Romanticism and The Consumer Ethic: Intimations of a Weber-Style Thesis
Author(s): Colin Campbell
Source: Sociological Analysis, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Winter, 1983), pp. 279-295
Published by: Oxford University Press
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Sociological
Analysis1983,44, 4:279-2%
andThe ConsumerEthic:
Romanticism
Thesis*
Intimations
ofa Weber-style
Colin Campbell
University
ofYork,England
ethichasitsorigins
inthelateeighteenth
Recognition
ofthefactthatthemodern
cenconsumption
toaccomplish
therejection
tury
posestheintriguing
served
question
ofwhatcultural
forces
oftraditionalpatterns
Ethicserved
toinhibit
ofconsumption.
ClearlyThe Protestant
primarily
consumptionand couldnothavefulfilled
thisfunction.
Weber's
the
However,
following
styleofanalysis,
consumerism
is identified
as resting
desire
anddiscon`spirit"
ofmodern
uponan attitude
ofrestless
tentcoupledwiththetreatment
as an end-in-itself.
conceived
ofconsumption
Romanticism,
ofas a
cultural
movement
whichintroduced
themodern
doctrines
andfulfillment,
is then
ofself-expression
as themostlikelysourceofan "ethic"
whichlegitimated
sucha "spirit."
specified
Introduction
In thecourseofhis discussionofthespiritofcapitalismWeberrefers
to the"average
Silesian"who mows,"whenhe exertshimself
to thefull,littlemorethantwo-thirds
as
muchland as thebetterpaid and nourishedPomeranianor Mecklenburger"
(1930:61).
The exampleis givenin orderto refutethe claimthatlabourerscan be persuadedto
workharderbyreducingtheirwageratesand occursin thecontextofhisgeneralargumentthateconomicincentives
induceworkers
(or threats)cannotbythemselves
to approach theirworkin a thoroughly
dedicatedand conscientiousmanner.Only, he
claims,bycomingto regardlabouras an absoluteend-in-itself
can sucha significant
reorientation
to worktakeplace.The problemwhichWeberis highlighting
hereis familiarenoughto economists
and theorists
ofdevelopment
withtheconsequencethatsome
have claimedthat."equivalents"
ofthe Protestant
Ethicare a necessary
prerequisite
beforeindustrialization
can occur.
Interestingly,
however,thereis an alternative
methodofovercoming
traditional
economicattitudes
a methodmorecommonly
amongworkers,
employed
in present-day
uncountries
thantheimposition
derdeveloped
ofa rigorous
labourdiscipline
byemployers
or indeedtheself-imposition
of a workethicbythelabourersthemselves.
This method
involvesbringing
abouta breakwithtraditionalism
bymeansofa consumer
revolution:
newwantsin peoplein theircapacityas consumers
stimulating
so thattheybecomemotivatedto workharderto acquirea surplusto satisfy
them.Such a processis notmentionedbyWeber(indeedthequestionofconsumption
is neverraised)and yetitclearly
does represent
a validalternative
meansof overcoming
economictraditionalism.
Recognition
oftheexistence
ofthisconsumer-based
mechanism
forbreaking
withtraditionalism
raisestheobviousquestionoftheroleofconsumption
in theindustrial
revo*Thisarticleis a revisedversionofa paperreadat theAnnualMeetingoftheAssociationfortheSociology
of Religion,Providence,Rhode Island,August1982.
279
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280
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
lutionand moregenerally,
oftherelationship
oftheories
ofconsumption
to thedevelopwhowouldtakeissuewiththealmost
mentofcapitalism.
Heretherearethosetheorists
totallyproduction-oriented
accountsofMarxand Weberas wellas thosehistorians
who
a partas supplyin theemerdemandplayedat leastas important
arguethat,in practice,
genceof factoriesand industrial
production(Sombart,1913;Baechler,1976;Gilboy,
1967;Thirsk,1978).
Of course,thefactthatcapitalism,
as it develops,reachesa pointat whicha consumption revolutionis necessitated
has long been appreciated(Rostow,1961; Galbraith,
1957)and sociologists
haverecognised
thatsucha revolution
is associatedwitha newset
ofvaluesor "ethic"whichservesto legitimate
it and one which,theyall note,is directly
contrary
to theold "PuritanEthic"(Riesman,1953;Whyte,1957;Bell,1976).However,
none of themplaces thisrevolutionany further
back in historythan the immediate
post-warperiodtherebyimplicitly
viewof the emeracceptingthe production-theory
genceofcapitalismitself.Thus, thegeneraltendencyhas been to regardtheconsumer
revolutionas a featureof late or "developed"
This can now be seento be a
capitalism.
mistakeas recenthistorical
researchhas demonstrated
theemergence
ofa modernconsumersocietyas earlyas theeighteenth
withall thehallmarks
century
ofconsumerism,
includingadvertising
and the deliberatestimulation
of new desires,alreadypresent
etal, 1982).This in itself
(McKendrick
clearlyraisesdoubtsabouttherelativerecency
of
any socialethicof consumerism.
Thereis,however,a morebasicreasonforrejecting
theconventional
ideaoftheconsumerrevolutionas a featureofdevelopedcapitalism.
This arisesfromthesimplelogic
oftheargument
thattheindustrial
revolution
entaileda simultaneous
necessarily
revolutionin productionand consumption;
as Gilboyobserves"theIndustrialRevolution
a concomitant
presupposes
and extensionofconsumption"
development
(1967:121).Or
as Baechlerobserves,"laborersand consumersare synonymous"
(1976:104).Hence the
revolutionwhichproducedtheurbanproletariat
also of necessity
simultaneously
producedthemodernconsumer.Thereis reallylittlealternative
butto see theoriginsofa
modernconsumersocietyin thesameprocessesas thosewhichusheredin themodern
producersociety.However,no matterwhentheconsumerrevolution
mightbe consideredto haveoccurredtherestillremainsthequestionofhow itwas accomplished.
Here
it wouldappearthatwe have not learntthe lessonWebertaughtus.
In all societies,patternsof consumptionare embeddedin custom,conventionand
habitand associatedwithstrongly
heldsocialvalues.This can be seenmostclearlyin relationto eatingand drinking
whereeventribeswhichliveat subsistence
levelsmayface
starvationratherthan eat potentially
nourishingfoodswhichare consideredtaboo
(Herskovits,
1960).It followsthatchangesin suchpatterns
can onlyoccurifthepowerfulforceoftraditionis overcomeand Braudeldemonstrates
thisbytracingthelongand
slowprocessesthroughwhichthe"artofeating"graduallybecamefreedfromtradition
in WesternEurope(1973:126).It wouldseemtherefore
thatone cannottakeforgranted
theenormouschangesin consumption
activities
whichaccompaniedtheindustrial
revolutionbutitis necessary
to inquireintotheprocesseswhichmadethispossibleand,in
the culturalforceswhichprovidedthe necessarymotivationand legitimaparticular,
tion.
