benefits of designating historic districts
to record and sensitively maintain their properties with assis-
can be effective.
tance from the City and Historic Pueblo. When these monumental buildings fall into disrepair—or sit vacant—citizens see
Create Local Economic Incentives for Preservation (P.5)
4 G%
Dwindling national and state funding for preservation is
prompting talks about a Pueblo Historic Fund, a competitive
grant fund that would mimic the State Historic Fund. By having this local economic incentive in place for preservation rehabilitation, the City can focus its participation and benefits as
needed and quickly adjust to local conditions.
Foster Young Preservationists (P.6)
4%Ï1
Recruiting young preservationists is a concern nationwide. In 2011, the City of Pueblo engaged youth in preserva-
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it as a reflection of the City’s disentigration as a whole. While
economic reasons cause the institutions to shutter its buildings, as in the case Keating Junior High School, the impact is
cultural and social. Moreover, a historic building that has been
mothballed even to the highest standards often proves very
difficult, if not impossible, to reopen. While saving a few dollars
in this years’ budget is an appropriate goal, it may have lasting
negative impacts to the fabric of the neighborhood well into
the future.
Citizen and Advocacy Group Involvement (S.2)
RBH
As good stewards, citizens and advocacy groups will need
to get more active in politics and advocate for preservation
City of Pueblo
and neighborhood issues at various levels. Preservation advo-
also guide the shrinking (and rezoning) of the city, as the den-
cates can attend future city-county-comprehensive plan meet-
sity decreases and parks emerge from former industries. Some
ings to help integrate preservation in those plans (Kalamazoo,
cities see preservation as a hindrance to progress. But the most
Michigan, provides a good precedent for this type of integra-
distinctive cities are those that take care of its older neighbor-
tion).3
hoods in a constant cycle of revitalization.
Furthermore, the citizens will need to advocate for a
citywide Preservation Plan that would accompany any future
City of Pueblo Master Plan or Comprehensive Plan update. It is
Endnotes
up to the citizens, not just the planning staff, to promote
preservation.
Use Preservation as a Tool (S.3)
4dG%
The City needs to incorporate historic preservation into
its everyday activities and its master plans. Historic preservation is a tool to develop a sustainable, clean, safe, and livable
community. Historic preservation aligns with city goals (and
citizen priorities) to sustain affordable housing, remove
1. ETC Institute. 2010 DirectionFinder® Survey Findings Report for the
City of Pueblo (published on line at http://www.pueblo. us/documents/Misc/2010CitizenSurvey.pdf ), accessed March 25, 2011.
2. Antoinette J. Lee and Linda F. McClelland. Bulletin 16b: “How to Complete the National Register Multiple Property Documentation
Form” (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1991, revised
1999), introduction.
3. Kalamazoo Historic Preservation Commission, Where Place Propsers:
A Preservation, Adaptive Reuse, and Context Development Guide
for Commercial Kalamazoo (published on line at http://www.kalamazoocity.org/docs/cpd/Where_Place_Prospers.pdf ), accessed
March 31, 2011.
blighted properties, maintain parks, and repair streets. It can
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
preservAtiOn ActiOn iteMs
Actor
Research
Document
Evaluate
City planner
(preservation)
• facilitate research projects
• facilitate cultural landscape inventory
• organize property information
• document before demolition
• facilitate landmarking, large • facilitate style guide
and small surveys, and a multiple property documentation
form
4
City Staff
• contribute to property database
• document before demolition
d
City Council
• provide funding and letters
of support for large- and
small-scale survey projects
G
Historic Preservation
Commission
• provide technical assistance
to researchers
• provide technical assistance
on survey projects
• promote research projects
through small-scale funding
and letters of support
• promote inventories and sur- • provide funding and support
veys through small-scale fund- for community-built surveys
ing and letters of support
%
Pueblo History
Groups
R
Neighborhood Associations
Monitor
Ï
Owner Occupants
• support preservation and
healthy community-related
activities in City government
• support tax incentives for
preservation
• integrate preservation, City, and
County planning initiatives
• stump for historic preservation
• award good historic preservation practices
• maintain a dynamic website
• advocate for preservation
through tours, social media,
and coffee chats
• advocate for historic preservation within city government
• sponsor walking/biking
tours, coffee chats, and social
media
• advocate for historic preservation within city government
• designate landmarks, historic • provide technical assistance
districts, and National Register for a city-wide style guide
listings
• revise preservation guidelines
H
• complete community-built
surveys
• help property owners leverage
historic preservation incentives
• integrate preservation, City, and
County planning initiatives
• enforce non-preservation
maintenance ordinances
• photograph existing build• assist with community-built
ings in the neighborhood
surveys
• help populate the City’s database of properties
• research your property’s history
• facilitate various kinds of outreach
• keep the City’s historic preservation
website updated
• facilitate training for City staff
• participate in historic preser- • maintain city streets and parks
vation training
• demolish blighted properties
• integrate preservation, City, and
County planning initiatives
• complete community-built
surveys
• conduct cultural landscape
research
Steward
• enforce non-preservation
maintenance ordinances
B
Students
Promote
• create new media (podcasts,
social networking sites)
• support non-preservation
maintenance ordinances
• maintain properties
• advocate for historic preservation within city government
Consultants
• contribute to the existing
scholarship on Pueblo and its
history
• complete cultural landscape inventory • write a multiple property nomination
• create a database of historic properties • provide landmark assistance to property
• record buildings before demolition
owners
• complete large-scale surveys
• create a style guide
History Colorado/
OAHP
• provide funding and technical support to research projects
• provide funding and technical support to large scale surveys
• provide funding and techni- • include Pueblo in statewide
cal assistance for a style guide preservation tours and promotions
!
