Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 52:147–163, 2011
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1050-2556 print/1540-4811 online
DOI: 10.1080/10502556.2011.556962
Our Divorce Culture: A Durkheimian
Perspective
SCOTT MELTZER
Centre College, Danville, Kentucky, USA
Comparative studies of children from divorced and intact families
consistently find that children of divorced marriages have more
short- and long-term psychological and social issues than children
from intact marriages. This has led to the need for an evaluation
of our divorce culture. The purpose of this research is to analyze
the general population’s attitudes on divorce involving children
by gender, race, age, socioeconomic status, and participation in
religious activities to see if our opinion of divorce is corresponding to the reality of its effect on children. Research-based divorce
education programs have been shown to produce positive results
in social and psychological readjustment for both children and
adults. The findings of this study allow research-based divorce
education programs to identify where to focus their services for
children and adults. In addition, these findings support the implementation of policy to mandate the development of research-based
divorce education programs in each state.
KEYWORDS children, divorce, Durkheim, policy
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the number of divorced people
more than quadrupled from 4.3 million in 1970 to 19.3 million in 1997.
Seventy percent of divorces involve children (Block, Block, & Gjerde, 1986).
In the United States today, 25% of people between 18 and 44 years old
have parents who are divorced (Wallerstein, Lewis, & Blakeslee, 2000).
Research consistently finds that children of divorce experience negative
short- and long-term psychological and social effects, including depression,
anger management problems, decline in academic performance, and trust
This article does not reflect the views or opinions of City Year or AmeriCorps.
Address correspondence to Scott Meltzer, Program Manager, City Year San Antonio, 109-B
North San Saba, San Antonio, TX 78207, USA. E-mail: smeltzer@cityyear.org
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S. Meltzer
issues (Marquardt, 2005; Wallerstein et al., 2000). The research calls into
question the social attitudes and legal policies surrounding divorce and the
divorce culture in the United States.
Although our society values marriage as a lifelong commitment and
couples explain they plan to work hard to stay together, many couples still
recognize the possibility that their marriage might not work out (Furstenberg
& Cherlin, 1991). Many people know the commonly cited statistic that almost
half of all marriages currently end in divorce in the United States (National
Center for Health Statistics, 2006). Forty years ago, divorce was not statistically common, in part because cultural attitudes and legal obstacles
discouraged divorce. Until the 1960s and 1970s, only adultery and abandonment provided legal exits to marriage (Wallerstein et al., 2000). In the 1960s,
however, attitudes toward marriage began to change. In 1969, California
passed the Family Law Act, allowing either spouse to obtain a divorce
simply due to irreconcilable differences (also known as no-fault divorce;
Furstenberg & Cherlin, 1991). By 1985, every state allowed no-fault divorce.
The shift in divorce law and passage of no-fault divorce legislation led some
to argue that “silently and unconsciously, we created a culture of divorce”
(Wallerstein et al., p. 295).
Lawmakers continue to debate whether returning to fault as a basis for
divorce would reduce the number of divorces each year and thus improve
the well-being of children. For example, in February 2009, the Montana
House Judiciary Committee introduced a bill that would restore fault divorce
and, among other provisions, mandate that a couple go through counseling
before a divorce could be granted. Montana has been a no-fault divorce
state since 1970, a law that according to the bill, “created a divorce culture
to the detriment of children” (H. 419, 2009). The bill continues, “Montana
has a compelling interest in reforming no-fault divorce law with the intent
of supporting the long-term stability and happiness of marriage and thus
the health, safety, and general welfare of children” (H. 419). As a representation of the dispute over whether reestablishing fault divorce would
benefit the institution of marriage, the bill died in committee with a tie
vote.
Some argue that women’s changing roles in society, and in the family in particular, can partially explain the rise in the U.S. divorce rate.
First, women’s increased participation in the workforce has decreased
their financial dependence on husbands, giving them more freedom to
leave a bad marital situation than in years past. Second, the two-career
family—a financial necessity for most American families today—has placed
increasing demands on men’s and women’s time at work and at home.