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ROMANTICISMAND THE CONSUMERETHIC
281
Whatthenis thesignificance
ofthisconclusionfortheWeberthesis?Well,thereare
two inter-related
in the
points.Firstlythat any breakwitheconomictraditionalism
sphereofconsumption
wouldbe justas muchin needofmotivational
and culturallegitimationas thatin thesphereofproduction,
and secondly,
thattheclusterofvalues,attitudesand beliefswhichWeberinvokedto servethisfunction
forthelatter(i.e. a CalvinisticProtestantism)
could not possiblyhave servedto legitimate
theformer.
Perceiving
the industrial
revolutionas a "consumer
raisesa peculiarly
revolution,"
therefore,
perplexingproblemforthe sociologistlong accustomedto acceptingThe WeberThesis:
whatdid facilitate
theriseofmodernconsumerism?
The SpiritofModemConsumerism
Examiningtheindustrial
revolution
fromtheperspective
ofa changein consumption
requiresthatwe distinguish
traditional
frommodernconsumerbehaviourand that,followingWeber,we specify
the"spirit"
or "ethos"ofmodern,rational,bourgeoisconsumerism.
Generallyspeakingwe maycharacterize
attitudes
towardconsumption
in traditional
societiesas constrainedby the ideasof "limitedgood"and a "staticeconomy"(Foster,
1965;Nair, 1962).This meansthatstriving
to betteroneselfis "immoral"
and socially
Wantsare"needs"and limited.This fixity
threatening.
ofneedsis in turncloselylinked
to theperceivedfixity
ofsocialstructure
and status.Usuallyneedsatisfaction
is locally,
ifnotpersonally,
managedthrougha subsistence
economywithoutthebenefit
ofeither
moneyor a developedmarket.Thiswasthepatternin theMiddleAgesforthemajority
of thepopulationof Britain;the wealthyand leisuredclassesbeingthe exception.
Today attitudes
towardconsumption
areverydifferent.
Indeed,theethichas beenreversed;ideasof "unlimited
good"prevailand ever-increasing
productionis considered
the normaleconomy.The revolutionof risingexpectations
meansthateveryonenot
onlyexpectsto "better"
himself
butitis considered
"immoral"
notto striveto do so; this
meansan obligationto seekout and satisfy
new"wants."This in turnis closelylinkedto
socialemulationand an ideologyof the ease of inter-class
mobility.
The obligationto
wantis linkedto a moneymarketeconomyembodying
satisfy
theprinciple
ofconsumer
and mechanisms
sovereignty
to guaranteetheperpetualstimulation
of new wants.
Withtheprogressive
collapseoftraditional
guidesto conduct,consuming
becomesan
increasingly
problematic
activity.
As longas customand conventionremainedrelatively
unchangedand unchallenged
theconsumption
ofgoodsand serviceswas,likeall other
activities,
embeddedin a traditional
and sanctified
wayoflife.As soon as thiswayoflife
is challengedand changebecomesrapidthenthe guidesno longeroperate.This has
been stressedrepeatedly
in relationto the processesof productionand in particular,
withrespectto theentrepreneur,
who it has beenclaimed,neededto become"inner-directed"in orderto cope withthelossofapprovedexternalguidesto conduct(Riesman,
1953).It is no less true,however,forthe consumer,who is also in need of some new
sourceofguidance.In fact,ofcourse,consuming
is an activity
whichhas to be learntin
all societies;thedifference
is thatin traditional
ones theactualpatternofconsumption,
in relationto specific
goodsand services,
can be learnt,whilein modernsocietiesonly
the generalorientationto consumingis so acquired.To learnto want specificitems
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282
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
as a consumer,
so whathas to be internalwouldrapidlyrendertheindividual"obsolete"
isedis,as JohnO'Neillobserves,thedesire"towantto want"suchthatin contemporary
to thelabouroflearneddiscontent
society"millionsofconsumersareconscripted
from
theirearliestchildhood(O'Neill, 1978:221-2).He further
notes"It is of coursethe removalof any notionof limitto theeconomywhichcharacterizes
the modernworld."
Consequently,".. . it is essentialthattheconsumeris not born,butproducedbyprocessesthatteachhimor herto wantthingsthatserviceneedswhicharosein thefirst
place onlyfrominvention"(1978:224-5).
The factthatthemoderneconomyis "withoutlimits"
meansthatso too mustbe the
consumer's
desires.The crucialfeatureis, as O'Neillimplies,thelearningofa perpetual
in a stateof"economictension"
attitudeof"discontent"
so thattheindividualis forever
in whichcompletesatisfaction
is, by definition,
impossible.Whetherindividualscan
everbe said to actually"reallywant"anyofthethingstheycometo "want"or whether
thesecorrespond
to "needs"is largelyirrelevant.
The crucialfeatureoftheroleofmodernconsumeris theprimary
and at
obligationto wantto wantunderall circumstances
all timesirrespective
ofwhatgoodsor servicesare actuallyacquiredor consumed.This
factis notrootedin humanpsychology
butin thecultureofourcivilization
and constitutesthe ethicalbasisof consumerism.
That consumerbehaviouris, at bottom,governedby moralconsiderations
is largely
disguisedby the boguspsychology
of wantsarisingout of classicaleconomictheory.
Thereareoccasions,however,whenitcan be glimpsed.
If,forexample,at a timeofgiftgivingsuch as Christmasor a birthday,
the potentialrecipienttriesto claimthathe
"doesn'twant anything"
the mostlikelyresponsewillbe, "butyou mustwant something."This statementis interesting
because it containsboth a psychological
and a
moralassertion,
thelattergoingbeyondmereannoyanceat therejectionoftheprinciple ofreciprocity
to incipient
moraloutrageat thedenialofthebasicprinciple
ofperpetual wanting.It is not thatincessantand uninterrupted
wantingis generally
approved
(childrenwho areconsidered
to be "forever
wantingthings"arefrequently
reprimanded
byparents),
whilstthosefew"eccentrics"
whooptforthe"goodlife"and turntheirbacks
on modern"materialist
society"and the ratrace mayevenbe admired(or pitied),but
thata normofcontrolled,
and programmatic
butendlesswantingis institutionalised.
If
wantingwastoo permanent
a statethentheenjoyment
ofnewconsumptive
experiences
wouldbe spoilt;alternatively,
ifitwas too restricted
thenconsumption
mighteasilybecome"traditionalised"
and lose itsdynamic.Such a normis,ofcourse,notmerely
institutionalized
in thesensethatothersenforce
ituponus; itis also internalized,
and we are
likelyto feelguiltifwe fail,withina reasonableperiodoftime,to replaceeach newlysatisfied"want"witha fresh"desire."
