Self-globalisation -- a new concept in the push-and-pull theory: a study on Chinese self-funded master students Zilin Wang Department of Education and International Development Institute of Education, University of London For Education and Citizenship 2010 conference Topic 2: Sustainability, Development and Global Citizenship Note: This paper is a revised version of the author’s 2010 MA dissertation at IOE. [Word Count: 6,327] Summary of paper: Non-economic motivation of self-funded overseas study discussed in this paper, namely the self awareness of globalization, shows great influence over people’s decision making. This research attempts to draw attention on global awareness in domestic citizenship education by identifying the implications of self-funded study abroad for changes in people’s view of the world, identity and attitudes towards diversity. Therefore bring up the necessity of expending the citizenship education to a globalised level. Part One: Introduction In the modern era of globalisation a worldwide phenomenon has developed in the education realm: “Students migration”. Over the past three decades the number of students engaging in tertiary education abroad has taken a dramatic rise from 0.8 (1975) to 3.0 million (2007) worldwide(OECD, 2009). These students have enrolled in universities and colleges outside their countries of citizenship, and represented a 3.3% increase in 2007 in comparison to 2006, in relation to the total intake of foreign students reported to the OECD and UNESCO Institute for statistics (OECD, 2009). Reform and relaxation of regulations on foreign visa acquisition in 1978 ended China’s prolonged period of seclusion since its establishment. Overseas studying was quick to become popular and rapidly expanded, enabling Chinese scholars to explore the world while displaying the country’s new image. Economical, political, social and cultural exchanges during this period aided bilateral understanding between China and the world, whilst increased cooperation was facilitated by increased flow of human resources. From 1978 to 2003, a total of 700,200 Chinese students studied in 108 countries and regions covering virtually all discipline(Ministry of Education, 2010). Overseas studying at such quantity and scale was unprecedented in Chinese history. Chinese overseas students can be classified into three groups: state-funded, organisation-sponsored and self-supported. During the early period, individuals studying overseas were primarily sponsored by the state and organisation due to political restrictions. This soon changed with political reform. Under premier Deng’s in 1992, new regulations advocated self-funded students to study abroad, encouraged overseas students to return to the country, and secured freedom for students’ travelling in and out of Chinese border for the first time. The change in policy saw a surge in the number of self-funded overseas students that rapidly formed a major part of the overseas student population internationally. The highest increases in number were recorded in the years 2000 – 2002, with a rise of 65%, 118% and 47% respectively in comparison to the previous years. 125 thousand students studied overseas in 2002(Yang, 2004). In 2003, the total number of individuals leaving the country to study abroad was 117,300, amongst whom 3,002 people were state-funded, 5,144 employer-funded and 109,200 self-funded (93%). By this stage, self-supported Chinese overseas students have become the dominating portion of China’s international education programme. Alongside the increase in the number of international students participating in higher education in foreign countries, an increasing amount of research has been conducted focusing on the motivation of cross-border education. The Push-And-Pull theory has been adopted in studying the mobility of students for decades. It serves as the means through which favorable and unfavorable conditions are captured encouraging or discouraging the decisions of studying abroad. Another popular tool is the Human Capital Theory (HCT), which is widely employed to explain the investigation of self-funded student population in overseas qualification. Therefore, the author is interested in focusing on these highly mobilised Chinese UK Master’s graduates to investigate whether economic returns act as the primary motivating factor to studying abroad as is widely believed. In answering this question, the current study recruited 67 UK Master’s (Chinese bachelor) graduates, with 22 Chinese university graduates (Chinese Master’s / Bachelors) as controls. The wage premium of Master’s degrees is calculated based on the Mincerian wage function. Via analysing cost-benefit outcomes between the UK Master’s and Chinese groups, the importance in economic advantages is presented. Qualitative analysis of the information provided by participants offers a new perspective in understanding the motivations behind self-funded overseas study, and its interaction with pure economic returns. In order to answer the questions mentioned and fill in gaps in the current literature, the present study has focused on two aspects: First: What is the economic return of UK Master’s degrees to Chinese overseas students? Is monetary return the primary motivation? And Second: Which pulling factors are significant for Chinese overseas students? By seeking to answer the above questions, the study attempts to reveal the extent to which the economic benefit of obtaining a UK Masters contributes as a pulling factor for Chinese overseas students, and aims to identify the significance of self motivated globalization in the 21st century. Part Two: Methodology The thesis’s empirical elements are in the form of longitudinal data of Chinese oversees students’ distribution over the past two decades, as well as quantitative data analysis collected from Chinese self-funded UK Master graduates. 