This essay was a research paper for my Writing 20 course, “Writing the Academy Inside Out,” taught by Dr. Parag Budhecha. The assignment was to explore a significant issue in the realm of higher education and analyze its implications for the academic world, and perhaps even for society in general. I first got the idea for my particular topic when I read about the controversy surrounding Harvard University President Lawrence Summers’ discriminatory remarks about women in the sciences. As a female engineering student, I was intrigued, for I could understand and relate to many of the concerns raised by Summers’ critics, especially with regard to the real obstacles and discrimination women encounter in male-dominated fields. However, as Summers was criticized for speculating about why unequal representation may be due to “biological differences” between the sexes—a theory for which he had no solid evidence— I decided it would be just as irresponsible to try to invalidate his hypothesis by using biological “data” to the contrary, for the issue is infinitely debatable with each side boasting its own set of “infallible” statistics. Instead, I decided to explore the implications of his words for the campaign for gender equality and the potential inappropriateness of his particular display of free speech given his status as a high-ranking academic figure. Many of the ideas I mention in this essay were formed long before the assignment was ever given, having been derived from my own experience as a female student in predominantly male math-and-science classrooms. However, in the course of writing I learned far more about the issue of gender disproportionality than I had ever expected. I was shocked to read about the instances of blatant discrimination and intrigued by the findings of a large-scale investigation into the topic. I am hopeful that all the publicity generated by the Summers controversy will, in the long run, effect change for the better. Women in Science and Engineering: Dissuasion vs. Encouragement Qinxian (Chelsea) He O n a frigid December day in Stockholm, While they might seem at an assembly of the Royal Swedish shockingly, even uniquely, Academy of Sciences, Dr. E.W. Dahlgren, Academy President and Head Librar- shortsighted, in fact ian of the Swedish National Library, Summers’ words hint at delivered a speech about the work of one female scientist, praising the “enormous significance” of a larger, more disturbing her contributions to the study of chemistry as well trend lurking in the as to “many other branches of human knowledge and activities” (Dahlgren 2). On a similarly chilly refined culture of the January afternoon in Cambridge, Massachusetts, intellectual elite... at a conference hosted by the National Bureau of Economic Research, Dr. Lawrence H. Summers, the President of Harvard University, also made a speech about women scientists, but one that was much more pessimistic in its outlook. The two speeches were received with dramatically different reactions. The former was one of inspiration, an appropriate commemoration of an event that would open countless doors for future generations of women seeking to enter the scientific fields. The latter was one of controversy and was widely panned for its negative portrayal of women’s role in science and engineering. 11 If one were to judge these two speeches based solely on their respective content, it would perhaps be surprising to learn that the first speech took place in 1911 and the latter in 2005. Dr. E. W. Dahlgren delivered the speech presenting the 1911 Nobel Prize in Chemistry to Marie Sklodowska Curie. It was a monumental moment in history, not only because Curie was a woman receiving a Nobel Prize, but also because it was her second such award. On the other hand, Lawrence Summers, in his speech, proposed that the scarcity of women at the highest levels of science and engineering is more likely due to innate, biological differences between the sexes rather than different socialization patterns or gender discrimination. While they might seem shockingly, even uniquely, shortsighted, in fact Summers’ words hint at a larger, more disturbing trend lurking in the refined culture of the intellectual elite: while female presence in and contribution to the science and engineering fields have increased dramatically in recent years, some academics, even those in the top tiers, still question women’s ability to compete in the scientific world. The dangers of this trend are real, as such cynicism not only undermines the accomplishments of past and current female scientists, marking them as genetic anomalies rather than worthy competitors, but more importantly, it hinders the efforts to achieve gender balance at the highest levels of academia. While Summers claims that he intended no disrespect, and while he may not have been fully aware of the serious implications of his attempt to be “provocative,” other scholars were immediately alarmed by the insinuations and possible repercussions of his comments. One of Summers’ most prominent critics was MIT biologist Nancy Hopkins, who walked out in the middle of the speech, later explaining that if she hadn’t, she would’ve “either blacked out or thrown up” (qtd. in Bombardieri, “Summers’ Remarks” 1). Just a few days after the incident, more than 50 Harvard professors signed a letter circulated by the Standing Committee on Women that condemned Summers’ speech for “[serving] to reinforce an institutional culture at Harvard that erects numerous barriers to improving the representation of women on the faculty, and to impede [Harvard’s] current efforts to recruit top women scholars” (qtd. in Bombardieri, “Harvard Women’s Group” 1). In March, the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, the S Summers’ conclusion about “innate dif- ferences” presumes that the current condition simply reflects the way things are, and more insidiously, inevitably must be, suggesting that efforts to close the gender gap are futile. 