Whattherefore
characterises
theunique"spirit"
ofmodernconsumerism
is notmerely
thetreatment
oftheconsumptive
experienceas an end-in-itself
butthesearchforever
morenoveland variedconsumptive
experiences
as an end-in-itself.
It is thedesireto desire,thewantingto wantwhichis itshallmark.
This in turnleadsin practiceto a continuousprogramme
ofacquiredwantsand dissatisfactions
suchthatat anyone timetheindividualis learningto be dissatisfied
withwhathe has and desirousofwhathe has not.
Above all, thiscontinuoussequenceofdissatisfaction
and desireis propelledby an underlying
senseof obligationand duty.
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ROMANTICISMAND THE CONSUMERETHIC
283
Of coursemodernconsumerism
has onlybeen madepossiblethroughthe introducinnovations.
tionofa variety
ofeconomic,socialand technological
Mass productionitselfis one ofthese,so too is advertising
withcreditsellingand installment
together
buyall thesefactorsitstillappearsthattheproblem
ing.However,whenwe have identified
of modernconsumerism
remainsfundamentally
unexplained.
It remains"unexplained"
as a patternofmeaningful
behaviour.It is,in Weber'sterms,
"irrational."
The idea that it can be understoodin utilitarian
or hedonistictermsis
and conclearlyfalse;itis notat all clear(despitegenerations
ofeconomists)
thatrestless
tinuouswant-satisfaction
a rationalstrategy
constitutes
formaximising
eithersatisfactionor pleasure.In thissense,thereis something
aboutmodfundamentally
bewildering
ernconsumerism,
and ithas causedsomesocialtheorists
to assumethatconsumerist
behaviouris not "voluntary"
behaviourat all, but fully"determined"
by outsideforces
(Marcuse,1964).This has to be an unacceptable
position.Yet ifconsumerbehaviouris
deliberateand motivatedwhatcan be itsunderlying
rationale?
It is clearlythecase thateconomists
have failedto provideanyadequateexplanation
ofmodernconsumerbehaviour.As Kyrkobservedas longago as 1923marginalutility
theoryis inapplicablebecauseof its totallyasociologicalassumptions
(Kyrk,1923).In
any case it doesn'tdeal withthe fundamental
problemof whypeoplewantwhatthey
do. EvenearlierHenryWaldgraveStuart(1917)had arguedthatutility
cantheoryitself
not explainwhypeople developnew economicneeds and interests
sincesuch novel
productspresentunimaginable
and henceunpredictable
"satisfactions."
Choosingthese,
in preference
therefore,
to existing
and knownsatisfactions
can onlybe "inthenatureof
not calculation"(1917:309).More recently,
adventure,
Scitovsky(1976)has provideda
and trenchantcritiqueof the verypremisethatconsumerbehaviour
thorough-going
can be understoodin termsoftheconceptofsatisfaction,
providing
a complexand experimentally
based theoryof"pleasure-seeking."
Even here,however,the approachto
thestudyofconsumerbehaviouris largelyasocialwitha concentration
upon theindividualto the neglectofboth grouppressures
and culturalimperatives.
At the same time,thereis littleby wayof a satisfactory
sociologicaltheoryof consumerbehaviourto set againstthe obviouslyinadequateeconomicones. Much, of
course,has beenmadeofVeblen'stheoryofconspicuousconsumption
and progress
has
been made in plottingthe socio-economic
correlates
of differences
in expenditure
patterns,but, as Douglas and Isherwoodobserve,we are stilla long way fromknowing
"whypeoplebuygoods"(1978:124).
Veblen's(1925) discussionof the problem,insightful
thoughit is, is not especially
helpful.
Partlythisis becausehismoraljudgement
ofcondemnation
tendedto cloudhis
ofthemerelypartialrolewhichthismotiveplayedin consumerbehaviour.
perception
As Douglasand Isherwoodnote,hisdisapproval
wasunwarranted
for"Howelseshould
one relateto theJones'sexceptbykeepingup withthem"?
(1978:125)butmainlyitis because hispostulation
ofsocialemulationas a universalmotivemeansthatwe can glean
littleabouthowto setaboutexplaining
thedifferences
in attitudes
towardconsumption
betweenone societyand another.In fact,ofcourse,socialemulation,
status-seeking
and
in prestige
competition
or honourare foundin mostsocietiesand clearlyinfluence
all
sectorsof life,includingtheeconomic,but thenso do a rangeofother,no lessimportant,motivesforbehaviourand it is thedifferences
ratherthanthesimilarities
in con-
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284
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
sumerbehaviourwhichrequireexplanationwhenconsidering
thegrowthofmodernsociety.
There are, in any case, a varietyof difficulties
withVeblen'stheory.Firstly,
not all
consumption
is conspicuous.Secondly,emulationbyitselfneednotlead to thedesiring
ofanynovelgoodsor servicesbutcan quiteeasilybe accommodated
intoa "traditional"
framework
ofconsumption.
Thirdly,thefactthatmodernsocietiesarecharacterized
by
multipleand diverseelitegroupspresentsa problemconcerning
who exactlyone is to
emulate.Lastly,forthoseat thepinnacle,emulationis hardlyan availablemotiveand
yettheirpatternof consumption
seemsto lack none of thedynamicapparentamong
theiremulators.This strongly
thatthe appealofthe"novel"is fundamentally
suggests
unrelatedto themotiveof socialemulation.
It is important
to recognise
thatitis as equally"irrational"
(inWeber'slanguage)to see
theconsumption
of goodsas an end-in-itself
as it is to see themakingofmoneyas an
end-in-itself.
In traditional
societiesconsumption
and productionare not properly
differentiated
activities
but merelyconstitute
in a totalpatternsanctionedby
ingredients
custom.Henceone no morelivesto eat thanone eatsto live.It wastheindustrial
revolutionwhichseparatedthe acts of consumptionand productionenablingboth to be
treatedas systematicends in themselves.The modernconsumptivemode which
emergedat thattimeinvolvestheacquisitionofa positiveattitudetoward"wanting,"
a
readinessto change,a highvaluationof noveltyand the adoptionof a programme
of
continuouswantingas wellas the treatment
of consumption
as an end-in-itself.
More
than this,however,thisformof modernconsumerism
restsupon an ethosor spirit
whichembracesan over-riding
senseofmoralobligation.At rootit is neitherrational,
calculating,self-interested
behaviournor even uncontrolled,
irrationalimpulsiveness.
Ratheritis basedupon a strongsenseofduty,an obligationto engagein "wantsatisfaction"as an end in itself.
This individualdutyto seekoutand satisfy
"wants"is thenecessarycorollaryin the sphereof consumptionto thatof the dutyto satisfy
consumer
wantsthroughthe market(the principleof consumersovereignty),
in the sphereof
production.