2.1 Sampling strategies The sample profile for the experimental group is Chinese UK Master’s graduates who finished their bachelor study and foundation education in Mainland China. There is no limitation in majors, schools, industries or working location, but the sample must consist of working employees. The reasons are that firstly by restricting the sample to students that have previous education in China with only single overseas learning experience in UK, the influence of previous education quality on present earring will be reduced. Moreover, people who hold a PhD are also excluded for similar reasons. Secondly self-employed individuals are not included as their earnings do not always reflect the market value of their education. The link between the qualification obtained and its economic value is complex for the group of unemployed gradates. The sample profile for the controlled group is Chinese university graduates who are currently employed. In order to reduce the cross influence of previous education experience on the current income, the group consists of those who have no overseas learning experience and have never been to a foreign country. There is no restriction on their type or location of work. Given the limitation of sample size and the difficulty in tracing the experimental group and controlled group, the non-probability sampling is applied because it holds a less probable link between sample and population as compared to probability based sampling. A combined method of snowball sampling and self-selecting sampling is adopted under the non-probability sampling. While most sampling approaches adopt a “push” strategy(Newby, 2009b), the task of the researcher is to identify data sources; self-selecting samples have a “pull” strategy. With these samples, the research gives an opportunity for to take part. BBC conducted a survey in February, 2007 inviting teachers to visit the survey that was posted online and complete the survey. A web survey is convenient for the reason that completed surveys can be fed directly into a data base for analysis. However, the problems with this self-selecting sampling are distinct. The participants are hard to trace, not follow-up activities are difficult to implement and therefore the validity of the data has to be discounted. Moreover, those who take the initiative to take part in the online-research are usually the most interested and represent, therefore, only a subset of those who also fit the profile. The snowball sampling is used to gain access to hard-to-reach populations. In this research, the Chinese overseas graduates can choose whether stay or leave the host country. As a result, neither UK home office nor Chinese home office can make an exact record of the information in relation to their employment. Some universities do trace their alumnus but the information is scattered and hard to reach. Snowball sampling is based on a referral process in which one contact identifies other contacts. In this way the researcher can get access to the target population quickly without wasting time on unrelated groups. The problem with snowball sampling is that the representativeness of the group may be biased as people are more likely to make acquaintances that hold similar background to themselves. As a result, the participants selected using this method may share many similarities and cannot be generalized. However, this default of snowball sampling is covered, to some extent, by self-selecting sampling via internet. Potential sample groups on the internet are diverse and this enhances the variability of the sample. In order to locate the targeted group, the questionnaire is sent around several popular websites and BBS (Bulletin Board System) where UK overseas graduates and Chinese people commonly visit. Table 2.1 Websites and BBS that used to post online-questionnaire Name Address Description Popular to Hongkong/Taiwan Chinese Hello UK http://www.hellouk.org/ students in UK. Accessible to people in mainland China and Tai Sha BBS http://www.taisha.org/bbs is popular among students who are planning to go abroad. Commonly known among Chinese people http://bbs.powerapple.com/ Power Apple who are currently live abroad. Popular among Chinese overseas working http://www.6park.com Liu Yuan class A Chinese version of face book which Ren Ren http://club.renren.com/ assembles young university students and graduates. A social networking website (Currently http://www.facebook.com Facebook inaccessible in Mainland China) 2.2 Economic value of the degree A revised Mincerian earnings function method(Mincer and Polachek, 1978) was adopted in to gain the economic value of a UK Master’s degree to Chinese students. It requires no longitudinal data but cross section