12 school’s most prestigious faculty, passed a 218-185 vote of no confidence in Summers’ leadership (Pope 3). However, there are also people who have come out in support of Summers, such as Steven Pinker, Johnstone Professor of Psychology at Harvard University. In an interview, he suggests, “there is certainly enough evidence for [Summers’] hypothesis [about innate differences between men and women] to be taken seriously.” He goes on to criticize those who cried foul, saying that “the truth cannot be offensive. Perhaps the hypothesis is wrong, but how would we ever find out whether it is wrong if it is ‘offensive’ even to consider it?” (2) However, the more “offensive” aspect of Summers’ statements about the underrepresentation of women in science and engineering is not that he presents an unpopular idea or hypothesis. Rather, it is that he exhibits a defeated attitude about women’s prospects of success in these fields, and bolsters his theory with fairly random and weak “data” rather than with relevant statistics. In his speech, he tells a story about his two and a half year old twin daughters who, when given trucks instead of dolls, began referring to the toys as “daddy truck” and “baby truck” (“Faculty Diversity” 3). He continues on to say that that example “tells me something. And I think it’s just something you probably have to recognize” (“Faculty Diversity” 3, emphasis added). By alluding to perceived gender differences present at the early stages of cognitive development, Summers tries to innocently blame innate, biological factors for the gender disparities that arise years down the road. In addition to offering no established correlation between playing with trucks and intrinsic math ability, or between playing with dolls and scientific ineptitude, the deeper, more sinister aspect of Summers’ assumption is that parents might simply write off a daughter’s poor math or science performance as a female defect rather than the result of a host of other possible factors, in turn perpetuating outdated gender roles and biases. Furthermore, in the larger context of his discussion about why socialization may not be the dominant reason for the marked gender imbalance at the highest echelon of science, Summers’ conclusion about “innate differences” presumes that the current condition simply reflects the way things are, and more insidiously, inevitably must be, suggesting that efforts to close the gender gap are futile. As members of the Society of Women Engineers write in their formal response to Summers’ speech, “we are concerned with the suggestion that the status quo of women in science and engineering may be natural, inevitable, and unrelated to social factors” (Muller 1). Summers’ fatalistic attitude not only debases women, but also undermines the valiant missions undertaken by so many universities (including his own) to promote gender equality by stamping these efforts as doomed for failure. Such a negative attitude about gender proportionality in science and engineering is particularly detrimental because it downplays the need for concerted efforts to elevate women’s presence in these fields, and thereby becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. It ignores progress in favor of clinging to anachronistic prejudices. For example, in the 1970s girls comprised approximately 25% of the national finalists in the prestigious Intel Science Search, often considered the highest honor for aspiring high school scientists. Yet by 1999, that percentage had risen to 45% (Holmgren and Basch 1). Further, in 2001, women earned 12 percent of the doctorates in physical sciences and 11 percent in engineering — a dramatic increase from the two percent in 1975 (Gill 1). Whether these increasing percentages are attributable to growing support for female scientists or to rising social expectations for women to have successful careers, what is unquestionable is that women can achieve at a high level in science and engineering and that the numbers on gender representation, while still unbalanced, are not doomed to remain stagnant. And while these numbers are still alarmingly low, it is irresponsible to examine them from a strictly synchronic standpoint and ignore what they reveal about how far women have come just in the last 30 years. Rather than recognize these advancements, however, Summers’ shortsightedness sustains, and indeed cultivates, intolerance by presuming that the status quo is the definitive stage in the gender composition of academia, such that statistics drawn from it can be used to formulate overarching generalizations about inequality of the sexes. In fact, today’s gender disproportionality is not a sign of women’s inability to compete in the academic world; it is, on the contrary, a testament to the courage and perseverance of those women who defied the odds to succeed in fields in which many expected them to fail. It is also a lingering reminder of all the work that still needs to be done in the campaign for gender equality, for unfortunately for today’s women scientists and engineers, the road to scientific eminence is yet fraught with intolerance (such as the brand touted by Summers) and discrimination. Summers, however, in addition to positing that intrinsic differences rather than patterns of socialization more likely account for the gender imbalance In fact, today’s gender disproportionality is not a sign of women’s inability to compete in the academic world; it is, on the contrary, a testament to the courage and perseverance of those women who defied the odds to succeed in fields in which many expected them to fail. in science and engineering, further discounts the accomplishments of women scientists by downplaying the influence of outright discrimination in the ascent up the academic ladder. He does this by encouraging those in the academic community to consider what he believes to be the far more important factors of “intrinsic aptitude, and particularly of the variability of aptitude” and “the general clash between people’s legitimate family desires and employers’ current desire for high power and high intensity” before “regarding [discrimination] as pervasive, and as the dominant explanation for the [gender imbalance]” (“Remarks at