Party delegates in California Democrats
Patricia Correa Vila
(Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona)
Juan Rodríguez Teruel
(Universidad de Valencia)
Montserrat Baras Gómez
(Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona)
(Please do not quote without the permission of the authors)
Paper presented at the XXIInd World Congress of Political Science
Madrid 8-12 July
Patricia Correa: Becaria FPI 2010 en la UAB. Miembro del GREP
Juan Rodríguez: Ayudante Doctor en la UV. Miembro del GREP
Montserrat Baras: Profesora Titular en la UAB. Miembro del GREP.
Abstract:
The academic literature of political parties has shown that parties have been
experiencing a decline in their levels of membership. It has been shown that
one measure to solve this is to apply some mechanisms of intra-party
democracy, and try to make more attractive the membership. The American
parties have an organization few structured and developed and the concept of
membership is different. Instead of this, the participation of activist is also
relevant in many activities such as the processes of candidate selection. The
National Conventions are important events for parties that are used to select
their new leadership too. Recent literature about political parties activism
analyse the existence of intra-party democracy whether this has experienced an
increase and whether activists are conscious of that. In our paper, we try to
show the specificities of activist from California Democratic Party, their political
attitudes and their opinions about the party and the intra-party democracy.
Introduction1
The European academic literature has observed the decline in the levels of
membership in most of the political parties in European countries (Mair and van
Biezen 2001, Scarrow 2000, Seyd and Whiteley 2004, Whiteley 2011). As
Whiteley (2011) argues, this topic continues being relevant because parties play
a central role in politics in modern democracies and the level of activism that
they receive from their bases has implications in the future of democracy. But
not all the countries are experiencing this decrease in membership, the World
Values Surveys of 1995 and 2006 for United States of America shows that the
50,2% were members in 1995 and the 20,3% of them consider themselves as
active members, in 2006 were members the 51,3% and the 17,9% were active
members. In other words, the level of membership has not decrease but the
activism of those members has suffered a small decrease.
One way to increase the levels of party activism that political parties have been
applying is the implementation of more democratic or participatory mechanisms
of intra-party decision-making, often as a respond to the demands of intra-party
democracy for the own activists. There are some empirical studies about intraparty democracy in European literature but this aspect has not been developed
deeply in American literature. As Layman et al. (2010) say political scientists
have devoted little attention to empirical work about the American case (Gauja
2009, Wauters 2009, Baras et al. 2012, Rodríguez-Teruel et al. 2011, Layman
et al. 2010).
1
This research has been possible thanks to the public funding by the Spanish Ministry of Science
(Research Project CSO2009-14381-C02-03). The results of this research form part of the GREP (Political
Elites and Political Parties Research Group).
2 As we said before, the analysis of party members is relevant for the scientific
community and also for society since they are part of one of the core political
actors in modern democracies. We want to contribute with the empirical
analysis about party activism through an exploratory analysis of the activists
from California Democratic Party, their political attitudes and their opinions
about the party and the intra-party democracy. First, we want to introduce a
brief review about some political activism studies in USA. Second, we are going
to present the specificities of our case study and our data and finally, we will
present the analysis and first conclusions.
A brief review of party activism studies in USA
As we said in the introduction, the levels of membership are not in decline in
American political parties, although the concept of member is quite different
from the typical European idea of party member. The literature defines as
member those who vote in primaries or those who are members of local entities
of the party, or those who made some economical contributions. Each study
applies a different definition for members or activists; in our study we will
consider as activists those who went as delegates to the California Democratic
Party Convention in 2011. Part of the European literature about the decline of
levels of party membership notes that the use of mechanisms of intra-party
democracy as a solution to improve the situation. American parties use some
mechanisms of intra-party democracies as the primaries to select their
candidates but there is some aspects like the selection of party leaders and the
policy setting that are decided by convention delegates. There are many studies
about party activism in USA, the most of them were developed in the 80s and
90s decades but the requests of intra-party democracy are not deeply analyzed
in them. The study of party activism seems to be less attractive in the last years
and a few studies have been developed. We can analyse party activism from
different point of views or analysing different aspects.
