Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Ethnohistorical Review ................................................................................................................... 2 The Natural Environment of the Region ......................................................................................... 6 Geoclimatic Changes of the Ob River Basin taiga ......................................................................7 Traditional Land Use ....................................................................................................................... 7 Calendar ........................................................................................................................................... 8 Traditional Knowledge in Everyday Life ...................................................................................... 12 Buildings ....................................................................................................................................12 Means of Transportation ............................................................................................................14 Household Economy ..................................................................................................................15 Traditional Food ........................................................................................................................18 Traditional Medicine..................................................................................................................19 Wordview, Rituals, and Folklore................................................................................................... 20 Adaptation Strategies for the Changing World ............................................................................. 24 Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 26 Authors .......................................................................................................................................... 27 1 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Ethnohistorical Review The term ‘Ob-Ugrians’ is generally applied to two closely related peoples, the Khanty and the Mansi (called Ostyaks and Voguls in early ethnographies). Both are part of the Ugric group of the Uralic linguistic family and reside in the Ob River Basin, in Sverdlovsk, Tyumen, and Tomsk oblasts. Both the Khanty and the Mansi have an official status as indigenous ethnic minorities of the North, Siberia, and the Far East. The historical and cultural kinship of Ob-Ugrians is characterized by the unity of their worldview and similarities in ritual practices and traditional methods of land use. The Khanty are settled in the lower reaches of the Irtysh River and along the tributaries of the middle and lower Ob River. The Mansi are settled in the east and north-east parts of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug and also in the Central and Northern Ural Mountains (Sverdlovsk Oblast). Small numbers of Mansi also reside in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug and in the Perm Krai. Ob-Ugrians can be divided into ethno-territorial groups according to the specific features of their dialect and differences in material and spiritual culture. At present the Khanty are represented by the northern and eastern groups that have retained their native language and traditional culture. Up to the end of the nineteenth century there was also a southern Khanty group (on the Irtysh and Demyanka Rivers). However, by the beginning of the twentieth century the southern Khanty were assimilated. The Mansi had been represented by four groups: northern, southern, western, and eastern. Presently, however, only the northern and the western Mansi retain their distinctive character, while the eastern and southern groups have been assimilated. There is archaeological evidence to support the idea that taiga hunters, ancestors of the Khanty and Mansi, inhabited western Siberia as early as the Bronze Age, around 2,000 years B.C. In the Russian chronicles of the eleventh to fifteenth centuries, territories occupied by Khanty and Mansi were known as “Midnight lands,” “Yugra,” and “Yugoria.” The inhabitants of these lands were called “Yegra,” and “Yugrich.” During the medieval period a number of Ugrian princedoms traded not only with neighboring peoples, but also sent furs to the countries of the Middle East in exchange for silver dishware, luxury articles, and ammunition. Ugrians also knew blacksmithing and were able to mine deposits of bog iron. 2 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga During the period of the Tatar Mongol expansion, the Mongol Siberian Khanate existed on the Irtysh River. Historic legends of the eastern Khanty tell how Tatar Mongol bands came up to the Ob River to tax the local population; the tax was paid in furs. The territory occupied by the Ob-Ugrians in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries was approximately the same territory as that on which they live today. With the beginning of the Russian colonization in the sixteenth century, Ugrian princedoms began to lose their independence. Only a handful of princedoms survived until the seventeenth century. Eastern Khanty still have a legend about Prince Tonya, who called on his neighboring warriors and kinsmen to battle with the Russian Cossack legions. However, he was outnumbered by his enemies and captured in his stronghold. In the administrative documents and ethnographic literature of the pre-Soviet and early Soviet period, Khanty were called Ostyaks and Mansi were called Voguls. The Ob Ugrians gradually began moving to eastern and northern territories in the eighteenth century as the Russian-speaking population in western Siberia sharply increased. The Russian government strove to preserve the traditional forms of economy of the native peoples of Yugra, because it was interested in receiving a steady tax income – yasak – paid in animal furs. Clearly, preserving the seminomadic way of life of the local hunters was aimed at guaranteeing income from yasak. For this reason even during the reform of the administrative law governing the peoples of Siberia, the residents of Yugra did not lose the freedom to determine their places of settlements and hunting grounds. In “The Statute of Ruling Over Indigenous Dwellers of Siberia” (1822), Ostyaks and Voguls received the status of “nomadic indigenous dwellers” (“foragers”). The Christianization of Ob Ugrians began during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The spread of Christianity was accompanied by the cutting down of sacred groves and public burning of “idols.” Official policy forbade coercive measures to compel the Ugrians to be baptized, because baptized Ugrians did not have to pay yasak. However, these policies were often disregarded by the local military and officials. Christianization resulted in a dual faith system among the Ob Ugrian population. The traditional pantheon was expanded through the inclusion of new gods. Most attention was given to the images of the Holy Mother and Nicholas the Wonderworker. The image of the Madonna and Child was associated with the image of a Ugrian goddess, the Lifegiver. The icon of the Madonna of the 3 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Seven Arrows was consistent with the belief of the Kazym Khanty (a northern group) about a Kazym female warrior protector of the Kazym River. All across the Yugra, Nicholas the Wonderworker was called Nikola-Torum and granted the spiritual power of the higher god along with his son, the protector of the people. The Soviet nationalities policy of the 1930s brought about the development of the Khanty and Mansi writing system, the opening of boarding schools, the beginning of the literacy, and the formation of the national class of the intelligentsia. The indigenous population of the region received free medical support and pensions. In 1932 the ethnic minorities of the Yugra began to be called what they have always called themselves – Khanty and Mansi – instead of Ostyaks and Voguls. The breakdown of the traditional forms of land use during the Soviet period had a negative impact on the long-standing way of life of the Ob Ugrians. The