The Romantic
Ethic
The questionofwhatromanticism
is and how itmaybe definedhas longbeena subjectoffiercedebateamonghistorians
ofideasand literary
criticsand has evenprompted
theclaimthatno suchentityexists.However,thisviewhas notgenerally
prevailedand
Remak'sconclusionthat"theevidencepointingto theexistencein WesternEuropeofa
widespread,
distinctand fairly
simultaneous
patternofthought,
attitudes
and beliefsassociatedwiththeconnotation'Romanticism'
is overwhelming"
(1961:121).This pattern
maybe conceivedof merelyas a movementin the artsor morebroadly,as a "general
worldview"a "wayofanswering
questionswhichmenface"(Halsted,1965:2).Itis in this
lattersensethatitis considered
here.It wasa movement
whichaffected
all thecountries
of WesternEurope,especiallyFrance,Germanyand Englandroughlyin the century
1750-1850,a periodwhich,it is important
to note,coincideswiththecriticalstageof
the industrial
revolution.
In itsessence,romanticism
can be consideredas a distinctsetofvaluebiases,forfeelingovercognition,forexample,or imagination
overintellect,
or as a moreelaborate
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ROMANTICISMAND THE CONSUMERETHIC
285
to order,conas a preference
forthedynamicratherthanthestatic,disorder
syndrome,
the innerto theouterand the other
to sharp-focus,
soft-focus
tinuityto discreteness,
worldto thisone (Jones,1973).Arisingfroma reactionagainstthe emphasisplaced
romanticism
was mostnoticeably
the
upon reasonand sciencein The Enlightenment,
classicism
and feeling
fromthe
creedoftheartist(Grana,1964)who,rejecting
estranged
suchthemes
worldaroundhim,emphasized
industrial
and commercial
rapidly-changing
a newappreciation
ofnatureand the
thecultoftheindividual,
as theprimacy
offeeling,
withthesupernatural
primitive,
the explorationof the unconsciousand a fascination
whichin Isaiah
a "shift
ofconsciousness"
(Abrams,1971).It was a profound
revolution,
Berlin'swords"crackedthe backboneof Europeanthought"(Furst,1969:27)and had
profoundconsequencesforthe arts,religion,
politicalthought,science,educationand
sociallife.
wereunitedin theiroppositionto
The firstpointto emphasiseis thattheromantics
Even
theindustrial
and itseffects,
whichtheynearlyall viewedas disastrous.
revolution
and modesofthoughtwhich
morefundamentally
theywereopposedto thosedoctrines
forthis"evil,"thatis to sayutilitarianism,
materialism
and ratheysaw as responsible
tionalism.As Halstednotes,theyrejected"theheartlessness
of a middle-class
laissezfaire,urban,industrial
itseconomicegoism,utilitarsociety-itssoullessindividualism,
ian and materialistic"
(Halsted,1965:6).In thisrespecttheycouldbe said to no more
favourthe pursuitof consumergoodsthan Calvin approvedof thepursuitof wealth.
However,theconsequencesof theirphilosophyprovedequallyironicand unforeseen.
HowardMumford
Jones(1974:463)has remarked
that"thegreat,theuniquecontributionofromanticism
to modernity
is theinsistence
thateveryhumanbeingis a distinct
and autonomousentity. . . This ratherthaneconomicdeterminism
or Marxiantheory
oftheidealofthedemocratic
to modern
society. . . is thestartling
giftofromanticism
Whatwasso radicalaboutthisdoctrinewasthatpreviously
society."
theprevailing
doctrineofindividualism
had emphasised
thecommonality
ofmankind,thesensein which
all menshareda commonstatusleadingto possessionofcommonrights.
This viewthe
romantics
rejectedin orderto emphasisethatuniquenessand notgeneralization
wasthe
keyto humanity.As Jonesobserves,whereasbeforeidiosyncratic
traitsweresubordinatedto representational
status,now thevaluationwas reversed.
Thereis littledoubtbut thatthe majorfigure
forthisnewteachingwas
responsible
Rousseauwho was thefirstto teachthathappinesscomesfrom"self-expression";
from
havinga senseofourselvesand beingtrueto it.He was,in effect,
thefirst
thinker
to actuallysetthe Selfup againstsociety.In thissense,Rousseau'sstatement
in his Confessionsis thefundamental
creedof the modernman:
... I desireto setbeforemyfellows
thelikenessofa manin all thetruthofnature,andthatman
alone!I knowthefeelings
myself.
Myself
ofmyheart,
andI knowmen.I amnotmadelikeany
ofthosewhoarein existence.
IfI amnotbetter,
at leastI amdifferent.
Jones:233)
This emphasisupontheuniquenessofpersonality
becomesa newand powerful
doctrine
and is todayenthronedin thetaken-for-granted
assumptions
underlying
a vastarrayof
culturaland socialinstitutions.
Itssignificance,
however,is easilyunderestimated
unless
we recognise
howfaritcausesindividuals
to seekwithinthemselves
fora sourceofinspirationand moralguidancewhichtheywouldformerly
have foundoutside.The "self"
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286
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
a verypersonalgod or spiritto whomone owes obedience.Hence
becomes,in effect,
withall itsconnotations
ofgratificatory
"experiencing,"
and stimulative
becomes
feelings
an ethicalactivity,
an aspectofduty.This is a radicallydifferent
doctrineoftheperson,
who is no longerconceivedof as a "character"
out of the unconstructed
painfully
rawmaterialoforiginalsin,butas a 'self"liberatedthroughexperiences
promising
and
strongfeelings
ofsocialconvention.
fromtheinhibiting
The romantics
constraints
conceived of man as an infinitereservoirof possibilities,
possibilitieswhich would
be realisedifonlytheoppressive
"naturally"
orderofsocietycouldbe removed.This immanentist
doctrineproveda mostpowerful
forceto setagainsttradition,
as therealizationofpersonhoodnecessarily
involvedrebellionagainstwhatever
rulesor normswere
as constraining.
experienced
Closelylinkedto thisimmanentist
doctrineof the personwas the relatedromantic
or"feeling
doctrineofexperiential
as a wayofknowing"
knowledge
(Halsted:21).As Halstedobserves"Romanticists,
withPascal,feltthatthe hearthad reasonsthatreason
knowsnot of.The heartwas heldto be a sourceofknowledge,
thelocationof innate
ideas.Intuitionwasequatedwiththatwhichmenfeelstrongly.
Men couldlearnnotjust
throughexperiment
and induction,or by logicalprocesses,
but in intuitive
flashes,by
trusting
theirinstincts"
(1965:13).Gerard(1962)elaborateson thisoutlininghow,for
the romantics,
acquiringknowledgeof theworldand experiencing
it werefundamentallyone and thesameprocess.He noteshowWordsworth
oftenusessuchmetaphorical
termsas "drink,"
"eat,""absorb,"
"nourish"
and"feed"
to
therelationship
describe
ofcognition
andaboveall,ofassimilation
which
isestablished
between
thethinking
subject
andtheobjective
world.