Expectations about division of housework and child care have changed, but
not without difficulties. Durkheim might argue that the shift in women’s
employment status has resulted in a change in attitudes toward divorce
involving children due to the stress and responsibilities associated with the
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149
workplace and childrearing. Although attitudes toward divorce involving
children have changed, there is little research on the predictors of these
attitudes (Thornton, 1985). The purpose of this research is to analyze the
general population’s attitudes on divorce involving children by gender, race,
age, socioeconomic status, and participation in religious activities to see
if our opinion of divorce is corresponding to the reality of its effect on
children.
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Parents who divorce separate from couplehood to form two separate identities; their children remain the connection that binds them together. Children
of divorce essentially live between two worlds (Marquardt, 2005), and
divorce creates a permanent identity for children. Wallerstein et al. (2000)
heard thousands of adult children of divorce say, “I am a child of divorce”
(p. 63). Divorce “leaves a permanent stamp” when it occurs in childhood,
because the child is young and impressionable and the effects are felt
throughout life (Wallerstein et al., p. 63).
Comparative studies of children from divorced and intact families
indicate children of divorced families have more short- and long-term psychological and social issues than children from intact families. Until the
research of Wallerstein et al. (2000), the 25-year landmark and longest
close-up study of divorce ever conducted, and Marquardt (2005), the first
nationally representative survey of young adults from divorced families, no
researchers had directly compared the experiences of children raised in a
divorced family with those raised in an intact family. Both researchers found
divorce to be the cause of long-term behavioral and emotional problems,
learning problems, increased school dropout rates, early sexual behavior,
incidence of divorce, physical illness, and negative religious and spiritual feelings (Kelly & Emery, 2003; Marquardt; Ross & Mirowsky, 1999;
Wallerstein et al.). Children of divorce are at least two times more likely
to have behavioral, social, and academic problems than children from intact
families (Kelly & Emery). Divorce also alters the psychosocial development
of youth and results in a “sleeper effect” (i.e., its worst symptoms often
appear when children of divorce leave home; Marquardt). As one interviewee of Marquardt’s study said, “The impact of divorce did not diminish soon
after our parents split apart but continued to shape us well into adulthood”
(p. 54).
The worst effects of a divorce occur when young adults of divorce
create an identity separate from their parents and attempt to form intimate relationships and families of their own (Marquardt, 2005). They have
difficulties due to trust issues and the lack of a framework as to what a
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loving and successful marriage looks like. Young adults from divorced families have a more difficult time finding love than those from intact families
because they do not have the “inner images of a man and a woman in
a stable relationship, only the memories of their parents’ failure to sustain a marriage” (Wallerstein et al., 2000, p. 299). In fact, young adults
from divorced families often search for partners who were raised in stable, intact families to fill a void in their own family history (Wallerstein
et al.). These adults tend to distance themselves from their own parents
and develop a close relationship with their spouse’s family to allow their
children to be in an environment of stability and care. Religion is an important component of divorce research because social relationships, such as
those made in a religious community, promote a positive recovery from
divorce.
Religion is a crucial component of research on divorce because the
types of social network relationships found in religious communities promote a positive adjustment to divorce (Krumrei, Coit, Martin, Fogo, &
Mahoney, 2007). Social network relationships facilitate coping, well-being,
overall happiness, and life satisfaction (Krumrei et al., 2007). According to
Krumrei et al., “being part of a network, such as a church community, may
help divorcing individuals to mobilize specific strengths that promote personal growth in the face of divorce” (p. 160). Our divorce culture, however,
has negatively impacted religiosity. According to Marquardt (2005), a young
adult’s belief in God and religious teachings, and his or her affiliation with
religious institutions, are strongly affected by parents’ divorce. Children of
divorce struggle to experience spirituality and faith due to trust issues. In
Marquardt’s study, two thirds of young adults who regularly attended a
church or synagogue during their parents’ divorce reported that no one
from the clergy or congregation reached out to them to offer support. As a
result, children of divorce feel less religious and participate less in religious
services than those from intact families (Marquardt).