Part of the literature has focused on the socio-demographic aspects of activist,
or on the characteristics of some groups of activist like women, racial groups or
elite groups or on the specificities of some States or Regions like Southern
activists (Steed et al. 1998, Crotty 1990). Another set of studies try to explain
the motivations or incentives to get involved in activism for these party members
and others try to classified these activists regarding these motivations and also
their levels of activism or the objectives that they pursue by being an activist.
In other words, they propose a typology of motivations for activism in
organizations and develop the concept of amateur and professional activist.
Clark and Wilson (1961) introduce the typology of incentives in organization,
classifying in solidary, material and purposive incentives. They define solidary
incentives as those, which are basically intangible, that is, the reward has no
3 monetary value and cannot easily be translated into one that has. They derive
in the main from the act of associating and include such rewards as socializing,
congeniality, the sense of group membership and identification and the status
resulting from membership. Material incentives are defined as those, which are
tangible, that is, rewards that have a monetary value or can easily be translated
into ones that have: wages or direct benefit from being part of the organization.
And finally, purposive incentives are intangible, as the solidary ones, but they
derive in the main from the stated ends of the association rather than from the
simple act of associating. These inducements are to be found in the
suprapersonal goals of the organization (Clark and Wilson 1961). There are
other researchers that after applying the Clark and Wilson typology, they
develop one with five categories classification: self-enhancement, purposive,
sociality, allegiance and personalist (Constantini and King 1984). But, normally,
subsequent investigations use the three types classification in their analysis.
Regarding with the studies of the incentives of involvement, some researchers
linked the incentives theory with Wilson point of view of the amateur Democrats.
Wilson describes amateur activist like those who find politics intrinsically
interesting because it express a conception of the public interest. The amateur
activist thinks in politics more in terms of ideas and principles than in terms of
persons. In contrast, the professional is preoccupied with the outcome of politics
in terms of winning or losing, politics to him consist of concrete questions and
specific persons who must be dealt with in a manner that minimizes the
possibility of defeat at the next elections (Wilson, 1962). In that sense, Carsey
et al. (2003) pointed that amateurs have long been seen as more ideological
and idealist, by pursuing purposive incentives, than professional activists
because the purpose of amateurs is promoting issues and principles in politics.
On the other hand, the professionals were characterised more by solidary
incentives, namely benefits from social interaction and the excitement of party
politics. Also, professionals are characterised more by material incentives, such
as patronage jobs, political preferment, business or professional careers, and
developing a career in politics.
As it is said, these studies relate purposive incentives with amateur activism
and solidary and material with professional activism. But some researchers
consider that there is not longer a division between amateur and professional,
and both parties, the Republican Party and the Democrat Party have suffered
an increase of amateur or purist activists. In the 70s political parties in USA
changed the way of selection candidates and they started the process of
primaries to select their candidates. That was a way to encourage the role of
party activists, becoming more relevant for those candidates opting to
nomination and also strengthen activist influence in the agenda by defending
some issues and trying to link them with some nominees (Carsey et al 2010).
As we have showed, there is a long scholarly tradition of studying national and
state convention delegates, (see Herrera 1993,1994, Soule and Clarke 1979,
Steed et al 1998, Crotty 1990) it is interesting in so far as conventions are still a
good place to assess the operation and success of party institutions. The
4 development of the “candidate-centered” politics places the activists again in
the focus of party politics.
Although there is a relevant amount of studies about American party delegates,
none of them tries to show if there is some demands of intra-party democracy
and which type of delegates are in favour of it. In our paper, we will explain first
some characteristics of our data and case study, then we will show some
results about the traits of the delegates and finally we will try to expose if there
are claims for more intra-party democracy.