Similarly
whatKeatscalls"sensation'
isnotanimmediate
intuition
oftruth
withwhichthepoetaloneisfavoured:
it isthelivedexperience
ofreon thephysical,
ality,
. . . isthefundamental
andmetaphysical
moral,
planes;thisexperience
actbywhichthepersonality
ofa mandeepens
andgrows
towards
thefullness
ofwisdom
(1962:
232-3).
More than this,however,the romanticdoctrineof learningthroughexperiencing
tendedto emphasisethevalue notjustof all feelings
(whether
positiveor negative)but
especiallythatof pleasure.As Trilling(1963:170)observes,forWordsworth
"pleasure
was the defining
attribute
of lifeitself"and is the"impulse"
whichcan teachus more
aboutman himself
than"allthesagescan,"whilstofKeatshe notes"no poetevergave
so muchcredenceto theidea ofpleasurein thesenseof'indulgence
oftheappetites,
sensual gratification."'
(1963:172).Withrespectto both of themhe concludesthat'The
principleofpleasureis . . . the principleofreality,by it . . . we know."
Trillingalso makesitclearthat"pleasure"
in thiscontextdoesnothavepurelyintellectualor innocentconnotations.
He notesthetwoverydifferent
conceptions
ofpleasure
whichwereprevalentin the 18thcentury;
theone a "favourable"
usage,referred
to the
pleasurewhichwas a naturalaccompaniment
oftheordinary
businessoflife,it was,as
he saysa "secondary
stateoffeeling."
The other,unfavourable
usage,wasthatwhichindicatedthat"sensuousenjoyment
becomesthechiefendor objectin life"(1963:168).He
showshow it was exactlythissecond,"unfavourable"
interpretation
ofpleasurewhich
Wordsworth
had in mindwhenhe spokeof"thegrandelementary
principle
ofpleasure"
(1963:169).
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ROMANTICISMAND THE CONSUMERETHIC
287
However,thispursuitoftheelementary
ofpleasureforitsown sake,led the
principle
romantics
downa paththatled fromKeatsto De Sade and Poe as they"discovered"
that
pleasuredid notexcludepain norjoysadness.Thisparticular
has beeniden"discovery"
tified
byPraz(1956)as uniqueto theromantics.
It is easyto seehowsucha teachingnecessarilyplacesa premiumon both noveltyand intensity
ofexperience.
For it is a doctrinewhichprovidesan intellectual
to theconsumptive
justification
modeas viapowerfulexperiencewe can come to knowboth theworldand ourselves.
This newdoctrineofselfhoodoftenled to excessesofaffected
and egotism
originality
butitscentralresiduehas beento bequeathto us all theideathatourownselvesare"exceptionaland ofuniquevalue"(Van Tiegham,1966).As Poulet(1966:40)observes"The
Romanticis one whodiscovershimself
as centre.It is oflittleimportance
thattheworld
ofobjectsis outofreach;he knowsthatat theheartofhisbeingthereis something
inassimilableto an object,whichis theI-as-subject,
themostauthentic
of
his
or
part
self, the
parthe is mostreadyto recognise
as his."Thisdoctrinewasalso closelyassociatedwitha
newconceptionoffreedom;
a freedom
essentially
a freefrom,ratherthanas formerly,
domto,itwasbasedon theidea that"Man is onlyfreewhenhisindividuality
is realised,
unique in everymoment,followingthe law of its neverrepeatedexistence"(Strich,
1966:53).
What the romanticsdid was to redefine
the doctrineof individualism
and the associatedidea of improvement
or advancement.Insteadof individualsimproving
themselvesin thisworldthroughhardwork,disciplineand self-denial
theysubstituted
the
idea of individuals"expressing"
or "realising"
themselves
throughexposureto powerful
and bymeansofmanyand variedintenseexperiences.
feelings
Clearlythekeydoctrines
werethoseconcerning
the"self,"
especiallytheenvisioning
ofit as a "thing"
forregisteringsensations.
It is now possibleto see how a romantictheoryoftheexperiencing
selfcoupledwith
theethicaldoctrineof"self-development"
couldserveto providelegitimation
fora modernconsumerorientation.
Fromsuch a viewpointthe selfis conceivedof as an immanent,in-dwelling
withpowerful
spirit,identified
and imaginings;
sucha spiritrefeelings
quiresexpressionthroughreleaseand the overthrow
ofconstraints,
necessarily
imposing as a dutythe pursuitof exciting,
pleasurableand stimulating
Such a
experiences.
senseofobligationto seekout new and varioussourcesofgratification
can clearlybe a
mostpowerful
forceto setagainstwhateverconstraining
socialobligationsmaybe encountered.
Romanticism
and Consumerism
Ifwe now turnto theproblemof the links,or connections,
betweenromanticdoctrinesand theorientation
ofmodernconsumerism
we mustrecognise
thatthereareseveral pathsone could take.Clearlymanyof the beliefsand attitudeswhichoriginated
withtheromantics
have now becomefamiliar
and widespread
throughout
our civilization.Romanticlove itselfis perhapsthebestexample,butwe couldalso citethepreference forwildand majesticsceneryor the idea of self-expression
and self-development.
Indeed,romanticideashave now becomesignificant
and establishedin manyspheres,
especiallyart,education,recreation
and therapy.
Thereis,however,a commonthread,
one whichnotonlyconnectsall thesespheres,but also directly
bringsin consumerbe-
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288
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
haviour.This threadis theromanticconceptof the"self"and thedoctrines
to
relating
it.
It is commonplaceto observethatconsumerbehaviouris closelylinkedto a senseof
Walters(1974:87)notesthat"theconsumer
ofpersonalidentity.
selfand an affirmation
imagehas longbeenassociatedwithconceptsoftheself"and Mayer(1978:164)observes
that"Today. .. peopleseemto usetheirconsumption
their
stylesas a wayofexpressing
and socialposition."WhilstKrugman(1968)describesthesearchfora styleof
identity
of "consciousand
lifewhichcharacterises
the modernconsumeras the development
in personalconsumerbecarefully
developedsetsor patternsof individualpreferences
ofthisconnectionis oftenoverlooked.Forit is not
haviour."However,thesignificance
to consumeto affirm
or expressan existing
simplya matterof usingthe opportunity
a senseofselfbymeansoftheactof
senseofselfbutalso it is a questionofconstructing
itwouldbe justas trueto saythattheselfis builtthrough
as
consumption;
consumption
thatconsumption
theself.Withthisin mindwe shallconsiderthepartplayed
expresses
in theemergence
in theself,"themodern
of a spiritofconsumerism
by that"specialist
artist.