data on a sample of people with information based on the number of their year’s schooling, their wages, duration of work experience and their age. ln Wi= 𝛽Si+ φXi + σ(Xi⊙Si) + vi (1) Where: W= wage or earnings per period (monthly, yearly) St = number of years’ schooling, in this research it is whether people hold a UK-master’s degree (St=1 means the participant have a UK master’s degree, while 0 shows the reverse) E= number of years experience X= a set of other variables that determines wages and it is a vector of several variables. In this research it includes: age, gender, willpower level, family financial background, school ranking, major, English proficiency etc. In the equation, Wi is the hourly wage rate after tax; Si =(UKi, CHi) is a vector of a dummy variable identifying the person’s Master’s qualification obtained in UK or in China; and Xi is a vector of exogenous observed individual characteristics that affect their income. , φ, σ are coefficients which shows the extent to which variable would affect Wage (W). Values for these are estimated by multiple regression techniques using the data. The coefficient 𝛽 is the change in wages due to an increase in schooling by 1 year, measuring the wage premium to the UK Master’s degree conditional on Xi. In this research, it represents the wage change due to the UK master study in comparison to those who do not hold one, namely Chinese Master’s gradates. The σ reflects the heterogeneity in the return to qualifications according to personal background, education background, anticipation ect. 2.3. Limitations of the study The first default of the sample selection comes from the Mincer method assumption that only those currently employed are taken into consideration. Those who have received a certain level of education but unemployed are excluded. In this case, self-employed are also excluded. The research result would be more powerful if the result could be generalised to all employment. As in reality, education could be negative if graduates fail to position themselves in the labour market. Therefore, by including only employed graduates, the return to the UK Master’s degree could be weaker in reality. The second sample bias is that motivation itself is high related to one’s income. People with strong motivation would be more likely to push him-or-herself to take the UK education; similarly, these people are more likely to obtain a better-paying job, with or without a UK Master’s degree. This selection bias has been discussed in the CPB discussion paper on “Assessing the returns to studying abroad”(Oosterbeek and Webbink, 2006//May) The research tries to avoid the selection bias of the self section of students by focusing on a sample of students who applied for a government grant to study abroad. Thirdly, the disadvantages of the internet-based data collection include: a) Uncontrollable of the data source and difficult to identify the reliability of the data given b) May easily be misused due to the lose control of the access c) Difficulty in obtaining the cross-sectional data from the participants later on; Considering the defaults of the two sampling method used, the results should be treated with caution. Part Three: Research Findings All earnings are adjusted with PPP (purchasing power parity) to US dollars to enable comparisons between data collected from UK and China, using Penn world tables, (2006). Moreover, there are issues with regards to the representativeness of data concerning UK graduates, as websites users who responded to the questionnaire were primarily based in Britain. This creates a sample bias, as not all of Chinese overseas students were able to find jobs after completing their higher education in the UK. Figure 3.1 Working location and earnings profile 3% 22% $1627/month $2827/month 75% UK/EU/HK Mainland China Uncertain Figure 3.1 demonstrates earnings of monthly net pay according to geographical locations. Amongst the 72 surveyed UK Masters graduates, 22% returned to China, with an average monthly pay of $1,627. 3% had difficulties defining their working locations or had jobs with high mobility. This leaves 75% of the observed Masters graduates with employment in the UK (a small number of EU and Hongkong employees were also included in this category, given the similarities of the economic and political environment), receiving an average of $2,827 per month. Compared with the average income differentials, the UK employees enjoy a 73.7% higher net monthly income. Despite the fact that salaries differ across industries, this distinctive pay gap revealed is a potential incentive driving Chinese graduates to stay in UK. The relative better wages provides evidence of the favourable conditions of working in the host country, and this economic incentive may serve as one of the most influential factors that attract people to come to UK to study in the first place. This is in line with Maringe, Felix and Carter, Steve’s conclusion following research on the motivation of overseas students, which suggested higher income to be the strongest motivation for foreign graduates to pursue employment in their hosting country(Felix and Steve, 2007). Additionally, the finding suggests that a majority of participants are employed by the private sector, particularly working for multinational corporations (86%). This is more apparent amongst graduates returning to China, of whom 95.6% are employed in foreign companies. This is a result of the fact that UK graduates are more proficient in English, as well as being more aware of other culture backgrounds compared to their counterparts graduated in China, with little or no experience living in foreign environments and dealing with people of other cultures and nationalities. Compared to the Chinese master, the wage premium can be further divided into the table below. (See table 3.2). Table 3.2 Wage premium of groups with different education background Males Females Group Coeff. (S.E) Coeff. (S.E) UK_Master 0.2842 0.2573 0.2429 0.2646 CH_Master 0.1482 0.2790 0.2049 0.4188 In comparison to Chinese bachelor graduates who are not exposed to the experience of living or studying overseas, UK Master’s graduates earn 28% more than local Chinese bachelor students from investing in an extra year’s overseas studying. Male graduates receive 4% higher return than their counterparts. Moreover, compared to a Chinese Master degree, a UK Masters degree has many advantages. When taking the length of study into consideration, the UK Master degree becomes a more attracting choice as it saves time and is more cost-effective. The economic return obtained from studying overseas reflects the economic value of an UK Master’s degree to Chinese overseas students. This is far more than the average returns to education at each level(Altbach, 1998). It is important to note at this point that the income varies of individuals who have obtained a UK masters qualification varies depending on what they studied. However, this is not the solely explanation of the motivation. For the UK Master’s graduate group, when being asked what have the participants gain most, the answers various. Figure 3.3 The most valuable factor given for the UK Master’s experience Dependant thinking and living(8) Changed Values and broaden views(8) Degree and advantages in job market(6) Cultrual experience(14) The Most Valuable Academic facilities(1), envrionmen t(3), learnin g skills(2); Working related experience( 3) Nothing/ Don't know(6) Networking(4) The numbers in brackets indicates the number of people that have taken that particular point as their most valuable achievement obtained during their stay in UK as Master’s students. Other factors that have been mentioned are: Improvement in self-discipline (2 person); Enhanced self motivation (2 people); Better opportunity (1 Person); Better understanding of cooperation (2 people); and Finding belief in religions (1 person). The phrase that appeared most frequently was cultural experience indicating the significance of the influence cultural awareness had on students during their study and living experience in UK. As Chinese students who finished their undergraduate in China, they are more familiar to the oriental way of thinking and the values the government imposed on them. With a relatively complete value system and the views of the world, these students may experience a huge difference in UK. It is not surprising to know that the factor of culture experience is also one of the most attractive factors that attracts international students to their host country(Felix and Steve, 2007). From the perspective of the specific group of overseas Chinese students, the cognition and compassion of an unfamiliar society and culture, and the ability and willingness to participate in culture exchange serves as an influential factor that more or less determines their experience when they actually live with a foreign community. As a matter of fact, putting a country in the context of a global world offers a better insight into the understanding of a country’s current policy and status and it inspires more profound thought of being patriotic with justice and without biases. Therefore the impact of awareness of being a global citizen, as captured in this study, is one of the influential motivations of student migration. The research indicates that the cultural experience of studying overseas is more favoured and more widely recognised among Master’s graduates in comparison to the market value of the certificate. The research is not suggesting that the importance of monetary returns in relation to obtaining a certain qualification is declining, but it shows that it is no longer a dominant pulling. This can also be seen as the endogenous to earnings in the sense that the overseas cultural experience is attractive to high paying employers in China. The desire of self-globalization becomes a thriving driving force for Chinese students and scholars when they are faced with the opportunity of studying abroad. Therefore, the raising awareness of self-globalization can be added as one of the pulling factors in the student migrant study. The collected data from 68 validate samples provides the statistic support for wage premium date of this particular group. Although the sample size is not large enough to draw universal conclusions and some of the patterns are lack of generality, the data and some of conclusions are of importance to the study in relation to this group and builds on the foundation for further research that targets this population. With the growing population of these self-funded international students, more research on this