1
132
• provide technical assistance
to historic district designations and National Register
nominations
HISTORITECTURE, LLC
• participate in community activities
• include Pueblo resources in
statewide preservation initiatives
City of Pueblo
Selected Styles and Forms Found in Mesa Junction and the Blocks
SECOND EMPIRE STYLE
In other areas of Pueblo, constructed between 1870 and 1890. Few examples remain in
South Pueblo, generally in Corona Park.
Common features:
•
Mansard roof
•
Dormers with pedimented surrounds
•
Bracketed eaves
•
One-over-one windows
EDWARDIAN STYLE
In other areas of Pueblo, constructed between 1890 and 1910. Good examples throughout Mesa Junction.
Common features:
•
Asymmetrical massing
•
Plain exterior wall surfaces
•
Multi-gabled roofs
•
Pediments (triangle-shaped eaves over entries)
•
Wrap around porches
•
Round-arch windows
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Selected Styles and Forms Found in Mesa Junction and the Blocks
BUNGALOW FORM
In other areas of Pueblo, constructed between 1905 and 1930. High concentrations appear in South Pueblo. Different architectural styles can be applied to this basic form, but
they are most often Craftsman.
Common features:
•
Exposed rafter and purlin ends
•
Knee brackets
•
Large hearths and chimneys
•
Broad porches and battered porch piers
•
Dormers
•
Broadly overhanging eaves
•
Divided-light upper sashes over single-light bottom sashes
REVIVAL STYLES
In South Pueblo, many of the institutions chose revival styles to excentuate their connection to civic culture. Individuals constructed homes in these styles as well. The South
Pueblo examples of revivals include Classical, Renaissance, Colonial, and Spanish Colonial. The buildings typically date to the period 1895 to 1940.
Common features:
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•
Monumental proporations
•
Classical columns
•
Two or more stories
•
Generous green space surrounding the building
City of Pueblo
SHOTGUN PLAN
In other areas of Pueblo, usually constructed before 1900. This is a form rather than a
style. Though some are quite plain, others have distinctive ornamentation applied to
the exterior. These are usually associated with the working class.
Common features:
•
Front gable
•
One-room wide
•
Side elevation two or more rooms deep
ROWHOUSE PLAN
Within the City, this form may be unique to South Pueblo and appears to be limited to
one block within Mesa Junction. It likely dates to the 1890 to 1910 period of development.
Common features:
•
Two or more connected houses
•
One-room or two-rooms wide
•
Two or more stories tall
•
Individual units host individual design features such as turrets, paint colors, and
window fenestration
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Industrial Utopia: The History and Architecture of South Pueblo
Selected Styles and Forms Found in Mesa Junction and the Blocks
TERRACE FORM
In other areas of Pueblo, the form is common between 1885 and 1920.
Common features:
•
Flat roof
•
Masonry construction
•
Parapet (often with central sign board)
•
Corbelled cornice
•
Segmental-arch windows
•
Quoins
•
Porch (often two-story)
ART MODERNE STYLE
In other areas of Pueblo, this style appears between 1930 and 1945. It is uncommon in
South Pueblo.
Common features:
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•
Flat roof
•
Rounded corners
•
Curvilinear features
•
Corner windows
•
Speed lines
•
Glass block
City of Pueblo
CONTEMPORARY STYLE
In other areas of Pueblo, this style appears after 1930. It is uncommon in South Pueblo.
Common features:
•
Flat roof
•
Smooth, untextured, unornamented surfaces
•
Glass blocks
•
Bands of windows
POSTMODERN STYLE
South Pueblo hosts the best example of Post Modern style in Pueblo in the Robert Hoag
Rawlings Public Library.
Common features:
•
Monumental scale
•
Sculptural form
•
Angles and unusual surfaces
•
Natural colors and materials
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