Case study and data: The California Democratic Party Convention 2011
California is one of the States with more population, there were 37.253.956
inhabitants in 2010 (US Census 2010) and also the size of the Democratic Party
Convention was enough to conduct a survey. Also the mechanism to select the
delegates assures that the activist members will be at the Convention
(Constantini and Valenly 1996). Moreover, the specificities of the political style
of California, which was once thought unique but which is now increasingly
becoming the national norm could help in a first analysis of intra-party
democracy in American activists.
As Ross (2000) explains, the key element of California’s politics style is
antipartyism. The state’s voters prefer saying that they vote for the person and
not for the party, also some candidates do not use their relation with their party
during campaigns. Another aspect is the intra-party factionalism, there is groups
inside of each party who have own interest towards policies, party principles
and power within the party. Party activists are especially important because of
the effort they put into campaigns and because they maintain the political party
as an organization between elections. The ultimate in antipartyism would be the
existence of elections free from party affiliation, or nonpartisan elections, which
are what California holds at the city and county level. There are also
nonpartisan elections for governing boards of special districts, judges, and the
state superintendent of public instruction, which make difficult for parties to
patronage jobs. But that not means that political parties cannot be found
endorsing candidates or working behind scenes, it simply means that
candidate’s party affiliation is not revealed on the ballot itself. This results on
campaigns running independently of the party and of another party candidates
(Ross 2000, Culver and Syer 1991).
Regarding with our survey, there were 2000 delegates at the Convention and
we distribute almost 2000 questionnaires. Each questionnaire has 36 questions
covering socio-demographical aspects, involvement, attitudes toward politics
and Democratic Party and political values and opinions. We distribute the
5 questionnaires during the Convention, who was celebrated in april 2010 in
Sacramento. At the end of the Convention, we had collected 523 completed
questionnaires, that means that we collected the 26,15%, which is considered
as a good sample to this type of surveys.
Analysis of our California Democratic Convention Survey
In this section we are going to describe first the results of our California
Democratic Convention Survey in 2011 and then we are going to relate our
results with the previous research in order to test if there exist clear divisions
between pragmatic and idealist delegates and between the different motivations
to be involved in the way that previous research suggest. Finally we will try to
show if there are delegates who favour intra-party democracy. We are going to
present our data group in different aspects: socio-demographical, involvement,
activism and intra-party democracy.
Socio-demographical aspects
As we can observe in our data, the presence of men and women is quite
balanced in the Democratic Party Conventions, the 50,1% was man and the
48,6% was woman. Moreover, the average age of delegates was 54 years,
which implies that the most of delegates are in their active work age, about the
40%, with almost the 25% of delegates are older than 65 years. Observing, at
the same time, the occupation of delegates, the 21,4% of delegates are retired,
almost 7% are students but the presence of young people is a little bit higher,
the 14%.
California
Democrats 2011
%
N
Sex
Age
Level of education
Male
Female
Young
(18-34)
Middle Age
(35-64)
Senior
(65-…)
Basic
50,1
48,6
14
42
24,7
19,5
523
M 54,02
StDev. 16,03
Middle
35,4
Higher
43,1
523
523
Following the pattern of the results in another researches, the presence of
delegates of another race or ethnic group is increasing, about the 20% of
delegates are from a race different to White Caucasian (Abramowitz et al.
1983). As Rapoport et al. (1986) indicate, political activity is correlated with
social class in United States, we observe that the most of the delegates of the
Democratic Convention consider themselves as middle or upper-middle class
(around 78%) and they have a high level of education (43% of the delegates are
graduated). Despite they are well qualified; the university level is lower within
6 their parents, less than 18%. The level of education more common within
delegate’s parents is high school.