specific type of students is expected to gain a better understanding of the motivational factors behind raising awareness of Chinese overseas students in relation to obtaining a UK higher education. Part Four: The Theory Analysis 4.1 The pull-and-push Theory The characteristics of particular groups of international students, including possessing high mobility, the necessity of adapting to foreign cultures and living in foreign nations contribute to the image of immigrants. Factors relating to home countries, including poor employability and inadequate education resources, also exist and motivate students to migrate to foreign countries. Considerable number of research has focused on the distributions of migrating groups and their motives behind migrating. From the neo-classical equilibrium perspective, the Pull-and-Push theory, other than its original role in marketing application, was introduced to the human behaviour study of immigration by Ravenstein (Ravenstein, 1889). As an English geographer, he used a census data of England and Wales and developed "Laws of Migration" and generated the conclusion that migration was governed by a "push-pull" process, where unfavourable conditions "push" people out of the current inhabit place, whilst favourable conditions in an external location "pull" them out simultaneously. Unfavourable conditions in one place are represented by oppressive laws, heavy taxation, etc. whilst other locations with advanced local economic development and better living conditions are big allures. This dynamic process explains the incidents where individuals opt for migration and leave their homelands. Further findings were made based on the observed migration pattern, indicating the population movements to be bilateral; and that individuals’ mobility is influenced by migration differentials (e.g., gender, social class, age). Many theorists have followed Ravenstein's paths to further expand his conclusions. Amongst the dominant theories in contemporary scholarship, Sjaastad (Sjaastad, 1962) and Todaro (Todaro, 1969), based on the perspective of neoclassical economic theory, suggested that international migration is related to the global supply and demand for labour. Based on their observation, the demand for a labour force worldwide was one of the driving forces for migration, pulling people out of their usual habitats by the prospects conveyed. This influential “Harris-Todaro model” has remained the basis of neo-classical migration theory and was originally applied to explain the rural-urban immigration. The driving forces, i.e. attraction from better job opportunity, are nevertheless seen at the international level too. Later, the Harris-Todaro model was refined by Bauer and Zimmermann (Zimmermann and Bauer, 2000). In their more realistic model, the costs and risks associated with migration were taken into consideration, especially at the international level. This explains why it is generally not the poorest people who migrate and why social networks are so crucial in lowering the material and psychological thresholds to migration (de Haas, 2007). Everett Lee (Lee, 1966) emphasised on the pushing (or internal) factors through the reformulations of Ravenstein’s theory. In addition to the dissatisfaction of working and living conditions, factors including a harsh environment, political fear and persecution, lack of personal and property safety, poor medical care, lack of political or religious freedom, discrimination and even the reduced opportunity for marriage, all contribute driving individuals away from home. Lee also stated that migration is relates to the characteristics of migrants; people respond differently to the “pull” and “push” factors before and after reaching their destinations and have different abilities to cope with intervening variables (Reniers, 1999). Since then, the Pull-and-Push theory has been widely used in the study of migrating populations, shedding light on the reasons behind the phenomenon of immigrations and emigrations. In relation to more specific phenomena of overseas study, Altbach (Altbach, 1998) uses the Push–And-Pull theory to explain the reasons behind such behaviour. The push (unfavourable) factors in home countries and pull (favourable) factors in host countries act as the two forces that affect the decision making on learning abroad. In the recent research, Mazzarol and Soutar (Mazzarol, Soutar and Seng, 2003) further reached the conclusion that there are four main pull factors that attract people to study abroad: the market value of the degree offered by the foreign school; better education opportunities; the desire of experiencing a foreign culture and finally the student's intention to migrate after graduation(Liu, 2001). In terms of pulling factors from host country, student mobility between countries increases when the domestic supply of education cannot meet the domestic demand satisfactorily in terms of quantity and/or quality(Fan-sing, Bin and Yue-ping, 2009). Factors such as a better education environment, advanced teaching facilities and ideas and a more pleasant education experience (compared to Chinese rigid rooted learning style) are among the factors most considered by mainland Chinese students (Huang, 2007; Li and Bray, 2007). However, the pull and push contest has never been a