creation of collective farms was contrary to indigenous ways of subsistence, which were based on individual (family) household economy. Prosperous members of the indigenous population who did not wish to enter a collective farm were accused of being class enemies, for which their property was seized and they could be sent into exile. In this way the cultural formation of the Ob Khanty living along the Ob River was destroyed. The administration sought to make the local residents of Yugra shift over to a sedentary way of life. The antireligious propaganda campaign led to a partial loss of religious values. “The Fight Against Superstition” was conducted in a harsh manner: shrines were destroyed, clan and family relics were taken away by force, shamans and medicine men were arrested, and traditional religious rituals were banned. Children were often compelled to attend boarding schools. Children would be taken away from their parents and sent to boarding schools hundreds of kilometers away where they were not permitted to speak their native language. Collectivization, the forcible confiscation of property, antireligious propaganda, and compulsory education caused protests, mass demonstrations and uprisings among Ob Ugrians. The largest of these was the Kazym Uprising which took place during the winter of 1933-1934, and which ended with the shooting of not only its organizers but also of some of the local population. This tragedy was reflected in the novel of a Khanty writer, Ye. D. Aipin, called “Mother of God in the Bloody Snow” (2010). In the 1960s the executive branch of the government began to actively force nomadic peoples into leading a sedentary lifestyle. For this purpose the local industrial enterprises began to build villages with dispensaries, post 4 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga offices, boarding schools, and stores. However, the seminomadic economy is incompatible with a stationary life. Those indigenous residents who agreed to relocate to the villages received free accommodation and an opportunity to settle into a new way of life, but the price for these innovations was the loss of traditional culture and widespread alcohol addiction. In the second part of the twentieth century, due to the exploitation of oil and gas deposits in western Siberia, Ob-Ugrians were caught in the very center of industrial development. The development of the deposits was done in the areas traditionally occupied by the Khanty and Mansi. This has inflicted great damage on the local ecosystem, and forced the indigenous population to relocate further from the wellsites. The breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to significant changes in the economic and social life of the country. These changes also influenced the indigenous people of the northern West Siberia. The local hunting and fishing enterprises stopped their activities, and fur farms were closed down. As a result, commercial hunting and fishing became impossible, people were left without pay, and enterprises were no longer supplied with free hunting and fishing tools. Financial contraction in the sphere of public health services led to the cancellation of annual prophylactic medical examinations in remote areas of the Khanty and Mansi living. Intensive development of oil and gas fields, pipeline construction, etc., threatened the indigenous population with the loss of the taiga lands. For this reason in 1991 the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug government began to allocate territories of traditional land use or kinship lands. The marking of their boundaries was conducted with the participation of indigenous people. Kinship lands were attached to the heads of those families leading a traditional way of life, and were recorded as a free, special-purpose, lifelong ownership, entailing the right to inherit. In practice, however, these rights are constantly violated in the interests of industrial enterprises. In order to defend their rights and find ways of adapting to new economic realities, the indigenous residents of Yugra began to form familykinship community associations. On the wave of the perestroika, in 1996 the Duma of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug created the first body of political representation for indigenous peoples in Siberia – the Assembly of the Members of Indigenous Ethnic Minorities of the North. 5 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga The Natural Environment of the Region The Ob-Irtysh River Basin occupies much of the West Siberian Plain. The central part of the plain is located within the taiga zone in an area between 66° and 56° of the north latitude and runs for approximately a thousand kilometers. The taiga zone is comprised of northern, middle, and southern taiga, and birch and aspen forests. The territory occupied by the Ob Ugrians is limited to the north and middle taiga subzones. The West Siberian Plain includes both the lowlands and the elevated zones up to 300 meters above sea level. The elevated zones are mainly located along the border between north and middle taiga. The longest stretch is the Siberian Ridge which runs from the Ob to the Yenisei and divides the West Siberian Plain into two halves – north (Lower Ob) and south (Middle Ob). In the south the middle taiga subzone is bordered by a moraine ridge stretching east-west. The entire territory of the northern and middle taiga is intensely water-logged, especially in the river valleys. Permafrost is common in the northern part of this territory; its extent decreases in the lower elevations where there is abundant snow, and also under large riverbeds and under the lake basins. Wide flood plains occupy the bottom lands of large rivers. The rivers of the West Siberia flow north emptying into the Kara Sea. The largest of them, the Ob with its Irtysh tributary, is among the greatest rivers on the globe. The main right tributaries of the upper and middle Ob are the Tom, Chulym, Ket, Tym, Vakh, Agan, Tromyegan, and Pim Rivers. The left tributaries are the Parabel, Vasyugan, Big Yugan, Salym, and Irtysh Rivers. Tributaries of the lower Ob include Sosva and Kazym. The largest rivers of the West Siberian north are the Nadym, Pur, and Taz, that begin in the Siberian Ridges. The flora of the West Siberian Plain is dominated by larch, spruce, pine, cedar, aspen, birch, and ash trees; currant, briar, honeysuckle, ledum, billberry, red billberry, cranberry, swamp blueberry, cloudberry, blackberry bushes; horsepine, sedge, twinflower, beadruby, sundew, sphagnum moss, etc. Typical representatives of the fauna: Mammals – brown bear, wolf, lynx, fox, wolverine, sable, weasel, ermine, reindeer, moose (elk), muskrat, mink, otter, squirrel, arctic hare, beaver, chipmunk; 6 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Birds – capercaillie, coachscrew, hazelhen, partridge, blackcock, fish-hawk, white-tailed eagle, swan, wild goose, river and diving ducks, sandpiper, three-toed woodpecker, jay, nutcracker, raven, grey crow, waxwing, crossbill, grosbeak, redpoll, tit, etc.; amphibians – moor, brown, and Siberian wood frogs; European common toad; common eft; reptiles – common viper and adder; fish – pike, perch, ruff, gudgeon, ide, roach, dace, and crucian carp. Geoclimatic Changes of the Ob River Basin taiga The modern period is characterized by a general rise in atmospheric temperature. This correlates with the common planetary geoclimatic changes of Earth. In the beginning of this century a certain decrease in the water level of the Ob-Irtysh Basin was noticed. In Surgut region surface water levels were at their lowest in 2012. On the Big Yugan River, a tributary of the Ob, local weather stations report the summer temperatures in July have risen from 2004 (+21 C) to 2013 (+25.8 C) by 4 degrees C. For the past two years there has barely been any rain in the summer, and the threat of forest fire remains. Taiga fires damage the economies of the territories and burn houses. In 2012 the Big Yugan’s water level dropped so much that boulders on the bottom of the river became visible, and the river was no longer accessible even for the traditional Khanty boats. Families living in the remote settlements in the forest quite often