Social class
Black
White
Asian
Latin
Native
American
More
than
one
Working
Middle
Upper
6,3
76,1
2,7
8,6
0,2
4,3
15,7
51,8
28,3
523
523
Public safety
Construction
industrial worker
Union employee
Political or
professional
Retired
Student
Homemaker
Unemployed
9,9
8,4
5
0,4
1,2
2,9
3,8
21,4
6,9
1,1
2,5
N
campaign
Office employee
12,6
owner
Government employee
or
or
Work or occupation
Business
manager
California Democrats 2011
N
%
Ethnic group
Teacher
and
other
educational employees
California
Democrats 2011
%
523
Involvement
In this section we are going to describe the reasons of be involved in politics
and in the Democratic Party. Most of delegates got involved in the Democratic
Party because they were inspired by a presidential campaign or by a political
issue (38,8%). This is reinforced by the importance that delegates give to
achieve the success to some of the candidates (51,8% consider extremely
important this reason to be involved in politics) and the support to the values
and issues that the Democratic Party defend (57,7% consider also extremely
important this reason to be involved in politics). By contrast, the fact that their
parents were active Democrats had not any particular effect; the 47,6% of
delegates have not parents involved in politics, in that sense, there is not an
effect of the primary sociology for being involved in the Democratic Party.
7 5,4
N
California Democrats 2011
%
N
16,8
523
Non active
4,6
Active in other
party
Mother active
Democrat
3,6
Father
Dem,
Mother Rep
Father
active
Democrat
1,3
Father
Rep,
Mother Dem
Both
active
Republicans
2,3
Both
active
Democrats
Mother active
Republican
Involvement fathers in politics
Father
active
Republican
California
Democrats 2011
%
1,5
1
0,6
47,6
Involvement in Democratic Party
First reason to
be involve
Presidential campaign
26,6
Local or State campaign
5,4
Changing the Democratic Party
5,0
Union
Political issue
3,8
12,2
Family
8,2
Professional life
Socializing
1,1
3,1
523
Another aspect to consider is the reasons to be involved in politics, also named
as motivations or incentives. Academic literature has classified the motivations
or incentives to be involved in politics in three groups: material, solidarity and
purposive. Material incentives will be those tangible rewards that can be
translated into monetary values; solidary incentives are intangible, derive from
the act rather than the ends of associating, and include such factors as
socializing, group identification and enjoyment. And finally, purposive incentives
are intangible as well, but are grounded in the overall goals of the organization,
such as its demands for enactment of various public policies (Shaffer and
Breaux, 1998). But like Constantini and Valenty (1996) tested, there is not just
one type of motivation for activists and, often, they show more than one type of
incentives, the motivations are not mutually exclusive (Shaffer and Breaux,
1998). In that way, the delegates of California Democratic Party select more
than one type of incentive. In order to test it, we did a factorial analysis that
proved that the delegates considered their motivations from more than one
type, for example mixing material and solidarity incentives, as you can observe
in the first group of our factorial analysis.
8 Matrix components
Component
1
2
3
I like the fun of conventions and campaigns
0,728
0,004
-0,357
I enjoy the friendships and social contacts I have with other people in politics
0,714
0,052
-0,401
I like the feeling of being close to people who are doing important work
0,672
0,043
0,157
Party works gives one visibility and recognition
0,651
-0,263
0,219
Party work helps me make business or professional contacts
0,579
-0,464
0,099
Party work gives me a sense of fulfilling civic responsibility
0,54
0,313
0,294
I want to have a personal career in politics
0,517
-0,541
0,205
I believe strongly in the values and policies of the Democratic Party in general
0,403
0,536
-0,369
I want to see particular candidates elected
0,282
0,591
-0,011
I want to get the party and its candidates to support the policies I believe in
0,192
0,518
0,662
Extraction method: Analysis of principal components.
a 3 components extracted
A more clear way to present this existence of mixed incentives is like we show
in the next table. As our frequencies show, most of the delegates have more
than one incentive to be involved in politics. Between those who only choose
one type, purposive incentives are the most popular, and the combination with
purposive and solidary incentives is the bigger group with almost the 30% of the
delegates, followed by the combination of aspects of the three incentives.