one-direction movement. Li and Bray brought up the question that there might also exists some reverse push (positive) factors in the home country and reverse pull (negative) factors in the host country. Unfavourable factors of the home countries include high tuition fees and costly living expenses, discrimination due to political and religious reasons and unfriendly migration regulations. The graph below summarises the common pulling and pushing factors based on contemporary research and theory studies. The graph also includes the reversed model and self motivation in the centre. Figure 4.1 the pull and push factors for international student migration Host County 1.Financial support 2.Advanced education 3.Prospersous job prospect 4.Better social/ political/economic environment 5.High value of obtained degree Pull Factors (Favourable Conditions) 1.Low education quality 2.Inadqute education opportunity 3.Inactive domestic market 4.Disatisctory in social/political/economic environment Push Factors (Unfavourabl e Conditions) SelfMotivation 1.Fewer position for overseas student 2.Increasing fees & costs 3.Restricitve policies on foreign students/ tight immigration policies 4.Uncertaniteis in visa approvals 5.Discrimination 1. Family connections and social existing network 2.Internationalzaiton of domestic institutions 3.Familiar culture and living environment 4.Enlarging local labour market Home County Figure 4.1 summarizes the pulling and pushing factors between host and home countries. The upper two quadrants represent the conditions that “pull” individuals to attend overseas education, as opposed to the lower quadrants representing factors from the home country. From another perspective, the left two quadrants indicate the favourable conditions attracting people from host and home country respectively while the right two list the unfavourable ones that push people out. Amongst the pulling factors in the host country, the factor of obtaining a prosperous job in a better economic environment and a valuable degree qualification are clustered together, to consider their interaction in terms of economic returns against the backdrop of the labour market. Normally the higher value the degree is, the better the payment one would get from their jobs (Mincer and Polachek, 1974). Researchers have shown that the economic benefit and market value which is attached to a degree are the most decisive factors that encourage students to choose where to go for their higher education(Paulsen and John, 1997) . Thune also observed the fact that the value of the degree and whether it is worth the cost are the questions that Chinese people seek answers for before they made the decision into overseas education (Thunø, 2001). In the centre of the graph, it can be seen that self-motivation drives mobilisation between nations and regions. In previous studies, researchers found that the self-motivation and self-interest casted a positive influence in the migration process and recruited students with these traits from the host countries(Chirkov et al, 2007) In the current research, the impact of self-motivation is given great attention and is believed to be one of the most important driven forces, potentially more significant than the economic factor in leading Chinese students towards UK. The present Pull-And-Push theory is based on regional migrating studies which is more than a century old. It used to be employed as a tool of understanding individuals’ mobility between states and regions within a country. Later it evolved into an international tool with which the population’s migration between nations has been studied. It is not sufficient to simply “transplant” the theory from a national level to an international level, despite them sharing certain similarities. Under the current globalization era, people in different regions with different cultures share the same identity of a global citizen. Under these conditions, people are more willing to travel to foreign countries to study or live, as there is less culture shock and less incompatibility between their old and new home. Moreover, people are curious about other cultures in foreign lands and are therefore willing to interact with other people from different cultures. This offers a feasible new explanation for the pulling factors in the push-and-pull theory, which belongs neither to the home country nor host country. It helps to broaden the existing perceptions of students’ migration. As in the specific case of Chinese overseas students, the awareness of globalization is growing stronger but yet been captured by literature. In the previous research on the Chinese overseas students, the awareness of “globalized world “and “view of the world” is normally been regarded as the outcome of the experience of living and studying abroad (Wang, 2009) and is rarely treated as the motivation of going abroad and having higher education. This research extends the concept of globalization to an individual level, where individuals employ their initiative to participate in international communications. Based on increasing linkage observed between nations and its impact on individual’s and the society as a whole, it comes to the point that citizenship education should not be restricted to a national scope, in which case the sensorial and settings are limited to domestic issues. This intension of self-driven globalisation is cultivated from domestic consensus and in turn, as in the form of practicing and corroborating the image of a foreign place, it affects individuals’ perception of the outer world other than their habitats. The previous understanding of the foreign society will greatly influence the way of responding to and interacting with the host country. And vice versa, the experience from the participators will become one of the sources of understanding between Chinese and people elsewhere. Therefore, an unbiased and healthy public opinion on overseas issues will bring mutual benefits to both Chinese society and the foreign society, despite the differences in political ideology, economic system, or culture awareness. 