NBER Conf.” 4). However, as many women scientists will point out, discrimination in the scientific fields is hardly negligible. For example, in an article entitled “Can Harvard Ever Play a Positive Role for Women in Higher Education?”, economics professor and MIT alumna Myra H. Strober compares Summers’ comments to her personal encounter with gender discrimination at Harvard. She describes an instance in the 1960s in which the Harvard professor conducting her interview asked why she would want to pursue a doctoral degree when she was already married (1). That incident occurred some 40 years ago, and it is unlikely that any reputable academic would publicly make such a statement today. However, for one of the most prominent figures in contemporary academia to downplay the factor of discrimination in relation to female underrepresentation serves to discount the real barriers overcome by women who have attained prominence in the sciences. To shed light on these obstacles, between 1995 and 1999 two Committees on Women Faculty in MIT’s School of Science (one of which was chaired by none other than biology professor Nancy Hopkins) conducted a study about the status of MIT’s female faculty in the sciences. They found that Many tenured women faculty feel marginalized and excluded from a significant role in their departments .... Examination of data revealed that marginalization was often accompanied by differences in salary, space, awards, resources, and response to outside offers between men and women faculty with women receiving less despite professional accomplishments equal to those of 13 [H]ow many hundreds of young girls give up on math when their elementary school teacher is satisfied with mediocre performance?... And how many hundreds of young women abandon their budding scientific careers in the face of mounting pressures to start a family? 14 their male colleagues. An important finding was that this pattern repeats itself in successive generations of women faculty. (“A Study on Status of Women” 4) In light of these results, one can no longer make a convincing argument that gender discrimination in science and engineering is not blatant, ongoing, and pervasive. Imagine, then, Nancy Hopkins’ reaction when the president of a peer institution makes exactly that argument, ten years after she led the committee that aimed to identify and combat such prejudices. She sums up the plight of scientific women in this way: “They must deal with men like Larry Summers.... They’ll tell you they have no bias, but in their head they are thinking, ‘Can women really do math?’” (qtd. in Kantrowitz 1) To some, Hopkins’ concern may seem more rooted in paranoia than in reality. But unfortunately, her fear is far from being unjustified. Take, for example, a modern version of Myra Strober’s story, recounted by Melanie Wood. In 1999, Wood was the first woman ever to represent the United States at the International Mathematics Olympiad, winning a silver medal at what is the world’s most prestigious math competition for high school students. In 2002, she led Duke University to a third place finish at the esteemed William Lowell Putnam Mathematical Competition, in the process becoming the first American woman ever to be named a Putnam Fellow for a top-five score. She may be the last person most people would doubt in terms of mathematical ability, but nevertheless, during her college selection process, one professor told her point-blank, “I hear you’re supposed to be good, but I’ve never had a female student who really understood the mathematics I do” (qtd. in Scharf 2). Fortunately for Wood, such a comment did not stop her from leading a most impressive college career, which culminated in a mathematics degree in 2003 and the receipt of no less than three prestigious scholarships, including the Fulbright Scholarship to Cambridge University (Scharf 1). But for every woman like Myra Strober, Nancy Hopkins, or Melanie Wood who has made her name in the sciences, how many hundreds of young girls give up on math when their elementary school teacher is satisfied with mediocre performance? How many hundreds of teenagers shy away from science when they realize that most guys don’t go for the “brainy” girls? And how many hundreds of young women abandon their budding scien- tific careers in the face of mounting pressures to start a family? And for those women struggling to hold on, maybe giving up is just that much easier when they hear that the President of Harvard University believes that “issues of intrinsic aptitude,” not their diligence or determination, ultimately set the limit on their potential for achievement (Summers, “Remarks at NBER Conf.” 4). The gravest implication of this simplistic view, when expressed by someone in a position as prominent as that of Lawrence Summers, is that aspiring female scientists, when encountering the newest obstacle in their career path, might find it useless to press on and continue to fight an uphill battle. This is the worst fear of all those who expressed disapproval of Summers’ speech. As Myra Strober puts it, she sincerely hopes that Summers’ words do not “dissuade and discourage women or [give] succor to those who wish to ensure their failure” (3). Strober’s fear brings up yet another hidden danger in Summers’ speech, that of condoning discriminatory beliefs. While it is true that Summers’ hypothesis will likely prompt a wave of ambitious women to bang on the doors of the nation’s top scientific institutions, eager to disprove the theory presented by the president of Harvard University, it is even more likely that for those who already harbor doubts about women’s ability to succeed in science or engineering, his words will serve to confirm and strengthen previouslyheld prejudices. In this way, Summers’ comments have divergent consequences; just as they may motivate women to enter the traditionally male-dominated fields in defiance, so they will also, although unintentionally, disseminate beliefs of female inferiority into popular consciousness. And in the clash of those competing claims, what inevitably result are fresh