Another aspect interesting that the data shows is the low presence of delegates
who only manifest material incentives, with less than the 1%. This material
incentive is more popular when it is combined with solidary incentives and in
lesser extent with purposive incentives.
Incentives to be involved in politics
Solidary
Material
Purposive
Solidary +
Material
Material +
Purposive
Solidary +
Purposive
Solidary +
Material +
Purposive
6,5
0,8
12,4
7,6
2,5
29,1
18,7
N
523
9 Activism and attitudes toward the party
In this part we analyze political and party activism. First of all, as it is known, the
role that interest groups and the organizations play in U.S. politics and,
specially, in California, classified with an antipartyism political style is really
relevant, being key elements in American politics (Ross 2000). For that reason,
is relevant to know if the party activist have join to other types of political
organizations and if they participate actively in them. Our data shows that
Democrats delegates are really active in the party, the average of seniority is
almost 27 years, and the 35% of delegates has been active in politics for more
than 35 years, and almost three quarters of the delegates have always
supported the Democratic Party. This was not the first convention for the
majority of the delegates. For those who was the first one represent the 32,9%,
that means that almost the 70% had been in a State Convention before, we are
dealing with expert activists, not just had been involved in politics during a long
time, also have a great experience in State Conventions, almost the 66%
participate in more than two conventions and around the 16% in more than
eight conventions. Nevertheless, when the convention it is at national level
(USA level) just the 11% has attended sometime. Most of the delegates have
not been an elected office or are holding one, just the 20% held a public office.
Service
Labour Unions
Environmental
Peace
School and schoolrelated
Student
Women’s
Racial or ethnic
Professional
Occupationallyrelated
Social
26,81
Religious
Activism in politics and other types of organizations
Years in politics
(average)
California Democrats 2011
%
22,2
11,7
17
28,1
19,3
17,8
8,4
16,8
17
17,4
14
27
N
523
California
Democrats 2011
%
N
Attendance to Conventions
Relevance of activism in the Democratic party
from activism in other organizations
State Convention
More relevant
National
First
2-8
8 and
more
Yes
32,9
49,1
16,4
11,8
523
39,6
523
Equal relevant
Less
relevant
40,9
5,9
523
However, the level of activism in other types of organization is not really high,
organizations related with environmental or religious issues and social groups
10 are more common within delegates. Instead, voluntary and students
organizations present low ranks of activism. When delegates have to compare
their level of involvement in the party and in other organizations, almost the
40% consider more relevant the party activism, and the 40,5% consider as
equal.
California Democrats 2011
%
Campaign activity
2010 State
2008 Presidential
election campaign campaign
N
Clerical or office work
29,6
29,3
523
Telephone canvassing
54,5
53,5
523
Door-to-door canvassing
48,6
44,0
523
Yard sign/bumper sticker
57,6
55,6
523
Contributed $100 or less
20,7
20,5
523
Contributed more than $100
46,7
49,1
523
Wrote a letter of support to a magazine or newspaper
24,5
25,2
523
Drove voters to the polls
10,3
9,8
523
Active in any way other than contributing money
48,6
45,7
523
The literature always reflects the relevance of activists during elections and
after that. Campaigning, often, is one of the moments when delegates are more
active and most of the delegates participate in one or other way, most popular
ways to collaborate are telephone canvassing, yard sign and economical
contribution without a distinction between state elections and presidential ones.
The only way of collaborate during campaigns participation that is not really
popular within Californian Democratic Delegates is to lead voters to the polls,
only the 10% of delegates did that in 2010 State elections or in 2008
Presidential elections.
Attitudes to the party
(1 disagree – 4 agree)
Average
StDev.