Studies suggest that the sanctity of marriage and adherence to religious
doctrine used to be a powerful social force in preventing the dissolution
of marriage but the influence of religion in recent years has weakened
(Nakonezny, Shull, & Rodgers, 1995; Thornton, 1985). Meltzer (2009) found
that religiosity, as measured by frequency of religious service attendance,
helped predict attitudes toward divorce involving children; as respondents’
frequency of religious service attendance increased, support for divorce
involving children decreased. There is a division among denominations of
Christianity regarding the acceptance of divorce. Traditionally, Evangelical
churches are more willing than mainline Protestant or Catholic churches to
talk about divorce and are more likely to have welcoming ministries for separated or divorced people (Marquardt, 2005; Thornton). This research builds
on these studies by examining participation in religious activities outside of
worship as a measure of religious involvement.
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151
Research indicates the marriages of well-educated people might be at a
lower risk of divorce because the couple holds greater interpersonal communication skills, maturity, and access to higher occupational statuses and
resources that benefit a marriage (Bumpass & Sweet, 1972; Heaton, 1991).
However, Meltzer (2009) found that level of education completed was not
a good predictor of attitudes toward divorce involving children. Specifically,
analysis of General Social Survey data revealed that well-educated people
were more likely to support divorce in a bad marriage involving children
than less educated people. Thus, Meltzer’s findings suggest that increased
education reduces the likelihood of divorce but increases support for divorce
in cases of a bad marriage with children. This study examines attitudes
of divorce involving children by also considering the role of gender, race,
socioeconomic status, age, and participation in religious activities in shaping
attitudes toward divorce.
Divorce has become a shared experience in our culture because
it shapes the lives of many children and reflects our collective values
(Marquardt, 2005; Wallerstein et al., 2000). Durkheim’s theory of functionalism provides a theoretical framework for understanding how current gender
roles within society and in family life have put strain on the institution of
marriage (see Grana, Ollenburger, & Nicholas, 2002). The shift from the
collective conscious in primitive society to a division of labor (or specialization of work) in modern society might help explain the shift in men’s and
women’s responsibilities in the home, childrearing, and work. Today, both
men and women want to have a successful career while also raising a family.
Research on two-career marriages reveals high stress and conflict in middleand upper class marriages with couples who try to balance their careers,
responsibilities at home, and the upbringing of children. Hochschild (2003)
refers to this as the “stalled revolution” because dual-wage-earner families
have become the social norm; however, the balance between family life and
the workplace has not been adjusted to support the dual-wage-earner family.
Mothers and wives want to pursue successful careers just as fathers and husbands do, but they get the bulk of the “second shift” of caring for the home
and children. Although women have gained social status in the workforce,
the division of labor in our organic society has broken social solidarity and
created divisions within marriages. Durkheim might argue that the division
of labor (or specialization of work) within society gets repeated within family
life. Stress develops and builds within a marriage when mothers and fathers
both want fulfilling careers but disagree about the division of home and child
care responsibilities. The lack of egalitarian relationships between mothers
and fathers contributes to the stress that leads to divorce (Kimmel, 2000).
Our society has not created viable services to help parents and children
cope with the stress of divorce during and after the event. As Wallerstein
et al. (2000) stated, “We continue to foster the myth that divorce is a transient
crisis and that as soon as adults reestablish their lives, the children will
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fully recover” (p. 302). Although divorce education programs for parents
and children have increased nationwide in the past decade to provide
counseling, education, and mediation for divorced families, they are usually
limited to one to two sessions in the court system and four to six sessions
in the community (Kelly & Emery, 2003). In addition, the outcome typically
measured is the likelihood the couple returns to court, with a return
meaning an unsuccessful outcome and a nonreturn meaning a successful
outcome. Research-based divorce education programs, designed to help
children with adjustment during and after the divorce, have demonstrated
positive behavioral and psychological results in both parents and children
(Kelly & Emery). For example, Families in Transition is a research-based
divorce education program in Kentucky that provides support to parents
and children coping with the psychological and social effects of divorce.
The program focuses on reducing a child’s psychological and behavioral
problems, recognizing parental conflict and how conflict impacts a child’s
development, communicating effectively, and responding appropriately to
children’s divorce-related concerns.