have to fight forest fires themselves, digging trenches or drawing water from the river to pour on their wooden homes. Traditional Land Use The traditional land use of the Ob Ugrians is based on a complex economy. Its main branches include hunting, fishing, and reindeer herding. Which activity predominates is defined by the landscape and climatic features of the occupied territory. The residents of the right bank of Ob breed reindeer for transportation as well as for food. This kind of reindeer herding gets the name of “near the settlement” herding since the reindeer spend most of their time near their owners’ dwellings. This type of reindeer herding is additional to other resources. The reindeer herds are small and kept either in unrestricted or semi-restricted pasturage. During winter time the reindeer are fed with dried mashed fish added to other feed. In the summer 7 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga the owners build special structures and use smudge fires to protect the herd from mosquitoes. On the left bank of the Lower Ob Mansi residents practice relocating reindeer herds to seasonal pastures. Reindeer have not only transportation but also meat value. By the beginning of summer the reindeer herds are led to the mountain grazing pastures of the Urals. For this purpose members of several families combine their herds and choose herders for the summer tending of the common herd. Hunting is seasonal. In the fall and in the beginning of spring residents hunt large hoofed animals such as moose (elk) and wild reindeer. During the spring and summer period, the residents hunt water birds, and in the fall – upland game. Throughout the winter the residents hunt fur animals, with the exception of the otter, which is hunted both in the winter and summer seasons. Aside from that they also hunt partridge and hare during winter and spring. Some fishing is done in the summer, but most is done in the fall and winter period. Calendar The Ob Ugrian calendar system is based on the lunar cycle and reflects the seasonal sequence of their traditional activities. This sequence was formed under the influence of the climate and landscape features of their territories. The calendar year is divided into four generally accepted seasons: winter, spring, summer, and fall. These are customarily grouped into two periods – the fall-winter season, and the spring-summer season. Winter and summer are considered to be the main opposing seasons, and spring and fall are considered to be transitional. In a way spring and fall are considered as boundaries that divide nature’s dormant and wakeful states. For instance, the eastern Khanty believe that the end of October – middle of November period is the beginning of the “big winter,” or the “shoulder of fall.” This is the time when nature makes its transition into winter and cold weather. They also believe that April is tied to nature’s transition into the summer side of the year. Each season consists of several months that today are relatively consistent with the Gregorian calendar. Different groups of Khanty and Mansi have varying lengths and names for the months, depending on the place of residence and on the predominating form of economy. For instance, the reindeer herders of the Lower 8 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Ob call May the “month of calf birth,” but on the tributaries of the Middle Ob it is called the “month of fish spawning,” or the “month of the wild geese and ducks arriving.” At present the traditional lunar calendar no longer has the same significance for the Khanty as before, and in the minds of the people it has merged with the modern solar calendar. Even though the local people still mark two main periods, – summer and winter – the new year begins with the month of January just as in the standard calendar system. Spring - Summer The Spring – Summer period begins in February, which is called the “month of the deceitful eagle.” The main attribute of the coming of the spring is the lengthening of the daylight hours. According to the Ob Ugrian myth the days grow longer because an eagle steals pieces from the winter sun. They consider March to be the true spring month and call it the “month of the strong eagle.” In March, local people relocate from their winter place to their summer camping, hunting and fishing grounds. Another attribute of the spring season is the appearance of a thick crust of ice that forms on the snow. This time is favorable for hunting moose (elk) and wild reindeer by driving them toward the hunters, a technique practiced almost everywhere in March and April. The local people also continue hunting for partridge and hare using special traps, such as deadfalls and snares. Waterfowl begin to arrive in May, and the birds are hunted before they start to nest. Hunters use firearms and traps, the so-called “pereves.” By the middle of June the hunters have completed the hunting of small water birds and switch to hunting swans. The Pim Khanty call the period from the middle of June to the middle of July the “month of the swan.” Aside from swans, they also hunt ducks, otters, and moose (elk) near ponded waters. In spring, fishing plays a secondary role, but it becomes the primary activity in the summer. In June valuable types of fish come up the Ob to spawn and put on fat. For this reason in several regions June is called the “fish spawning month.” When gathering large quantities of fish, Khanty and Mansi families can go fishing to the Ob or its large tributaries where they establish temporary fishing camps. Fish are caught using seine nets and set nets. On smaller taiga rivers the locals set up fish weirs with woven basket traps. After the water level falls, they fish using nets and traps in the ponds and lakes left behind after the spring floods. Catching very large quantities of fish is essential to prepare winter provisions. The fish is smoke-cured, 9 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga dried into jerky, boiled out for fish oil, ground into fish powder, and fish scales are collected to prepare fish glue. Spring is also an important period for reindeer herding. This is the time when reindeer complete the shedding of their antlers. Young growing antlers (velvet antlers) are soft and covered with a velvety skin. At that time the animals are sluggish and vulnerable, and thus require special care from their owners. In addition, the first calving also begins in April, although May is considered the best time for a calf's birth. Reindeer calving happens under the supervision of their owners at the usual place of upkeep. By the end of May, after the end of the calving, the reindeer are gathered together and driven to the village where the owners put their marks of ownership on the newborn calves. At this time of the year reindeer herders of the left bank of Ob take away their herds to rich grazing pastures. By the end of May, when most of calving is complete, small individual family herds are combined in order to drive them to the mountain taiga pastures where they will graze. In the course of summer the reindeer are moved two or three times depending on the weather conditions. If the summer is hot, more relocations are required. The “mosquito time” begins in June, and smudge fires are set up for the reindeer. Many areas have special barn-like structures called “reindeer houses.” During this period the reindeer do not need much attention since the animals try to stay by the smudge fires and the reindeer houses in order to escape from mosquitoes. When the mosquitos leave, the reindeer once again begin to wander. By August the reindeer antlers have hardened. As the time nears for driving the herd back home (September), the herders cut off the sharp antler shoots so that the bucks don’t hurt each other. This is also the time for castrating old and sick reindeer bucks. All year round the reindeer spend time close to their owners’ dwellings on unrestricted or semi-restricted pasturage. In spring their movement is confined by specially constructed wooden hobbles that are put on the reindeers’ leg or neck. The preparation of raw plant materials starts in the beginning of June. Birchbark used for making boxs, baskets, dinnerware, and chum covers