obstacles in the academic pursuits of new generations of women scientists and engineers. Therefore, Summers, in trying to be provocative and downplaying the effects of gender discrimination, fails to consider his own contribution to that practice, thereby doing his part to ensure the perpetuation of the vicious cycle. Indeed, the loss of female contributions is a hard blow to the scientific fields. In a joint statement, the presidents of MIT, Stanford, and Princeton — two of whom are accomplished female scientists — warn that Until women can feel as much at home in math, science, and engineering as men, our nation will be considerably less than the sum of its parts. If we do not draw on the entire Therefore, to look to the future is not to speculate talent pool that is capable of making a contribu- on the “innate differences” between the sexes and tion to science, the enterprise will inevitably be rejuvenate old myths and stereotypes; it is to discuss underperforming its potential. (Hennessy, how universities, and indeed society as a whole, can Hockfield, and Tilghman 1) encourage and support those women who seek to If half the population is consistently barred entry make their mark in math, science, or engineering. It to one particular academic field, the deficit will is the obligation of grade school teachers to hold reveal itself in more than just the numbers on gender girls to the same expectations as their male classproportionality; indeed, the loss will also mean a mates. It is the responsibility of colleges to design setback in terms of new ideas, talent, and in the long science curricula that are “equally satisfying to men run, innovation. This will present a challenge to the and women” (Gill 2). And it is the duty of university United States’ self-proclaimed role as a world leader presidents, above all, to use their celebrity and influin science and technology. As Kristina Johnson, ential power for good, and take the lead to ensure Dean of the Pratt School of Engineering at Duke Uni- that their institutions provide supportive academic versity, writes on the necessity of environments in which female stuthe fair representation of women [T]o look to the future is dents and faculty can succeed. and minorities in the sciences, “what Ironically, negative publicity is not to speculate on the was once a moral obligation is now often the greatest motivator of “innate differences” a national imperative” (1). change. Despite the atmosphere of In light of this ominous prospect tension and controversy that has between the sexes and for the United States, what is to be pervaded the academic world since done? In one possible answer, rejuvenate old myths and January 14, the prognosis for the Myra Strober points to the actions future looks a bit brighter than it stereotypes; it is to of former MIT president Charles did before that date. In an apolodiscuss how universities, M. Vest when faced with the same getic letter addressed to the Harissue. In 1999, when faculty memvard community a mere five days and indeed society as a bers presented the aforementioned after his speech, Summers acknowlwhole, can encourage report showing that MIT seriously edges that the numerous responses and support those disadvantaged its tenured female to his comments “have made vivid professors, Vest “publicly admitted the very real barriers faced by women who seek to that MIT discriminated against women in pursuing scientific and make their mark in women” (Strober 2). After reading other academic careers,” and conthe report, he conceded, “I have cedes that he “was wrong to have math, science, or always believed that contemporary spoken in a way that has resulted in engineering. gender discrimination within unian unintended signal of discourageversities is part reality and part perment to talented girls and women” ception. True, but I now understand that reality is (“Letter from Press. Summers” 1). In early February, by far the greater part of the balance” (qtd. in “A Summers announced the establishment of two Study on Status of Women” 2). Strober praises Vest University-wide task forces aimed to “reduce barrifor accepting responsibility for the shortcomings of ers to the advancement of women faculty at Harhis institution, rather than blanketing the problem vard and in academic careers more broadly” (“Task in excuses that “women couldn’t hack the research- Forces on Women” 1). The Task Force on Women university schedule, or that they scored lower on Faculty will look for ways to “strengthen the math tests” (Strober 2). In fact, Vest met with the recruitment, support, and advance of outstanding presidents and prominent women faculty of eight women faculty in the University,” and the Task other elite universities to examine the steps each Force on Women in Science and Engineering will institution might take to ensure the encouragement make recommendations about how to “build and and fair treatment of women scholars (Strober 2). sustain the ‘pipeline’ of women pursuing academic Although Strober’s article is an undeniably biased careers in science” (“Task Forces on Women” 2). In assessment of the failures of Harvard and its presi- this way, Harvard is following in the footsteps of dent, the point that she makes is crystal clear: offer peer institutions such as MIT and Carnegie Mellon solutions, not excuses. Indeed, in the language of in looking to provide a welcoming atmosphere MIT’s landmark report, “Once and for all we must wherein women scientists can work and thrive. recognize that the heart and soul of discrimination, Hopefully the public will also do its part in this inithe last refuge of the bigot, is to say that those who tiative and contemplate these findings and recomare discriminated against deserve it because they are mendations just as eagerly as it condemned the comless good” (“A Study on Status of Women” 10). ments that caused the original uproar. Maybe then 15 the underrepresentation of women in science and engineering will finally take center stage as one of the most pressing issues facing academia today. 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