The combination of effective research-based divorce education programs and comprehensive research on the attitudes toward divorce involving
children might help guide the design and implementation of social service
programs. These services would address the current population of divorced
children and adults. My hypotheses are that men will be more supportive
of divorce involving children than women and those who participate in religious activities will be less supportive of divorce involving children than
those who do not participate in religious activities.
METHOD
The data for this study come from the General Social Survey conducted by
the National Opinion Research Council. The data were collected through
surveys of noninstitutionalized adults in the United States from 1972 to 2006.
The data were analyzed using frequency tables, cross-tabulations, Gamma,
chi-square, and multiple regression.
The independent variables used for the study were sex, race, opinion
of family income, age, and participation in religious activities. Respondents
were asked for their sex. The possible responses were 1 (male) and 2
(female). The variable was recoded into a dummy variable “being male,”
where 1 was male and 0 was female. Respondents were asked, “What race
do you consider yourself?” The possible responses were 1 (White), 2 (Black),
and 3 (other). The variable was recoded into a dummy variable “being
White,” where 1 is White, 0 is Black, and 0 is other. Respondents were
asked, “Compared with American families in general, would you say your
family income is far below average, below average, average, above average,
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or far above average?” The possible responses were 1 (far below average),
2 (below average), 3 (average), 4 (above average), and 5 (far above average). Respondents were asked for their age. The possible responses were
18 through 89 or older. For the crosstabs, response categories were recoded
to collapse 18 to 25 years to 1, 26 to 35 years to 2, 36 to 45 years to 3, 46 to
55 years to 4, and 56 years and older to 5. Respondents were asked “Do you
take part in any of the activities or organizations of your church (synagogue)
other than attending service?” The responses were 1 (yes) and 2 (no).
The dependent variable used was opinion of support for divorce in
a troubled marriage involving children. Respondents were asked, “When
a marriage is troubled and unhappy, do you think it is generally better
for children if the couple stays together or gets divorced?” The possible
responses were 1 (much better to divorce), 2 (better to divorce), 3 (worse to
divorce), and 4 (much worse to divorce).
RESULTS
The univariate analysis on sex reports that 44% of respondents are male and
56% are female (see Table 1). Thus, a majority of respondents are female.
The univariate analysis on race reports 82% are White, 13.8% are Black,
and 4% are other (see Table 2). Thus, a majority of respondents are White.
The univariate analysis on opinion of family income reports 5% of respondents believe their income is far below average, 24% believe their income
is below average, 51% believe their income is average, 19% believe their
income is above average, and 2% believe their income is far above average
(see Table 3). Thus, half of respondents believe their income is average.
The univariate analysis on age reports a mean of 45.4 years and a standard
deviation of 17.4 years. The univariate analysis on participation in church
activities reports 46% of respondents participate in church activities and 54%
do not participate in church activities (see Table 4). Thus, a majority of
respondents do not participate in church activities. These variables were
analyzed to measure their respective impact on the opinion of support for
TABLE 1 Frequency Table for Respondents’ Sex
Distribution
1: Male
2: Female
Total
44.0%
(22,439)
56.0%
(28,581)
100%
(51,020)
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S. Meltzer
TABLE 2 Frequency Table for Race of Respondents
Distribution
1: White
2: Black
3: Other
Total
81.9%
(41,764)
13.8%
(7,033)
4.4%
(2,223)
100%
(51,020)
TABLE 3 Frequency Table for Opinion of Family Income
Distribution
1: Far below average
2: Below average
3: Average
4: Above average
5: Far above average
Total
5.3%
(2,438)
23.6%
(10,909)
50.6%
(23,363)
18.5%
(8,536)
1.9%
(898)
100%
(46,144)
TABLE 4 Frequency Table for Participation in Church
Activities
Distribution
1: Yes
2: No
Total
45.9%
(408)
54.1%
(480)
100%
(888)
divorce involving children. The univariate analysis on the opinion of support for divorce involving children in a bad marriage indicates that 22% of
respondents believe it is much better to divorce when a marriage is troubled
and unhappy, 50% believe it is better to divorce, 18% believe it is worse to
divorce, and 10% believe it is much worse to divorce (see Table 5). Thus,
half of respondents believe it is better for a troubled marriage involving
children to result in a divorce.