are prepared first. Also in the beginning of summer the local people gather grass used for inner soles of kisi (a special type of footware). Rushes are used for weaving mats. Cedar root, bird cherry shoots, bracket fungus, spirea, pigweed, sphagnum moss used for smudge fires and other household needs. At present raw plant material is not gathered as much as before since manufactured household goods are readily available. During the summer up to the beginning of October, the local people 10 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga gather berries such as cloudberry, red bilberry, blueberry, bilberry, cranberry, etc. In areas rich in stands of cedar (Siberian stone pine), gathering of pine nuts is also very important. Fall – Winter During the fall–winter period Ob Ugrians pursue various hunting and fishing activities. From the middle of August till the snowfall the local people hunt upland game using traps and snares. The period from the end of August and through September is dedicated to hunting large hoofed animals such as moose (elk), and wild and domestic reindeer. Moose (elk) are hunted with rifles using dogs, and in some areas historically the local people set up obstacles with crossbows, snares, and pits. In October and November, as the snow begins to fall, the local people begin hunting fur animals. In shallow snow they hunt with dogs and guns. As the snow cover deepens, the hunters begin to set up various traps traps for sable and weasel and snares for squirrels. The sable is also caught using traps and nets, while the fox and wolverine are trapped. The hare is caught using deadfalls. Fur animal hunting is done in remote areas and requires a great deal of endurance, attention, and stamina. Hunters leave their settlements for one or two months to stay in special hunting cabins. During long trips, when they must sleep in the forest, hunters can build a balagan – a traditional lean-to shelter. In December the fur animal hunting season ends. It recommences in February and lasts until the end of March and the beginning of the fur animal's spring change of coat. Spring fur is less valuable than their winter fur. Fall – winter fishing period has its own specifics. The whitefish spawning ends in September after which the fish leaves for the lower Ob. Some groups of Khanty call September the “whitefish month,” while the Mansi call it the “month of the teal.” By October the rivers and lakes are mainly left with only the common fresh water fish, such as pike, perch, ruff, carp, and etc. During winter local people catch fish using weirs in places where fresh water flows regularly and there has been no winter fish-kill. The weirs are set in selected places close to the camp sites. In September and October the reindeer herders of the left bank of Ob return the herds from their summer pastures. At this time the reindeer go into rut. The herders make sure that the herd stays together, and that the bucks don’t drive the does too far away from the herd. During this period castrated bucks are separated from the 11 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga herd. In winter the reindeer herds stay close to the camp site feeding on reindeer moss. The herders use hobbles in order to restrict the reindeer movement. On the right bank of the Ob reindeer owners do not watch over the reindeer while they are in rut because they are busy with hunting and fishing. In October they begin to gather up the reindeer closer to the settlement, and during the winter period the animals graze near the settlement. The owners go around the herd on skis to check on it. The hobbles are taken off the animals only during periods of deep snow, and are put back on in the spring. Traditional Knowledge in Everyday Life Buildings The nomadic residents primarily use temporarily framed structures (the chum), while semi-nomadic and sedentary residents prefer stationary log cabins. Different groups of reindeer herders of the Lower Ob can live continuously in the chums at camp sites or in winter stationary settlements with log cabins. Hunters and fishermen of the Middle Ob use log houses at their permanent winter camp sites, but at the seasonal spring and summer settlements they can also use huts and chums. Sometimes they also put up winter chums as well. Buildings used for ritual purposes are represented by log structures, built on the ground or elevated on legs, and by earthen structures. These structures are located in the sacred areas of the settlements. Domestic buildings The Hut There are several types of the log dwellings – cabins – of the Ob Ugrians. They differ in the construction of their roofs and the existence of an anteroom. The roof can be a flat, overhung, or a double-pitched roof. The houses are either log or board. Board buildings are used only as summer residence. There is only one room in the house; the use of its space is strictly regulated by tradition. The historical plan of the house put plank bed platforms against the wall opposite of the entrance and along the side walls, and shelves for belongings are put above them. The hearth is given a special place to the right of the entrance. A traditional hearth is a clay cone-shaped stove with an open hearth. From the middle of the twentieth century people generally began to use small metal stoves with a 12 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga thin chimney called “burzhuika.” The firewood is kept next to the hearth, and the shelves with cookware are placed on the opposite side. Every house has a sacred place. It can be in the central part of the platform beds and include the shelf above it, or in one of the corners of the wall away from the entrance. Chum The cone-shaped framework of the chum is put together using poles made from the trunks of tall, slim trees. Their number depends on the size of the chum. The bigger the family, the bigger the chum itself. The poles are placed so that the top part forms a vent for smoke to pass through. The summer chum was covered with birch bark. The local people would boil pieces of birch bark, and then sew them into wide sheets to make roof covers for the chum. Today canvas tarpaulin is used to cover the chums. Winter chum covers are sewn from reindeer skins. The hearth is placed in the central part of the dwelling. In earlier days the hearth was just an open fire, but today a metal stove is used. Temporary Buildings Temporary shelters were made of poles and birch bark, branches or grass; they had the form of a semi-chum or a lean-to. Rectangular dwellings with a doublepitched, single-pitched, or round roof covered with birch bark can also be found in hunting and fishing camps. Household buildings Household buildings include different kinds of storehouses, sheds, drying racks and shelves, and also “reindeer houses.” The reindeer barn or “reindeer house” is a plank or log building with a wide entrance without doors, and a double-pitched or flat roof. Inside the building the owners would set up one or several smudge fires. Storehouse buildings (labaz) are used for storing cookware, dinnerware, and food. It is a log structure set on four posts or legs up to two meters in height. The surface of the posts is smoothed in order to prevent rodents from getting into the storehouse. The walls of the labaz are made of thin logs or planks, loosely fitted together for better ventilation. The roof is rarely flat but usually double-pitched, made of planks or birch, and projects out over the porch of the storehouse. Ground storehouses that are put on a covered timber foundation are less common. 