The mostobviouslinkbetweenromanticism
and thenewlyemerging
consumersociartistsgreetedtheoverthrow
oftraditional
etywas the artist.At first,
societywithenthusiasmbecauseitmeantthattheywerereleasedfromtheconstraints
ofpatronageand
werefreeto experiment
consequently
(cf.Grana, 1964;George,1955).Soon, however,
theydiscoveredthatthecommercial
ofculturaldistribution
had itsdraworganization
backsas theydiscovered
bothhow low and howficklewasthetasteofthepublic.Thus
theroleofthecommercial
theywereforcedto choosebetweenaccepting
artist,as much
enslavedto the industrial
systemas any factory
worker,or rebel,becomea bohemian
and riskstarving
intheserviceof"art."It wasinthecontextofthisdilemmathatromanticdoctrines
artand theartistwereformulated,
concerning
doctrines
if
which,in effect
not in consciousintention,
enabledthe artistto claima justification
forhis artabove
thatofcateringto thepublicwhilstat thesametimegoinga longwayto meetpopular
demandin the formand subject-matter
of his products(Abrams,1953).
Thus Wordsworth
and Coleridge,in thePrefaceto LyricalBallads(1800)whilstcondemningthe idea thatthepurposeofpoetryis "amusement
and idlepleasure"and upholdingthevocationofthepoetas thepurveyor
ofintuitive
truthalso justify
usingthe
wordsactuallyemployedbyordinary
peopleand treating
themeswithpowerful
and immediatepopularappeal.This wasthepositionoftheromanticartistin general,whether
composer,poet,novelist,painteror playwright,
a positionwhich,poisedbetweenclassicismand commercialism,
combinedtheretention
oftheclassicalclaimto be pursuing
thehighestmoralgood withacceptanceofthecommercial
necessity
ofacceptingtherealityof publictaste.Such a position,however,requiredthedevelopment
of new doctrinesofartand theartist,doctrines
whichofnecessity
also appliedto theconsumerof
theseproducts.
These doctrinescentredaroundthe "expressive"
theoryof artin whichthe workis
viewedas "the overflow,utteranceor projectionof the thoughtand feelingsof the
artist,"
who, insteadof beingseenprimarily
as a craftsman
now becomesa "genius"or
virtuosoin experience,
imagination
and feeling
(Abrams,1953).Significantly,
fromthe
of the argument
perspective
developedhere,consumption
of theworkof artnow be-
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ROMANTICISM AND THE CONSUMER ETHIC
289
comesa "re-creative"
in thesenseofan attempted
experience
ofthepowre-experiencing
erfulfeelings
and imaginings
ofthecreator,insteadof,undertheolderclassicalformulation,theabsorptionofa didacticmoral.Hence,romanticdoctrines
provideda newset
of motivations
and justifications
forconsumingculturalproducts,ones whichemphasizedthevalueofthesubjectively-apprehended
ofconsumption
itself.
experience
When
thisis coupledwiththepowerful
whichtheromantics
insistence
placedupon thefreedom of theartistto createwithouthindrancefromanytraditional,
moral,or religious
taboosand restrictions,
one can see how a naturalconsequenceofthesenewdoctrines
wouldbe thefreedom
oftheconsumerto experience
all and anyformofartistically
mediatedexperience.In effect,
one ofthe consequencesof the romanticteachtherefore,
ingson artand the artistwas to providepowerful
culturalsupportfortheprinciple
of
consumersovereignty
in relationto culturalproducts;a consequence,whichin reality,
fewof themwouldprobablyhave approved.
The mostvisiblesocialmanifestation
ofromanticism
wastheemergence
ofbohemianism.This deliberateand self-conscious
to builda wayoflifeout ofthedefiance
attempt
ofconventionand thesearchfortheliberation
ofselfcouldbe called"other-worldly"
romanticism
sinceitconstitutes
an attempted
withdrawal
fromwhatis perceivedas a hostilesociety.Thus, likethe other-worldly
responsesdiscussedby Weber,it is actuallya
lesseffective
forceforsocietalchangethantheromanticresponsewhichoccursamong
thosestill"within"
conventionalsociety.However,thisdoes not meanthatbohemianismhas notbeen influential
in facilitating
thespreadofromanticism.
Obviouslyit has,
and to an extentout ofall proportion
to thetinynumbersofprofessed
bohemians.For
one thingit has servedas a model,a prototype,
a reference
groupformanywho never
seriously
intendedto join itsranksbut who flirted
withitsvaluesand ethos.In thisrespectOscar Wildewas correctin observing
thata bohemianlurkswithineventhemost
respectable
bourgeois,especially
whentheyareyoung.In additionto this,bohemiahas
servedas a testing
groundforexperiments
and innovationsin thecontinuing
searchfor
newerand moreeffective
meansof liberating
theself.The orgy,the use of drugs,jazz
and rockmusic,theuse ofcosmetics,
thedisco,theseand manymorearebohemianinventionssubsequently
absorbedintothemainstream
ofsociety(cf.Cowley,1934:62-5).
Butitis "inner-worldly"
romanticism
whichhas clearlybeenthemostpowerful
and effectiveforceforchange;hence not the trulyromanticbohemiansbut the apparently
semi-romantic
bourgeoisie
arethecriticalgroup.Indeedthisgroupcan be narrowedfurther;it is largelythe middleclasses,who in the earlyperiodof industrialization
were
mostaffected
bythecurrents
ofromanticism,
and morethanthat,theyoungand especiallyyoungwomen.Hence youngmiddle-class
women,especiallyin the 18thcentury,
arethegroupwhomitwouldseemcan be specified
as themostinfluential
carriers
ofthe
romanticethic.Whatlinkedthemto romanticism
was,ofcourse,theirconsumption
of
culturalproducts,and especiallythe newlyemerging
art-form
of the novel.
Althoughthenovelwas onlyone ofseveralculturalproductswhichlinkedthesmall
groupofromanticartistswiththewidercircleoftheirpublic,itwas byfarthemostimportantas it was both a powerful
and pervasiveagencyforthedissemination
ofvalues
and ideas.It is,however,necessary
to appreciate
thattherewas a popularromanticism,
as wellas the betterknown,but morerestricted,
romanticism
ofthe culturalelite.As
KitsonClark (1965:90)observes,
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290
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
To be properly
mustbe considered
romanticism
notonlyas something
whichafunderstood,
someoftheleading
minds
fected
oftheday,itmustbeconsidered
as a popular
even
movement,
a vulgar
movement.
of the two movements,
Obviouslythe romanticism
althoughconnected,was hardly
identical,forwhilstat itshighestromanticism
was a profoundspiritual
revoltagainsta
shallow,unjustand materialist
society,at itslowestitwas littlemorethan"a cravingfor
thesensationaland themacabre."Prominent
in satisfying
this"craving"
wastheGothic
terrornovelwhichHaining(1981)claimswasthe"mostwidelyreadand enjoyedformof
popularliterature
in Britainand in muchofEuropefrom1765to 1840."Althoughthe
eliteand popularmovements
wereseparatedbothbythequalityofthewriting
and the
intentions
oftheauthorstheywereunitedbya fundamental
in outlook,treatsimilarity
mentand subject:in effect,
by romanticism.