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TABLE 5 Frequency Table for Children Better If Bad Marriage
Ended by Divorce
Distribution
0: Much better to divorce
22.2%
(238)
50%
(536)
18.1%
(194)
9.8%
(105)
100%
(1,073)
1: Better to divorce
2: Worse to divorce
3: Much worse to divorce
Total
TABLE 6 Cross-Tabulation of Respondents’ Sex and Children Better If Bad
Marriage Ended by Divorce
Sex
1: Male
2: Female
Total
0: Much better
to divorce
1: Better to
divorce
2: Worse to
divorce
18.0%
(84)
25.4%
(154)
22.2%
(238)
44.0%
(205)
54.5%
(331)
50.0%
(536)
26.0%
(121)
12.0%
(73)
18.1%
(194)
4: Much worse
to divorce
Total
12.0%
(56)
8.1%
(49)
9.8%
(105)
100%
100%
100%
(1,073)
The first bivariate analysis on support for divorce involving children
in a bad marriage and sex indicates 18% of male respondents and 25% of
female respondents believe it is much better to divorce if a troubled marriage
involves children. Forty-four percent of male respondents and 55% of female
respondents believe it is better to divorce if a troubled marriage involves
children. Twenty-six percent of male respondents and 12% of female respondents believe it is worse to divorce if a troubled marriage involves children.
Twelve percent of male respondents and 8% of female respondents believe
it is much worse to divorce if a troubled marriage involves children (see
Table 6). Thus, female respondents tend to believe, more so than male
respondents, that it is better for a bad marriage involving children to end
by divorce or support the idea of a divorce for a bad marriage. The Gamma
for respondents’ sex and support for divorce involving children is 0.276,
which indicates a moderately strong association. The chi-square for the two
variables is 44.796 with a p value of .00, which indicates the moderately
strong association is statistically significant and not likely due to chance.
These results suggest that sex is a good predictor of attitudes toward divorce
involving children and does not support my hypothesis.
The second bivariate analysis on support for divorce involving children
in a bad marriage and respondents’ participation in church activities indicates
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S. Meltzer
17% of respondents who participate in church activities and 22% who do
not participate in church activities believe it is much better to divorce if a
marriage is troubled and involves children. Forty-eight percent of respondents who participate in church activities and 51% who do not participate in
church activities believe it is better to divorce if a marriage is troubled and
involves children. Twenty-five percent of respondents who participate in
church activities and 17% who do not participate in church activities believe
it is worse to divorce if a marriage is troubled and involves children. Eleven
percent of respondents who participate in church activities and 9% who do
not participate in church activities believe it is much worse to divorce if a
marriage is troubled and involves children (see Table 7). Thus, respondents
who do not participate in church activities tend to believe more so than
respondents who do participate in church activities that it is better for a
bad marriage involving children to end by divorce or support the idea of a
divorce for a bad marriage. The Gamma for participation in church activities
and support for divorce involving children is, 0.162, which indicates a moderately strong association. The chi-square for the two variables is 7.539 with
a p value of .057, which indicates the moderately strong association is technically not statistically significant and likely due to chance but within 0.007
from being statistically significant. This could be due to a small sample size
(N = 634). These results suggest that participation in church activities is not
a good predictor of attitudes toward divorce involving children, although
this will be tested again in the multiple regression analysis.
The regression model analyzed the overall impact of gender, age, race,
socioeconomic status, and participation in church activities on support for
divorce in a bad marriage involving children (see Table 8). The coefficient
for gender is 0.407, which indicates that the effect of being male on attitudes toward divorce is a 0.407 decrease in support for divorce (because
divorce is reverse coded), controlling for the other variables in the model.