13 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga There are also different types of covered structures for storing skis, sleds, and boats, and also stands and sheds for smoking and curing fish and meat. Means of Transportation Winter Means of Transportation The main means of winter transportation of the Ob Ugrians are sleds and skis. There are several types of sleds, and they are pulled by hand, by reindeer, or by dogs, the latter built like hand-pulled type (eastern Khanty). All sleds have two runners and cross stanchions. The steadiness of the sled depends on the number of the stanchions. Hand-pulled sleds are long, narrow, and light, and are used everywhere. This type of sled is used to bring food to the hunting place, and also to carry away the game. Women’s hand sleds are usually more narrow in comparison to the men’s and are used to transport firewood. Reindeer sleds are also made for both men and women and can also be riding and cargo sleds. Riding sleds are smaller in size, and their stanchions are thinner than those of the cargo sleds, and have a wider slope angle. The women’s riding sled is shorter and lower than the men’s, and has more stanchions since it is also used for transporting children. Sometimes the women’s sleds are made with a backrest. In addition they are often decorated with a braid and fringe made of dyed reindeer skin. A sled caravan is called an argish. The sleds in an argish are placed in a particular order: men’s sleds in front, followed by a sacred sled, and women’s and cargo sleds in the back. The Khanty of Ob use different types of skis, such as hunting skis called golitsy and podvoloki. Golitsy consist only of a wooden base and are mainly used for moving across the spring ice cover and weak ice. The sliding surface of the podvoloki skis is lined with reindeer, moose (elk), horse, or cow skin, with the hair-side out and the hair laying from front to back on the bottom of the ski. The hair provides grip on uphill surfaces. Women’s skis are not lined with moose (elk) fur and are smaller in size. Podvoloki are used during the winter hunting season and for watching reindeer herds. Summer Means of Transportation In summertime different types of boats – dugout boats, composite, and plank boats – traditionally served as the main means of transportation. Today they are supplemented by metal boats with outboard motors. 14 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga An oblas is a dugout canoe made out of a single-piece of the trunk of an aspen or cedar (Siberian stone pine) tree. The length of a family oblas can be up to six meters, however, a one-person oblas is usually no longer than two meters. Composite boats (kaldanki) are sewn from three planks. This type of boat is widely used by northern and western groups of Ob Ugrians. Kaldanki vary by size and purpose: they are used for checking fish nets and hunting waterfowl. These boats are navigated with one oar. Large plank boats have a high cargo capacity. The most widely used are the “zyryanskikh.” Covered boats (kayuk) with an arched plank or birch bark covering and with a place for the curtain underneath were used to transport families during summer movements. Household Economy Men and women lead the household together, but their roles are different. A man’s responsibilities are not limited to hunting and fising, but also include providing his family with a place to live, traditional furniture, hunting and fishing tools, and means of transportation. Women are responsible for preparing and curing fish and meat, cleaning pelts, providing family members with clothes, cooking, and caring for the young and the elderly members of the family. However, when necessary the men can and do cook food, and at present there are some excellent hunters among the women. The children learn traditional skills and etiquette by watching the adults. From the age of four and five little girls learn to use a needle: they thread beads and sew dolls. From the age of ten to twelve boys accompany their father during hunting. It is not customary to shout at the children or to punish them. Household Items Traditionally Ob Ugrian dwellings did not have much furniture. In semi-nomadic households every seasonal cabin has its own set of furniture and household inventory: a stove, tables, shelves for dishware and supplies, dishware, wall and floor covers. In former times the floor and the walls were covered with woven rush mats, but at present the local people use linoleum and rugs. Commonly used dishes and cookware include items made of metal, glass, wood, and birch and fir bark. Metalware includes cauldrons, kettles, pots and pans. Teaware as a rule includes glass, china and faience. Platters and ladles are made of 15 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga wood. Hollow-ware used for food storage is made out of tree bark. It can be either birch bark, or composite, when the inner layer is made of birch bark and the outer layer out of fir bark. Knapsack-form containers usually come in different sizes for storing dry foods: flour, salt, dried fish and meat, etc. Bark ware, such as birch or fir bark knapsackform containers, are also used to store small items. Often they are skillfully decorated using the scraping or the application techniques. Different carriers, such as small berry gathering purses called “nabirki,” worn around the waist, and large boxs for keeping and transporting berries and fish are made of birchbark. There are special boxes called “kornyevatiki” woven out cedar root, which are used for keeping fragile ware, children’s toys, instruments, and cartridges. Different sacks and purses are also used for storing and transporting various items. The purses are sewn from different materials such as reindeer skins, fur, leg skins of waterfowl. Commercial factory-made leather can also be used for making men’s small waist purses. Household Tools The men traditionally work with hard materials, such as wood, bone, and metal. They are responsible for building housing and secondary structures, making hunting and fishing tools, wooden ware and kornyevatiki, musical instruments, and ritual sculptures. Every head of household has his own set of tools. It includes different sizes of knives, awls, and hand drills. For working with wood the men also use segmental drills of different diameters, axes, an adz, and planes. Women’s tools include devices meant to work with soft materials, such as skins, fur, and birchbark. They include various scrapers and drawing-knives, boards used for cutting, stretching and drying skins, and different sizes of knives for working with leather and skins. Working with meat and fish requires using special knives with handles of wood or bone for cleaning fish, and for cutting fish and meat. A special board is used for cutting and cleaning the fish. In the past metal needles were greatly valued. Working with every material requires a different kind of needle. Clothes The clothes of Ob Ugrians are very well adapted to local climactic conditions. The winter clothes are especially telling in this respect, and are represented by two types: button-downs and pullovers. The clothes are double-layered, with gloves 16 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga attached to the arms, and men’s clothes are always equipped with a hood. Despite a universal cut, these winter clothes have many distinctive local features both in the details of production and in the trimming. Men’s Outwear A man’s clothing reflects the activities its owner participates in. A reindeer herder’s coat (malitsa) has a pullover cut, without slits and clasps. It’s sewn from reindeer pelts with fur on the inside. A protective “shirt” called navershnitsa is put over the coat. It is made out of strong cloth, usually heavy felt, and its lower hem and arm hems can be decorated with wide strips of red, blue, or green cloth. The coat is then tied about the waist with a belt decorated with cast metal shapes and carved bone plates. A sheath and a waist purse are usually attached to the belt. During long winter travels the men put on pullover clothing sewn out of reindeer pelts with the fur on the outside (kumysh, parka). The kumysh is worn over the malitsa. The malitsa and kumysh are widely used among Khanty and Mansi. The short light sac is an item of the hunters’ button-down clothing. Its inner part and collar are sewn out of water bird skins, and the top is covered with strong cloth. The sac does not have a hood. The hunters use a hat made of young reindeer skin as the head-dress; it covers the whole head leaving only the face open. Women’s Outwear Women’s costumes, especially outwear varies widely and is richly decorated. The ornaments depend on the territorial group the woman belongs to. Women’s outwear is always fastened with toggle buttons. Winter versions are represented by two types of double-layered fur coat (sac, sakh, sakhi). The inner part of the sac is made out of reindeer or hare pelt, and in some areas the swan's down. The outer part is sewn from a reindeer’s skin and is richly decorated with a fur mosaic and cloth inserts. A lighter version of a woman’s winter clothes is a sac covered with cloth and decorated with beads, cotton cloth straps, and buttons. Eastern Khanty wrap the right front of the fur coat over the left and for this reason do not decorate the left side. Women’s dress A women’s dress is worn in any season. The women have retained their traditional costume: dresses, robes, and scarfs. 