4.2 The Human Capital Theory Human capital is viewed as the market value of individuals’ abilities and skills acquired at cost. It also indicates the potential productivity of workers (Hartog, 2000). In its narrowed definition, it refers to the skills stock embodied in an individual that influences his ability to perform labour and produce economic values. From the perspective of HCT, moving to a foreign country either for work or education is an investment decision made to increase one’s employment perspectives, and to reap the return of overseas education. A trained labours force is viewed as an investment in the national human capital stock (Blundell et al, 1999). In addition, obtaining an overseas higher education, especially in desirable countries and regions, is considered a conduit for migration. This is due to the tendency for graduates to stay and work in host countries upon completing their courses. According to HCT, on the microscopic level, human behaviours are based on economic self-interest in freely competitive markets. This is classically represented by migration, where the decision to stay in the host country should not made if the benefits fail to outweigh cost and investments. As Gary S. Becker (Caire, 1967) and Jacob Mincer (Mincer, 1958) suggested, after equalising other factors, personal incomes are adjusted according to the amount of investment in human capital. In other words, education is adopted as a primary criterion when applicants are assessed by their employers, since qualifications reflect the mark of knowledge, abilities, or sets of valued traits acquired through schooling and training (Kroch and Sjoblom, 1994; Spence, 1973). Greider, P, et,al (Paul, Denise-Neinhaus and Statham, 1991) also suggested that skilled, highly qualified candidates put themselves in an advantaged position when entering the labour market, and subsequently experience a lower cost of displacement (Swaim and Podgursky, 1989). Indeed, Chinese students with the goal of studying abroad are well aware of the fact that through education, especially the acquisition of a desirable overseas qualification, they may obtain knowledge and skills that may widen their career options as well improving future pay. The high return to tertiary education has led to the rapid development of credit markets for higher education in certain developing countries in the past decade, represented by India and China. There is evidence from the demand side for skill-based technological changes in both developed and developing countries during the 1980s and 1990s (Berman, Bound and Machin, 1998) that obtaining a degree in higher education desirable in the labour market. The career prospect is a 3 percent higher salary for working graduates in Norway holding a foreign degree in comparison to students holding a domestic degree (Wiers-Jenssen and Try, 2005). Therefore, being regarded as the most common and practical way of creating and cultivating human capital, the level of education, or the overall education background has become a strong indicator of an individual’s personal ability and has been favoured by employers’ screening process. HCT encourages investment in education by identifying the benefits gained from education and training, as well as by recognising the productivity from workers’ knowledge and experiences (Becker, 1975; Mincer, 1958; Schultz, 1960; Schultz, 1961). The decision of obtaining a UK Master’s degree is a valuable investment in an individual’s accumulation of human capital in terms of benefits derived from t degree and the potential for better future income. Alongside potential migration, overseas students become part of the educated workforce of the host country, and consequently enhance the human capital stock at the international level. 