This coefficient had a p value of .00, which indicates the effect of being
male on support for divorce involving children is statistically significant. The
coefficient for age is 0.006, which indicates that as age increases by one
unit, support for divorce involving children increases by 0.006, controlling
for the other variables in the model. This coefficient had a p value of .001,
TABLE 7 Cross-Tabulation of Participation in Church Activities and Children Better
If Bad Marriage Ended by Divorce
Church
Attendance
1: Yes
2: No
Total
0: Much better 1: Better to
to divorce
divorce
16.5%
(49)
22.3%
(75)
19.6%
(124)
48.1%
(143)
51.3%
(173)
49.8%
(316)
2: Worse to 4: Much worse
divorce
to divorce
24.6%
(73)
17.2%
(58)
20.7%
(131)
10.8%
(32)
9.2%
(31)
9.9%
(63)
Total
100%
100%
100%
(634)
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TABLE 8 Regression Coefficients Estimating the Effect
of Gender, Race, Opinion of Family Income, Age, and
Participation in Religious Activities on Attitudes Toward Kids
Better If Bad Marriage Ended by Divorce
Independent variables
Model 1 b
Gender (1 = male)
Age
Participation in church activities
Race (1 = White)
Opinion of family income
Intercept/constant
F
R2
0.407∗∗
0.006∗∗
−0.188∗
−0.053
0.005
2.001
16.204∗∗
0.072
Note. Data from General Social Survey 1972–2006.
∗
p < .01. ∗∗ p < .001.
which indicates the effect of age on support for divorce involving children
is statistically significant. The coefficient for participation in church activities
is −0.188, which indicates that participation in church activities decreases
support for divorce involving children by 0.188, controlling for the other
variables in the model. This coefficient had a p value of .005, which indicates that participation in church activities has a statistically significant effect
on support for divorce involving children. The coefficient for race is −0.053,
which indicates that the effect of being White on attitudes toward divorce is
a 0.053 decrease in support for divorce, controlling for the other variables in
the model. This coefficient had a p value of .984, which indicates the effect
of being White on support for divorce involving children is not statistically
significant. The coefficient for socioeconomic status, as measured by opinion
of family income, is 0.005, which indicates that as opinion of family income
increases by one unit, support for divorce involving children increases by
0.005, controlling for the other variables in the model. This coefficient had a
p value of .977, which indicates the effect of socioeconomic status on support for divorce involving children is not statistically significant. Thus, only
gender, age, and participation in religious activities are good predictors of
attitudes toward divorce involving children.
The F value of 16.204 with a p value of .00 indicates that the model
with only gender, age, and participation in church activities is significant in
predicting attitudes toward divorce involving children. The R 2 value is 0.072,
which suggests that 7.2% of the variance in opinion of support for divorce
involving children is explained by gender, age, socioeconomic status, race,
and participation in church activities.
DISCUSSION
The bivariate and multiple regression analyses do not support my hypothesis that men will be more supportive of divorce involving children then
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S. Meltzer
women. The multiple regression analysis indicates being male decreases
the support for divorce involving children. The bivariate analysis indicates
women are more supportive of divorce involving children than men. This
attitude toward divorce could be explained by the increased social and economic status of women from the women’s rights movement. The financial
independence women have gained has allowed them to no longer be tied
to the income of men. In addition, no-fault divorce is a reflection of the
increased social status of wives. No-fault divorce allows a wife to initiate
a divorce decree for irreconcilable differences without the approval of her
husband. The increase in social and economic status of women has also
changed the family structure.
The greatest social change to family structure has been the entry of
women into the workplace (Kimmel, 2000). Hochschild (2003) said some
families are stalled with women now working outside the home as both
an economic necessity and for their own ambition and life goals. Working
mothers report higher levels of self-esteem and less depression than housewives, but also report lower levels of marital satisfaction than housewives
(Kimmel). Durkheim’s theory of functionalism provides a theoretical framework to suggest why the women in this study report more support of divorce
involving children than men. Men’s participation in responsibilities of the
home and childrearing has been “surprisingly resistant to change” (Kimmel,
p. 147). Just as the source of order in society has shifted from a collective
consciousness (i.e., system of shared values and beliefs) to a division of
labor (i.e., specialization of work), the modern home, too, has shifted to a
division of labor. The modern home has been divided into zones. Research
suggests that men are responsible for the outside and women are responsible for the inside, including childrearing (Kimmel). Durkheim would argue
the shift from the collective consciousness to the division of labor in families
is still in transition (or stalled as Hochschild would argue). The division of
labor in families is not balanced and is also gendered, leaving women doing
the bulk of the “second shift” (Hochschild). The division within the household has put a strain on marriage. Specifically, women must balance the
“second shift” in addition to the responsibilities of their career (Hochschild).