17 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Footwear Khanty and Mansi use traditional footwear predominantly in the winter period. It is a double-layered footwear similar to mukluks sewn from reindeer skin and decorated with thin cloth inserts along the stitching. These are usually worn up to the thigh and are tied to the belt and under the knee. Between-season and summer footwear is made of reindeer skin into one layer. As inserts the locals use dry soft grass. Yugan and Salym Khanty footwear is shoe-like with a cloth collar and fur head. The Khanty living on the Yugan River have footwear decorated with a mosaic made of reindeer skin and treated with natural dyes. Around the contours it is sewn with reindeer hair. Traditional Food Ob Ugrian traditional cuisine is based on fish and meat dishes. There are various ways of preparing fish: boiling, grilling over the fire using a pole, and baking. Fish can also be eaten raw, sometimes when freshly caught, and sometimes frozen, the so-called patanka. Suitable fish for eating raw are mostly pike, roach, broad whitefish, peled, sturgeon, sterlet, muksun, and nelma. Fish is also prepared and stored for later by drying, smoking or salting. Fish can also be turned into fish powder and fish oil. Carp are not processed for storage but only eaten fresh. Fish roe is seasoned, dried, roasted, and salted. Roe can be used by itself or with other dishes. Fish broth is used for different soups, often with addition of rye, wheat or fish flour or roe. Seasoning sometimes includes onions, bird cherry fruit and savory leaves. The meat of moose (elk) and reindeer (both wild and domesticated) is eaten, raw and boiled. In certain areas there are restrictions on eating raw moose (elk) meat. The local people also add organs, bone marrow and blood to the food. When preparing meat for future use it is dried, salted, cured and frozen. Moose (elk) and reindeer fat is considered valuable food product. The meat from some fur animals (squirrel, hare, and muskrat), waterfowl and upland game birds is mostly eaten boiled. Just like fish broth, meat broth is seasoned with flour. Berries have a special place in Khanty and Mansi diets. Red bilberries and cranberries are served with meat. Ground dried berries are added to boiled fish and can be mixed with fish powder and fish oil. Red bilberries and cranberries are 18 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga frozen for long-term use, and red and black currants, blueberries and bilberries are served in fish oil. Dried birdcherries are used to make birdcherry flour. From the seventeenth century starchy foods became widely popular with Ob Ugrians. Bread is made from both sour and unfermented dough. They also make cakes adding reindeer blood, broth, roe, fish oil, fish powder, or berries into the dough. Pies are made with fish, meat, and berry fillings. Bread is made in especially equipped ovens. In older days the bread oven was entirely made of clay, but nowadays some local people often use a metal base coated with clay. Traditional Medicine The traditional medicine of Ob Ugrians is based on hygiene and the practical knowledge of the healing properties of plants and various foods. Traditional medicine is also tied to the worldview and belongs to the sphere of knowledge aimed at promoting a healthy way of life. Knowledge of traditional medicine is used both for healing and for preventing illnesses. Below are the examples of traditional medicine1: Charcoal, ground into powder, is used on skin cuts. Perch oil is used to put on skin rashes, redness, mosquito bites, and scabs. Bear fat is used as a warming rub for external remedies. Meat broths, fish broth, fresh reindeer blood, and fresh reindeer liver are considered beneficial and strengthening. Raw pike is a tested remedy against heartburn. Fir’s germicidal properties are widely known, and its branches are used to cover the floor of a chum. Fir bark is used in concoctions with strips of dried otter intestines and the mix is thrown on hot coals to make cleansing fumes. Fir “sulphur” is used to cure eye infections. It is found by the gnarls on young tree bark, and it looks like a droplet (“sulphur eye”). The droplet is pierced with the “tip of a reindeer’s hair,” and the moistened hair is run along the inner part of the lower eyelid. One procedure is enough for the healing process. Fir sulphur can also be prepared in winter when by picking it with a special piece of wood and in the summer it is wrapped in moss. The chaga fungus (a woody black birch bracket fungus), when ground and brewed as tea, is considered good for the stomach. The germicide qualities of 1 Some examples were found in the book “Khanty of the Trom-Agan River Basin: Beliefs About the World Around” (2008) by O. V. Starodubova. 19 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga chaga were also used for cleansing procedures. To prepare a cleansing “tonic,” pieces of chaga would first be burned on burning coals, and then thrown into boiling water. The brew was then cooled, and the chaga was ground into powder while still in the water. This tonic was used for hygienic purposes including the cleansing by sprinkling. Fireweed is believed to have a strengthening effect. In September when its leaves begin to curl up, they are gathered, dried, and then brewed in boiling water (two handfuls for one kettle), then it can be drunk as tea. Eastern Khanty women go to the forest in the spring to gather birch saplings from which to make fine shavings. They prepare several sacks for the whole year. In former times such shavings were used for wiping hands and dishware. It is also an ideal substitute for sanitary pads. Among the Ugrians were specialists who had the knowledge of traditional medicine and possessed skills outside the sphere of rational explanation. Their treatment combined practical methods with no small degree of psychological influence and was accompanied with special rituals. The body of knowledge of these traditional specialists reflects the shamanistic worlview. During the twentieth century the number of shamans has declined significantly for two reasons. First of all, the shamans were persecuted during the 1930-1940s, and many were executed. Second, today the entire traditional cultural worldview is going through a crisis, traditional institutions are falling apart, knowledge is disintegrating and has become fragmented. Wordview, Rituals, and Folklore Ob Ugrians’ wordview is based on traditional beliefs about the multilevel structure of the universe. The Khanty and Mansi mark three main levels or worlds: the upper, middle, and lower worlds. The upper world is inhabited by deities and higher spirits, the middle world is the place where humans reside, and the lower world is the dwelling place of powerful spirits of the lower world. The circle of life goes through the lower world. The souls of the dead first go to the lower world where they live their life backwards. Then migratory birds take the souls up to the Father of the Heavens. After this trip the souls may return to Earth and take over the bodies of the newborns. The worldview of Ob Ugrians retains elements from the ancient times that reflect the idea of cyclical development of history. 