4.3 Globalization and self-Globalization The World-systems Theory (Sassen, 1988). On the other hand, argues that international migration is a by-product of global capitalism. A new concept of global citizen was refers to individuals that are capable of working in multiple cultural environments, and view the world as a community that shares mutual resources and development results. Broader experience is becoming an increasingly common motive for studying abroad. Thompson et al. (Thompson, 2000) connected increased cultural awareness to the experience of overseas studying. King and Ruiz-Gelices viewed international students’ mobility as being motivated less by traditional economic factors and more by a mixture of educational, leisure, travel, and/or experiential benefits (King, 2002; King and Ruiz-Gelices, 2003). It is acknowledged that accelerated growth in internationalisation of tertiary education mirrors the advancements in the globalisation of economics and societies (Blundell et al, 1999). With additional disposable money, students are able to freely share the global education resources. The reduced economical differences between advanced and less developed countries make studying abroad more feasible for individuals of the developing world. China is a good example of country where an economical boom led to a wealthier population capable of affording their studies abroad. Liberated from political restrictions and obligations, Chinese self-funded students are now able to make decisions concerning destinations and fields of study. Students can make decisions about pursuing paths in overseas studying, staying in their host country post-graduation, or simply travelling around the world to experience foreign cultures. Such behaviour was regarded as Individual Internationalization by Philip G. Altbach and Jane Knight (Altbach and Knight, 2007). Angela W. Little also suggested that human motivation should not be taken for granted when education investments are made, and questions relating to the motivations of students and learning are central to the concept of human capital (Little, 2003). In the context of choices for globalised learning, individual motivation urges people to invest time and wealth in the international education market; it is the end-product of sharing global education resources, and serves as a driving force for accelerated globalisation. A new concept of global citizen is brought up in this research to refer to people that are capable of working in multicultural environments. Such individuals view people all around the world as a big interest community that share resources as well as the results of development. From the perspective of the specific group of overseas Chinese students, the cognition and compassion of an unfamiliar society and culture, and the ability and willingness of participation in the culture exchange serves as an influential factor that more or less determines their experience when they actually live with a foreign community. As a matter of fact, putting a country in the context of a global world offers a better insight into the understanding of a country’s current policy and status and it inspires more profound thought of being patriotic with justice and without biases. Therefore the impact of awareness of being a global citizen, as captured in this study, is suggested to be further extended to a level of the whole population, making global citizen a chapter of the domestic citizenship education. Apart from the necessity and significance of involving sections of international relationships into citizenship education, the extension of national identity is also essential to meet the changing globalised society. By emphasising on the self-identified culture complex, the consistency in the sense and image of being Chinese shall be cultivated from the citizenship education, regardless where people live later on in life. Given the increasing number of graduates choosing to work at their host countries after graduation, the inevitable phenomena of “brain drain” has been the challenges the mobile knowledge economy must face. Especially for developing countries like China, who is confronted with the fact that high-end talents being ripped off by developed courtiers in many ways. The migration of students, especially at the tertiary level, can case potential talents loss. However, the term “brain flow” is used and advocated in the study, to reflect the advantageous nature of the bi-directional flow of human capital to and from a country when dealing with the topic of talent mobility. During this flow process, the awareness of globalisation is an increasing decisive factor. In conclusion the research helps to fill the gap in the current literature in relation to the pull and push theory that applies to the population immigration study. In particular it applies to the current world system where the economic development gap between countries and regions are diminishing thereby making the self-driven globalization a new factor that contributes to the migration of population worldwide and also replacing the former dominating factor of economic prosperity for individuals. With the convergence of the different levels of development and standards of living between China and the UK, it may as well be the case that the economic factors become less of pull factors than the cultural and globalization factors. This would also mean that the motivation to study abroad is now being driven by a combination of factors different from those previously studied. The global vision and cultural integration emerges through education at the international level provide new elements to the pull-and-push theory, as well as to the studies on the externalities of education. It is worthwhile to take note that education at the international level has a more comprehensive and profound influence. It can change one’s values and his or her perspective of viewing the world in a different way, as compared to classic practice of domestic education. 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