Duringthe sixteenthand seventeenth
centuriesthe approvedmotivesforreading
amongthatsmallsectionof thepopulationwho wereliteratewerepredominantly
religiousor involvedsomeutilitarian
or businesspurpose(Altick,1957).Readingwas seen
as strictly
a matterofinstruction
or improvement
and all formsofwriting
wereexpected
to pointa moralor servean obviousand usefulend. Duringthe eighteenth
century
however,therewas a greatexpansionin the readingpublic,which was especially
markedamongmiddle-class
women(Watt,1957;Tomkins,1961;Lowenthal& Fiske,
1957).One of thereasonsforthiswas the increasedleisuretimewhichaccompanieda
risingstandardoflivingand whichleftwomenin particular,
sincetheytendedto be excludedfrommostwalksoflife,withconsiderable
timeon theirhands.The introduction
of the circulating
libraryand the use of subscription
schemesmade booksboth more
availableand affordable.
The consequenceof the discoveryof this"market"
was that
therewas a greatexpansionin novelwriting
in thesecondhalfoftheeighteenth
century
(cf.Kaufman,1969;Williams,1970).Indeed a "fiction-manufacturing
industry"
developed in orderto keep pace withthe considerabledemand,whilstthe productswere
or instructive
hardlyedifying
almostentirely
consisting
of"trashy"
novelsfilledwithsensationalactionand tawdrysentiment
(Taylor,1943).
Thesenovelswerewidelysoughtafterbymiddle-class
youngladiesand equallywidely
condemned.Consequentlythosewho readthemfrequently
had to denythattheydid
so and engagein subterfuges
of variouskindsto acquirethem.The books werecondemnedon both aestheticand moralgroundsas indeedwas the moregeneralidea of
readingforamusement.
A commonthemein thesecondemnations
wasthatthepractice
of readingsuch novelshad a disastrousand deleterious
effect
on the outlook,morals
and behaviouroftheyoungladiesconcernedand "hurledone intoa maelstrom
ofdegradation"(Taylor,1943:28).The natureof theseaccusationsis pertinent
to our argumentand needsto be examinedmoreclosely.
Beforedoingso, however,it is necessary
to notesomething
oftheproblemposedby
considering
thenovelas a mediumofculturalchange.The generalissueofwhether,
and
ifso how,culturalproductseffect
changesin theirconsumers
is a complexand hotlydisputedone (cf.Berlyne,1971).Suffice
it to saythat,as Harding(1962)observes,thereis
no particularreasonforassumingthatfictionvicariously
gratifies
unexpressed
desires
ratherthanstimulates
and definesnewones.Hence,thereis no reasonto ruleouta pri-
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ROMANTICISM AND THE CONSUMER ETHIC
291
on thepossibility
thatreadingfiction
maybringaboutsignificant
changesin thereader,
and that,specifically,
thismaybe througha processof"empathicinsight"
whichintroduceshimto 'waysoflifebeyonghisownrange"'
(Harding,1962:145).Hencethisdiscussionis basedon thepremisethatreadingimaginative
fiction
to enable
maywellfunction
thereader
to ". . . enter
withmoreorlessaccuracy
andfulness,
intosome
imaginatively,
ofthemultifarious
oflifethathe has nothimself
beenableto achieve."More
possibilities
pertinently
perhaps,one couldamendtheabovequotationto referto the"multifarious
oflifethathe has not himself
possibilities
formerly
envisagedas rightor properobjects
to striveafter."
For it is not theenlarging
ofthevistaofpossibilities
itselfwhichis here
emphasisedas thekeyfunction
fulfilled
bythisfictionso muchas themorebasictaskof
an outlookon lifein whichit is seenas good and rightto attemptto realize
conveying
thosepossibilities.
Certainlyin the eighteenth
centuryit was widelybelievedthatnovelreadinghad a
profoundeffect
on thoseyoungladiesmostaddictedto it. In general,the accusation
tendedto be thatthenovelsportrayed
and henceencouragedit.As Taylor
immorality
(1943.65) comments:". . . thefactthatlove is theuniversal
themeofnovelshas always
beena majorobjection,and condemnation
ofworksoffiction
as silentinstructors
in the
artofintrigue
arenumerous."
This in itself
is important,
foritwasin theeighteenth
centurythatromanticlovefirstbeganto constitute
a seriouschallengeto theoldertradition of arrangedmarriageand it is clearthatthesenovelswerea principalchannel
throughwhichthisidealwasdisseminated.
IndeedTaylorcitesexamplesofnovelsbeing
specifically
identified
as thecauseofyoungladiesrefusing
to marrya partnerchosenby
theirparents,or leadingthemto disobeytheirparentsand elope.This,however,can be
adjudgedto be no morethan a specialcase of the generalaccusationlevelledagainst
novel readingwhichwas that throughidentification
it createddissatisfaction
in the
reader.Tayloris hereworthquotingat length:
Thefirst
stepalongtheroadofimitation
bornofthis"identifying
propensity"
wasa dissatisfactiononthepartofthe"reading
Miss"withthelifeabouther.Fewyoung
women
haveeverbeen
besetbysuchextravagant
fancies
asweregenerally
ascribed
tothegirls
whopatronized
theeighteenth-century
circulating
libraries.
Theprinted
pageoffiction
wascredited
withengendering
a
an irresistible
tantalizing,
disconcent.
It couldso "tickle
theimagination"
thatit causedyoung
women
toexpect
theunusual
andbizarre
instead
ofthecommon
runofevents.
Inmilder
cases,
thisfever
raisedbyfiction
resulted
ina "restless
desire
tobeseenandadmired"
whilea considerationofitsmoreadvanced
ledMrs.Chapone,inherLetters
stages
on theImprovement
ofthe
Mind,toconclude
thatthereading
ofsentimental
novels
"corrupts
morefemale
hearts
thanany
othercausewhatsoever"
(1943:69).
The phrases"a tantalizing,
an irresistible
discontent"
and a "restless
desire"are particularlyinteresting
in theaboveaccountand suggest
thatcertainfeatures
ofthisdiscontent
are worthspecifying.
it was a discontent
Firstly,
withtraditional
patternsofbehaviour
and theirlegitimations.
We havealreadyseenthisin connectionwithloveand marriage
but it wasn'trestricted
to thisarea alone,foryoungladiesalso becamedissatisfied
with
the educationaland occupationalopportunities
open to them.Secondly,therejection
of traditional
patternswas associatedwiththerealizationthata near-infinite
rangeof
possibilities
existed(at leastin the imagination).