Just as fathers and husbands, mothers and wives want to pursue successful
careers but they get the bulk of the “second shift” of caring for the home
and children. Equal responsibility in the household and childrearing responsibilities would strengthen marriages. Gender equality in the family would
not require “men to become more like women” (Kimmel, p. 173). If women
can enter the workplace without becoming “masculinized,” it is possible
for men to participate in the responsibilities of the home and childrearing without becoming “feminized” (Kimmel). Family life needs to return,
as Durkheim would argue, to a collective consciousness between career
and family. Some researchers believe the increase in women’s status in the
workplace will cause a shift by men in their contribution to responsibilities
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159
of the home and children (Kimmel). For example, “as wives are employed
longer hours, identify more with their jobs, and provide a larger share of
family income, men will do increasing amounts of housework” (Kimmel, p.
174). The findings indicate women are more supportive of divorce involving
children than men.
Women’s greater support for divorce involving children than men is
interesting because women tend to endure a more traumatic experience
from divorce. Divorced couples are “likely to suffer at least some amount
of personal disorganization, anxiety, unhappiness, loneliness, and low work
efficiency” (Albrecht, 1980, p. 61). However, men and women experience
divorce differently, particularly in the areas of stress, property settlements,
social participation, and income (Albrecht). Divorce is “perceived more traumatic by women than by men” (Albrecht, p. 62). Before a divorce, the
majority of a woman’s social life involves couple-oriented activities and after
a divorce a woman becomes the “extra person,” which is usually uncomfortable (Albrecht). As a result, the family becomes a more important source of
social support following the divorce. Women lose extensive financial support
after a divorce because “pre-divorce reports are usually based on the husband’s or combined husband-wife’s income” (Albrecht, p. 65). Women have
become financially independent, but their unequal pay in the workforce
continues to hurt their postdivorce recovery as they establish their own lives.
The findings reported here, however, do support my hypothesis that
those who participate in religious activities will be less supportive of divorce
involving children than those who do not participate in religious activities.
Religion is an important part of research on divorce because the types of
social network relationships found in religious communities promote a more
positive adjustment to divorce (Krumrei et al., 2007). My findings build on
the research of Meltzer (2009), who found that as respondents’ frequency
of religious service attendance increased, support for divorce involving children decreased. Based on the findings that participation in church activities
decreased support for divorce involving children and Meltzer’s findings that
frequency of religious service attendance decreased support for divorce, the
religious community’s attitudes toward divorce appear to be reflecting the
reality of the effects of divorce. The religious community is beginning to
understand the extent to which a young adult’s belief in God and religious
teachings and his or her affiliation with religious institutions are affected by
parents’ divorce (Marquardt, 2005). The religious community, though, needs
to increase their offerings of support for children in a divorce. The General
Social Survey question only asked whether or not respondents participated
in church activities. The influence of participation in church activities on
attitudes toward divorce would be supported better if the question asked
about frequency of participation in church activities. Because frequency of
religious service attendance and participation in religious activities are good
predictors of attitudes toward divorce involving children, religion should
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continue to be an important aspect of research on the effects of divorce.
Religiosity provides a social network to promote positive readjustment to
divorce and serves as an indicator of attitudes toward divorce.
The regression model indicates gender and age are good predictors of
attitudes toward divorce involving children, and might serve as helpful criteria for research-based divorce education programs. Race and socioeconomic
status, on the other hand, are not good predictors of attitudes toward divorce
involving children and might not serve as helpful criteria for research-based
divorce programs. In addition, the low R 2 (7.2%) indicates that other factors not included in the model could help explain attitudes toward divorce
involving children.