20 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga The world of the Ob Ugrian deities and spirits is extremely rich and varied, and its members are tied by kinship and marriage. According to the traditional worldview deities and spirits can have anthropomorphic and zoomorphic incarnations. Each ethnoterritorial group of Khanty and Mansi has its own ritual complex based on both common and local foundational beliefs. All gods and spirits are protectors of clans, individual peoples, territories and natural sites. One of the most common protectors of the Khanty is Аs-iki (The Old Man of the Ob), who is considered to be the master of the Ob River and possess all of its fishing reserves. The protector of the Mansi is called Nyor-oyka (The Old Man of the Urals), the master of the territories adjacent to the northern Urals, and the protector of the reindeer hers. The main members of the universal pantheon of the Ob Ugrians: Num-Torum – the god of the heavens, a supreme deity; Mir-Vonty-Khu (Khanty) and Mir-Susnye-Khum (Mansi) – the protector of the middle world – a god-rider on a white eight-winged horse; Khyn-Iki (Кul-Otyr) – the protector of the lower world; Кaltash-Imi (Кaltas-Ekva) – the Life-Giving Goddess. Мir-Vonty-Khu in the worldview of the Ob Ugrians is represented not only as a deity, but also as a cultural hero: he was the first hunter of moose (elk). According to the legends there was a moose (elk) that lived in the sky, and it was very fast because it had six legs. For a long time Mir-Vonty-Khu had to chase the animal gliding through the sky on skis. When he caught up with the moose (elk) he cut off one pair of the moose (elk)’s legs, thus making it possible for humans to hunt the animal. Afterwards he killed the moose (elk) and stretched his pelt across the sky – thus the constellation that we know as the Big Dipper was formed. The sky trail of the six-legged moose (elk) formed the Milky Way. The shrines are places where people can interact with their protectors – specific family, clan, territorial, gods and spirits and those shared by all Ugrians. The shrines are usually set up in places that stand out from their natural surroundings: on elevated areas, islands, and on high river banks. Such places are always noted in the oral tradition. The location of certain shrines is kept secret and visits to those shrines are strictly limited. The shrine can be marked with a ritual sculpture depicting local and family protectors, and by structures – special houses for gods or spirits. Gifts, such as pieces of fabric, clothes, money, and valuable utensils are 21 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga put into the houses. The shrines are also the places for offering sacrifice. Most often the sacrifice is reindeer that is killed at the shrine, but some kinds of other domestic animals can also be sacrificed. Bloodless sacrifices include metal objects and pieces of fabric. If there are no structures at the shrine, then a cloth for the upper gods is tied to a tall tree. The inhabitants of the lower world are presented with a black-colored cloth, which is always tied around the tree trunk near the root, closer to the lower world. The shrines are a sort of small natural reserve. It is prohibited to conduct any kind of activity there since the plants and animals of the shrine are considered to be the property of the local deity. Women are prohibited from entering the territory of certain shrines, and they cannot come close to the central part of the common shrines. However, there are ritual places where women can independently perform their rituals. Certain trees or strangely shaped rocks, and also places where rivers meet, upper parts of the rivers, and deep pools can also be considered sacred. In the Khanty and Mansi worldview there is a special place for worshiping the bear, based on the myth of its heavenly origin and the zoomorphic incarnation in the middle world. The bear is the master of the forest and the judge in the human world. Its paws and head are used for making especially serious oaths. All man’s activities with regard to the bear are strictly regulated by ritual. There is a special “bear language,” which is used by the hunters to address the bear and to talk among themselves. It is an ancient, poetic language, based on euphemisms. For instance, the bear is addressed as “Master.” The “bear language” is used in order to trick the bear and to prevent him from knowing who killed him. The ritual of worshipping the bear – the bear ceremony – is one of the most famous elements of the Ob Ugrians’ ritual practices. After killing the bear the hunters take the animal back to the camp site with special honors and a cleansing ceremony. In the camp the bear is met by people who offer it food. If the bear is a male the festival lasts for five nights, if it’s a female, then four nights. This is tied to the belief about the different number of souls for male and female animals. Each night of the festival begins with sacred songs and stories about the origin and life of the bear, and continues with playful and satirical performances, general feasting, and cleansing rituals. The theatrical part of the ceremony includes the introduction of the spirits invited to participate in honoring the bear. Then follows theatrical incostumed performance of special myths, tales and “bear songs,” and men’s and 22 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga women’s and collective dances. The folklore theater of the bear ceremony also allows performing comical and erotic skits. This ritual, one of the oldest in Eurasia, reflects ancient beliefs concerning the connections between the heavens and the earth, the “top,” and the “bottom.” The last night of the Bear Ceremony is concluded with offering and other ritual ceremonies. At the end the bear's head and forepaws are preserved in a sacred place. In 2010 the Bear Ceremony was conducted on the Maliy Yugan River. The last Ceremony before that was conducted more than fifteen years ago, and already there is a generation that does not know about this tradition. The last specialists and performers of sacred songs were found through the combined effort of elders and the Media Center of the “Yaoun-Yakh” community (project of the UNESCO Moscow Office, 2010). The festival lasted for several days and the participants included both adults and children. Members of the Khanty community and activists from the Media Center filmed the whole ceremony and thus saved the unique cultural heritage of the local community. Up to the 1930s, Ob Ugrians did not have a writing system. An alphabet was developed for them in 1931 on the basis of the Cyrillic alphabet. The literary heritage of these people was and still is preserved in folklore which to this day has retained their ancient epic texts. Famous storytellers are the real “libraries” of the Ugiran culture. The mythological history of the Khanty and Mansi is contained in their stories and songs. The folklore tradition also includes household and personal songs, children’s tales, little stories, and riddles. The riddles are used to teach children to take care of nature, and to develop associative thinking skills. An example of a riddle: In the deep part of the forest there’s a man with a red beard. Who is it? The answer is: A birch tree with a chaga fungus2. Songs in the Ob Ugrian folk tradition are often performed with the accompaniment of musical instruments such as the drum, tor-sapal-yukh (a harp-like plucking instrument, reminiscent of a swan with an extended neck), narkas-yukha (or narsyukha) and sankvaltapa (instruments that look like a flat-bottomed boat carved from pine, and has from three to five reindeer tendon strings). According to the legends of the eastern Khanty, the narkas-yukh was created by the younger son of a higher deity that met a bear in the swamp playing on a strangely formed sunken log as if it was a musical instrument. 2 from “Mansi Riddles” by Ye. I. Rombandeeva (1996). 