It is more important for the Democratic Party to stay true to its core values than to
win elections
3,09
0,86
A candidate should express her/his convictions even if it means losing the election
3,24
0,77
I’d rather lose an election than compromise my basic philosophy
The Democratic Party should avoid issues that are very controversial or unpopular
3,21
1,39
0,87
0,68
The Democratic Party is too far from the mainstream of American public opinion,
and should focus on presenting a moderate face to voters
1,53
0,82
11 Broad electoral appeal is more important than a consistent ideology
1,86
0,83
Regarding with the attitudes toward the Democratic Party, our data reinforce the
statement that the level of purist or idealist activist in political parties has been
increased, the index of pragmatism - idealism shows that the 98% of delegates
are more closer to idealism than pragmatism. We calculate an index with a 10
points scale, where 1 is total pragmatic and 10 total idealistic, the average of
our index is 8,2. Thus means that the Californian Democratic Delegates are
more idealistic or purist than other delegates, literature results about Democrats
present averages around 6 (in a 10 points scale like ours) (Prisby 1998). Taking
into consideration that the majority of elections for public office in California are
free of party affiliation, and, normally, are other nonpartisan organizations,
which endorse the candidates, activism in political parties is not the best way to
access to a public office. In that way, we can expect that those individuals who
choose to become involved in a political party have purist or idealist attitudes.
Linking this with the incentives presented before, there would be few delegates
with material incentives, as is the case in Californian delegates.
Intra-party democracy
European literature has dealt more this phenomena than American literature,
where we cannot find studies analysing that. In that sense, we try to show first if
there is a demand for more intra-party democracy. As we said, European
literature has developed several hypothesis about which variables affect the
levels of support toward intra-party democracy, as per example ideology,
factionalism, seniority, holding public offices, involvement in party life,
involvement in other organizations, idealist attitudes and others (Gauja 2011,
Wauters 2010, Baras et al. 2012). Our data shows that even though delegates
feel that the role that their local party plays is quite relevant in some typical
party activities like recruiting candidates and positioning the party or their
candidates in issues, they also think that their local party should play a more
relevant role in those activities. In that way, we have develop an index of intraparty democracy, considering the differences between the role that the local
party plays in some aspects and the role that should play, this index is an scale
of 10 points were 1 is the lowest support to intra-party democracy and 10 the
highest support. The average is 6,93 and that suppose a stronger support of
intra-party democracy (the standard deviation is 1,26).
12 Requests for intra-party democracy
Requests for less intra-party democracy
3,8
Requests for more intra-party democracy
53,2
Don’t request for more or less
20,1
N
523
Average index
intra-party
democracy (0-10)
StDev
6,93
1,26
523
Taking into consideration that, in comparison with some European parties,
American parties have applied mechanisms of intra-party democracy since long
time ago, and the levels of intra-party democracy are, in that way, higher, the
fact that political parties are less structured organizationally and caucus and
activists have an important role in the selection of candidates and policies, the
requests of intra-party democracy could have different explanations that
European literature has given. We tested those typical explanatory variables as
seniority, ideology, idealist attitudes, holding public offices and we discovered
that they do not explain the demands of intra-party democracy or the
explanation is not strong enough.
Conclusion
The study of the delegates at the California Democratic Party Convention has
put some light in the knowledge about delegates in American parties, our
results have shown that the socio-demographic profile has not change a lot in
comparison with other studies of State delegates or another studies about
political elites, men, in their active age, the majority race is white Caucasian, in
a job, with high levels of education and belonging to middle and upper-middle
social class.
The results more interesting are those related with the incentives of involvement
in politics and the attitudes toward the party. The data reinforce the idea of
mixed incentives in delegates; there is not anymore a clear division between
material, solidary and purposive incentives. Regarding with the attitudes
through the political party is important to point the high presence of idealist
delegates. This predominant presence of idealist could be really important to
analyse and to know more about what influence the way that political parties act
and also the way that they recruit their members and candidates. The literature
has shown us that the political culture of California has effects in political parties
and our results show that also could influence in the presence of idealist activist
in political parties. Another interesting aspect, which we should pay more
attention in future research is the claim for more intra-party democracy and the
failure of the typical explanations to predict the increase of support to intra-party
democracy for different types of activists.
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