For example,by rejecting
traditional
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292
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
a "boardingschoolmiss"couldaspireto marry
limitations
on possiblemarriage
partners
a lord.Thirdly,
thenovelsthemselves
clearlyservedto providetheculturalmaterial
necessaryto facilitate
boththemotivational
and legitimational
in
aspectsofthisrevolution
ofbehaviourwhichcouldserveas
outlook.Theyprovidedtherolemodelsand patterns
as textbookswhichfurnished
motiveswhilstalso "serving
to justify
specificarguments
unusualbehaviour,and youngladies grewamusinglyefficient
in citingtheseworks
wheneverthe occasionarose"(Taylor,1943:73).
What was trueof middle-class
trueas one entered
youngladiesbecameincreasingly
in
For
thenineteenth
oftheworking
classes general. as literacy
century
spreaddownthe
socialhierarchy
and standardsoflivingslowlyimprovedso thehabitofreadingfiction
gaineda hold overlargerand largersectionsofthepopulation(cf.Altick,1957).It was
no longermerelythebourgeoisyoungladieswho werebeingsocializedintoa "tantalizing,irresistible
discontent"
and consequently
ideas"beyondtheirstation"
entertaining
butalso the"lowerorders."This wasenoughto setoffa further
and moreintenseattack
on thenovelby theevangelicals.
In theintensedebatewhichfollowedbothutilitarian
and romanticarguments
wereemployedto defendthenovelagainstitsdetractors,
the
formerrelyingmore and more upon the psychological
of "relaxation,"
justifications
"amusement"
and "diversion."
Such arguments
amounted,however,to littlemorethan
a begrudging
of leisuretimeand itsuses,readingbeing
acceptanceof the inevitability
consideredmarkedly
morepreferable
to drinking.
Onlytheromantictheoryofartprovided a moralor spiritualjustification
forimaginative
fictionwhichcould effectively
combatthe righteousindignation
of the evangelicals,
and herethe typicalVictorian
combination
ofsentimentality
and philanthropy
couldbe exploitedbystressing
therole
whichreadingcouldplayin strengthening,
throughempathy,
theimagination
and the
sympathetic
emotions.As Altick(1957:138)observes,in theend,"The icecapofevanand utilitarian
gelicalseriousness
distrust
was meltedbytheattitudes
we associatewith
theromantictemper."
Therewerethose,however,whohad a moreperceptive
appreciationof thereal-life
consequencesof readingimaginative
fictionand henceof itslarger
significance
forVictoriansociety.For,as Dr. Currie,thebiographer
ofBurns,notedin
1800,"Itmaybe observed... thatthefirst
stepto improvement
is to awakenthedesire
ofimprovement,
and thatthiswillbe mosteffectively
doneby suchreadingas interests
the heartand excitesthe imagination"
(Quoted in Taylor,1943:113).
Conclusion
The starting
pointforthispaperis theassumption
thattheemergence
ofmodernconsumerism
(conceivedofas a newpatternofwantingrelatedto newself-images)
is an independentfactorin theprocessofmodernization
and industrialization
and notby any
meansa simpleresultant
ofeconomicadvance.It is perfectly
clear,forexample,thatan
increasein incomedoes notbyanymeansnecessarily
lead to theattempt
to gratify
new
wantsand desires(cf.Hoyt,1956),and conversely,
the acquisitionof suchwantsmay
occurin theabsenceof anyincreasein prosperity
(Banfield,1958).Indeed,bearingthis
secondpointin mind,the emergence
of modernconsumerism
mightbe consideredas
notmerely
an independent
butan initiating
factorin theonsetofindustrialization,
conthe originalbreak withtraditionalism
stituting
fromwhich all otherdevelopments
follow.
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ROMANTICISMAND THE CONSUMERETHIC
293
ofWeber'sthesisand itis not
theantithesis
This,ofcourse,couldbe saidto constitute
oftheroleof
necessary
to go as faras thisto makeout a strongcasefora reconsideration
in the industrial
consumerism
revolution.The essentialpointsare these:firstly,
both
modernproductionism
and modernconsumerism
necessarily
emergedcoterminously
(or as nearso as to makelittledifference);
secondly,bothrequiredculturaland psychologicaland not merelyeconomicpreconditions
fortheiremergence,
especiallywithreand thirdly,
thesepreconditions
gardto the need to overcometraditionalism,
could
at least,notifwe acceptWeber'sclaimconcerning
hardlybe thesamein bothinstances,
thesignificance
Ethic.Hencethecentralproblembecomesthis:what
oftheProtestant
and legitimation
servedto providethenecessary
motivation
formodernconsumerism?
In orderto answerthisquestionitis necessary
to specify
thecharacteristics
ofmodern
whichhavebeenidentified
in thisarticleas thelearning
consumerism,
oftheattitude
of
limitless
desireand discontent,
thetreatment
ofconsumption
as an end-in-itself
and an
associatedsenseofobligationto engagein thecontinuouspursuitofthisend. In effect
this"spirit"
ofconsumerism
is thelogicalcounterpart
to thatofthespiritofcapitalism,
bothrendered
necessary
bytheinstitutionalised
splitbetweenproduction
and consumption and the associatedneed to patternactivities
withoutrecourseto the guidanceof
tradition.One crucialingredient
in thisconsumerspiritwas thenidentified
as arising
out ofromanticism,
an intellectual
and artistic
movement
coterminous
withindustrializationwhichfunctioned
to providenewdoctrines
oftheselfand thenatureand significance ofexpressive
These doctrines,
experience.
althoughdevisedas partof an overall
attemptto combator at leastradicallyreform
thenewly-emerging
industrial
societyactuallyservedto facilitate
consumerism.
Thistheydidbyproviding
thenecessary
cultural
materialfornewmotivational
and legitimational
structures
and hencea newcharacter
typeand associatedsocialand culturalforms.
The principalmediatorin thisprocesswas
theartistand hisproducts,
moreespecially
thenovelist.The patternestablished
withreto
spect culturalproducts,
however,can easilybe seento haveservedas themodelfora
greatdeal of recreational
and consumption
in general.
activity
Weberrightly
stressed
thepowerful
transformative
effect
exertedon themodernworld
bytheforceofinner-worldly
in whichthefearofeternaldamnationworked
asceticism,
as a powerful
sanctionupon theindividualto drivehimto restless,
self-denying
activity
withinan individualistic,
"worldly"
context.Buttheromantic
ethiccan be seento be an
equallyeffective
transformative
force.Althoughnominally"secular"in character,
this
too was powerfully
ethicaland exertedstrongsanctions.In thiscase thesederivedfrom
the idea of a "covenant"or compactbetweeneach individualand his own "self",in
whichin returnforacknowledging
one'sdutyto servethespiritofself,thatspiritwould
in turnbringhappinessto theindividual.Heavenin sucha doctrineis thefulfillment
of
ofselfto theconstraining
self,hellthesubjugation
demandsofcustomand convention;
hencenot rationalizing
self-denying
actitivy
but consistent
self-gratificatory
activity
becomesa revolutionary
force.
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