23 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga There are certain songs that in the older days could only be heard by the men. Household and personal songs often tell of family history. Thus, for instance, the folklore archive of the Yaoun Yakh Media Center at Ugut on the Big Yugan River has a recording of a personal song from the Kuplandeevy family (one of the oldest Khanty families on Yugan; it was noted on the Remizov’s map in the seventeenth century). This song was passed on from generation to generation, and tells of a rich and money-wasting trader named Kuplandeev who got to meet the tsar. Adaptation Strategies for the Changing World In the last thirty to forty years Ob Ugrian culture has undergone significant changes due to the strong influence of the industrial development of the region. Traditional culture is becoming supplemented by new adaptive forms of household economy and social norms. Oil and gas exploitation in West Siberia led to changes in the landscape. Oil and gas wellsite engineering, road and pipeline building, draining of the marshes, and creation of borrow pits led to the disruption of the balance of the local river systems. As a result, territories productive for the traditional land use of the local people, their hunting, fishing, and reindeer herding, have been significantly reduced. The transition to market economy is also extremely painfully reflected in the state of the indigenous ethnic minorities of West Siberia. Attempts at adapting to these changes have led to disruptions in the traditional way of life and rejection of the traditional worldview, which no longer satisfy the indigenous people in the period of the biggest cultural and economic crisis. While still retaining the main principles of keeping reindeer, reindeer herds now use modern technical equipment to look after the herd. In the winter period they use snowmobiles in addition to skis and reindeer-drawn sleds to check on the herd. In the summer they use small all-terrain vehicles. Reindeer vaccinations are now mandatory. Snowmobiles are also an all-season means of transportation. On the roads local people use off-road vehicles. On water traditional wooden boats are supplemented by metal boats and outboard motors. The damage produced by oil prospecting and excavation on the lands of traditional land use leads to the loss of those lands from traditional economy. In order to pay for the damage, oil and gas companies, with the consent of the administration, sometimes allocate access to helicopter travel to the indigenous peoples as compensation. Reindeer herders can call to the local administrative office for a helicopter. 24 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga Diminishing fish resources are making the elders of communities develop new strategies: for instance, in certain areas the practice of fish farming takes the place of traditional fishing. Keeping of rabbits and domestic birds, such as geese, as well as potato growing in the camp sites (gardening) are entirely new forms of economy for northern and eastern Khanty and for Mansi. This domestic economy has become widespread in the last decade primarily because of the loss of hunting grounds due to oil and gas industry, and also because of unusual summer heat and the growing number of forest fires. Ob Ugrians now combine modern and traditional materials for building. Summer chums are now covered with canvas tarpaulin, and roof felt is used for building houses. For the interior the local people use chipboard materials and linoleum, and manufactured carpets are replacing woven mats. Villages and camps are now provided with electricity through industrial plants or straight from the electric lines. In remote areas on the upper parts of the rivers, people use portable generators that work on gasoline. Some houses, especially those in villages, are now equipped with refrigerators, washers, oil heaters, electric stoves (however, there is still use for traditional wood stoves). With enough electrical energy, the camps can also be provided with TVs, computers, and internet service. The cultural traditions of Ob Ugrians in modern conditions are celebrated by seasonal festivals sponsored by the regional administration: The Day of the Hunter and Reindeer Herder and the Day of the Oblas. The Day of the Hunter and Reindeer Herder is celebrated in large villages at the end of March. The people organize competitions in traditional sports: reindeer sled racing, sled jumping, throwing of the lasso on the khorei (a pole used to drive reindeer), and axe throwing. Different ethnic music groups also perform and there are small markets. The Day of the Oblas is conducted on the day opening the fishing season. This festival is also conducted in national villages and cities of Yugra. The only race of the festival is rowing in an oblas (dugout canoe). Despite the fact that the initiative for these events comes from the local administration, these festivals still promote ethnic solidarity among Ob Ugrians and to some extent support Ob Ugrian culture on the territory of Yugra. The 1990s saw the beginning of a cultural revival movement among the Ugrian peoples, initiated by the national intelligentsia of Yugra. Activists in this movement 25 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga organize summer ethnographic children’s camps and ethnic culture festivals, and work to revive traditional celebrations. In 2010, a Media Center of the Khanty Community “Yaoun-Yakh” was set up in Ugut village on the Big Yugan River as a part of the project of the UNESCO Office in Moscow. The goal of its creation was to give members of the community the training and the audio and video resources to independently document their cultural traditions, identify cultural priorities, and to tell their history from their own point of view. The Media Center is now home to the photo archive based on family photos of the members of the community. The staff of the Center have made a film called “In Search of the Ancient Traditions of the Bear Festival” (Ye. Kinyamin, T. Kelmina, Yu. Kelmin, A. Kayukov). They also filmed the illegal cutting of the cedar forest on the hunting grounds of the community (Ye. Kinyamin). Sources 1. The Collections of the Surgut Museum of Local History (166 items in total, including photos by A.N. Popovich, A.V. Zaika, A.B. Sainakova and O.V. Starodubova, pictures by A.Ya. Trufanov and E.B. Gomzyakova, and copies of photos by А. Dunin-Gorkavich and G. Dmitriev-Sadovnikov). 2. The Photo Archive of the Assembly of Representatives of the Minority Tribal Peoples of the North, the Duma of Khanty-Mansiysk AO-Yugra. 3. Video and Photo Archive of the Media Center of the Yugan Khanty Native Community Association "Yaoun Yakh". 4. Personal archives of A. Wiget, O. Balalaeva, and A. Kayukov. 5. Films from the Series "Yugra Portraits": "Privet, Alyonka!" (28 min) produced in 2003. Original film is in the Khanty language, with subtitles in Russian, German, English, French, Czech, Finnish and Estonian. "The Master and Evdokia" (52 min) produced in 2004. Original film is in the Khanty language, with subtitles in Russian, German, and English. Director and screenwriter, Olga Kornienko. 6. Mother of God in the Blood-Red Snows. Author: Ye. Aipin. Translator: T.Bezborodova. Publisher: "Pakrus", 2006. 7. Wiget, A. and Balalaeva, O. Khanty People of the Taiga. Surviving the 20th Century. Fairbanks: University of Alaska Press, 2010. 26 Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters of West Siberian Taiga 8. Starodubova, O. V. "Khanty of the Trom-Agan Basin: Concepts of the world round them (from fieldwork diaries)." Khanty-Mansiysk Okrug in the Mirror of the Past: a collection of articles. Khanty-Mansiysk, 2008. Authors O. Balalaeva, Cand. Phil., Finno-Ugrian Studies, ethnologist, folklorist, UNESCО consultant T. Isayeva, Cand. Culturology, Vice-Director for Research of the Surgut Museum of Local History O. Starodubova, Senior Researcher of the Department of Archaeology, Ethnography and Natural Sciences Research of the Surgut Museum of Local History The authors would like to thank members of the staff of the Surgut Museum of Local History and its Director Marina Selyanina Yeremei Aipin, writer and the vice-chairman of the Duma, KhMAO-Yugra, Nadezhda Alekseyeva, Deputy, Member of the Assembly of the Representatives of the Native Minority Peoples of the North, Duma, KhMAOYugra, the staff of the KhMAO-Yugra Duma, Professor Andrew Wiget, expert in comparative studies of the native peoples of Siberia and North America, Yegor Kinyamin and Andrei Kayukov (Media Center of the Yugan Khanty Native Community Association "Yaoun-Yakh") and Vladimir Kogonchin, Chairman of the Yugan Khanty Native Community Association "Yaoun-Yakh", Olga Kornienko, Director of documentaries for permission to use fragments of film, Nikolai Pluzhnikov, Cand. History, for his help in working on the text. 27