CONCLUSION
I expected men would be more supportive of divorce involving children
than women and those who participated in religious activities would be
less supportive of divorce involving children than those who do not participate in religious activities. In the bivariate and multiple regression analyses,
men were found to have less support for divorce involving children than
women. Those who participated in religious activities were less supportive
of divorce involving children than those who did not participate in religious
activities. Therapists, researchers, clergy, and policymakers have reached
two general censuses regarding divorce. First, divorces increase the likelihood of negative medical, legal, financial, social, physical, and mental health
consequences for both parents and children (Birch, Weed, & Olsen, 2004).
Second, communities have lower crime and poverty rates when there are
more intact families than divorced families (Birch et al., 2004). Community
marriage policy, mandatory researched-based divorce education programs,
and mediation are three possible methods to start addressing our divorce
culture.
The negative consequences of divorce have created a connection
between family structure and social policy in the United States (Birch
et al., 2004). Evidence of this movement is “seen in the increase in the
number of private, political, and legal movements to strengthen marriage
at a community level” (Birch et al., p. 495). The religious community has
made our divorce culture one of their top social issues to address through
community action. Because a majority of marriages occur in religious
settings, religious leaders believe they can do more to “strengthen marriage
in their congregations through better preparation and marriage education in
their communities” (Birch et al., p. 496). A community marriage policy is a
research-based method to lower the divorce rate among congregations and
local communities (Birch et al.). A nationwide study conducted by Birch
et al. on the divorce rate between counties with a community marriage
Our Divorce Culture
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policy and those without found a decline in the divorce rate in counties
with a community marriage policy. Divorce rates decreased by over 2%
more per year in community marriage policy counties than in comparison
counties. The main implication of this study is that “efforts to change the
culture of marriage and divorce at the community level have potential”
(Birch et al., p. 502).
Comparative studies of children from divorced and intact families
demonstrate that children of divorced families have more short- and longterm psychological and social issues than children from intact families
(Marquardt, 2005; Wallerstein et al., 2000). Research-based divorce education programs designed to help children with adjustment during and after
divorce have demonstrated positive behavioral and psychological results in
both parents and children (Kelly & Emery, 2003). Mandatory attendance at a
research-based divorce education program would not only provide positive
support for children and parents during a divorce, but also contribute to the
diminishment of negative effects of divorce on children.
Mediation has “created major alterations in judicial practice and continues to be at the forefront of change in family law” (Emery, 1995, p. 378).
More couples seeking divorce are turning to mediation because a court
hearing or out-of-court negotiation by attorneys can create significant conflict over custody of children and damage negotiations between the parents
(Emery). Mediation is based on a structure of cooperative negotiation and
therefore can establish a “pattern of polite, structured, and emotionallydistant communication” (Emery, p. 379). Therefore, mediation provides a
divorcing couple an environment conducive to conversation at a crucial
time when communication typically breaks down. As the key to children’s
postdivorce psychological adjustment, mediation allows for “more positive family relationships after divorce, including more equitable financial
arrangements” (Emery, p. 378). Research continues to show that cooperative dispute resolution procedures, such as mediation, in comparison to
competitive methods of negotiation, such as a court hearing, lead to the
best outcome for both parties (Emery). The point at which a couple seeks
mediation indicates dissolution of another marriage, but mediation is an
effective method for a positive readjustment to divorce for the children and
parents.
Our current divorce law is not considering the effects of divorce on
children. Although community marriage policy, mandatory research-based
divorce education programs in each state, and mediation are strong steps
toward addressing our divorce culture, our society in general is not getting
honest about divorce (Marquardt, 2005). Since the enactment of no-fault
divorce, our culture is still turning a blind eye to the negative effects of
divorce on children. Once our society gains control of the divorce culture
by providing appropriate services, then we can address the deeper social
issues such as the imbalance between the demands of the workplace and the
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needs of family life. Law follows social change and adapts to it (Friedman,
1984). Although our current divorce laws are a reflection of our evolving
social values toward marriage and divorce, a time comes at which we must
evaluate our laws and social values in the interest of families and children.
That time is now.
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