THE FUNERAL GAMES OF VIRGIL'S AENEID
by
Peter L. Lindsay
University of Alberta
Written i n the Homeric tradition, yet composed approximately 700
years later than the Iliad i n the first century B.C. when the Civil War was
coming t o an end and Augustus had assumed rule of the Roman Empire, the
Aeneid captures the spirit of a vast era. Virgil provides the reader w i t h a
Homeric style hero who is not only Trojan b u t Roman and conspicuously
Augustan as well. Just as Homer provided a glimpse of the importance of
sport i n the early days of Greek civilization through his description o f the
funeral games t o Patroclus in Book 23 of the Iliad, Virgil provides a window
into the Augustan era, linking past and present as his Aeneid tells the tale o f a
legendary incident occurring many hundreds o f years before his time.
The subject of Homer's Iliad had been the siege of Troy but Homer
chose t o terminate his epic with the funeral rites for Hector, Paris's brother,
w h o was killed by Achilles i n revenge o f Hector's slaying o f his friend,
Patroclus (Book 23). Virgil's Aeneid is the mythical tale o f the escape from
Troy by a group of Trojans led by Aeneas, son of Anchises, Prince o f Troy, who
eventually make their way t o the land o f the Latins where they are destined t o
found the city of Rome. It may be read as a sequel t o Homer's Iliad, since i n
Book 2 Virgil relates the destruction of the city o f Troy by the Greeks who had
laid seige t o the city for nine years i n their efforts t o reclaim the beautiful
Helen, "the face that launched a thousand ships", wife of Menelaus, King of
Sparta, and lover o f Paris who was a son of Priam, King of the Trojans. In their
sea travels, Aeneas and his men visit Thrace, Crete, Actium, Southern Italy,
Sicily, where Aeneas's father, Anchises, dies, and Carthage, where Aeneas
meets and falls i n love with the queen, Dido. They return t o Sicily, where
Aeneas holds funeral games t o honour the anniversary of Anchises' death. He
and his men then proceed t o Rome where they defeat Turnus and the Latins
and establish their new kingdom.
The funeral games in Sicily, described in Book 5, are a turning point i n
the story as Aeneas becomes focussed on his destiny t o found the beginnings
o f the Roman empire. Reminded of this divine destiny by Mercury, who serves
as the messenger of Jupiter the Roman equivalent of the almighty Greek God,
Zeus, he has just parted reluctantly from Dido, the Queen o f Carthage. Dido
kills herself at his departure and her death symbolically heralds the long
historic struggle between Rome and Carthage (the Punic Wars) for control o f
the Mediterranean. Sicily is a fitting setting for t h e funeral games i n the
Aeneid. The goddess, Venus. t ~ h 0 S eunion w i t h Anchises had produced
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expect it t o reflect the societal values o f that period, and particularly t o pay
tribute t o Virgil's friend and patron, the emperor Augustus.
In the Iliad, Homer described eight athletic contests: chariot-race,
boxing, wrestling, foot-race, spear fight, discus, archery, and javelin. Virgil
has Aeneas announce only five contests: a ship-race, a foot-race, boxing,
archery, and javelin throw. These five contests are t o be followed w i t h a
display of horsemanship (lusus Troiae) by the boys. The javelin contest,
however, is never held. Williams (p. 54), i n his translation of the Aeneid,
explains the apparent omission o f the javelin throw by saying that the
coupling of javelin w i t h archery was quite common as, for example, when
Nisus is later described as adept with both arrows and spear (Aeneid 9.178).
On the other hand, the omission is a little surprising since the spear and the
dagger were the weapons of the Roman soldier rather than was the bow.
Virgil (Publius Virgilius Maro) was born at Andes, a village near Mantua
i n the Po Valley of Cisalpine Gaul, as the north of Italy was then called, on
October 15, 70 B.C. He died in 19 B.C. leaving three literary works: the
Ecloques, published i n 37 B.C. and claimed as "the principal models of
pastoral poetry and the inspirers of pastoral romance and pastoral drama i n
later ages" (Harvey, p. 152); the Georgics, published 30 B.C. in four books of
verse offering advice t o farmers about crops, trees and animals, particularly
bees, and reflecting his deep love of nature and the rural experiences of his
youth; and the Aeneid, an epic poem i n twelve books on which he worked for
the last eleven years of his life. Virgil had been introduced t o Octavian
(Augustus) by his patron and advisor, Maecenas, following the confiscation of
Virgil's lands at Mantua. They had been appropriated for the purpose of
resettling discharged veterans of Octavian and Mark Antony's army, a reward
for their success at Philippi in 42 B.C. against Brutus and Cassius, t w o of the
murderers o f Oaavian's great uncle. Julius Caesar. Virgil had made a petition
t o the young Octavian t o have his lands reinstated and his request was well
received by the commissioners for the distribution of the confiscated lands.
Augustus and Virgil became good friends, and it was while on a trip from
Athens t o Rome with Augustus that Virgil became ill and died upon reaching
Brundisium i n 19 B.C. The Aeneid was completed but unrevised at the time of
his death, and Virgil had requested that it be destroyed because he regarded
it as imperfect. However, Augustus, though he had been read but a small
portion by Virgil, ordered i t revised for publication under the direction of two
of Virgil's friends but with the stipulation that nothing be added (Suetonius,
p. 170). Augustus obviously was pleased not only w i t h the references t o
himself in the work, but also with its glorification of Rome and Roman virtues.
Also, according t o Suetonius (Augustus 89.3),Augustus believed i n
supporting the talented artists of his era, including athletes, as much as
possible.
Virgil was not himself an active sportsman. Tradition has it that he was
rather shy and o f delicate health. His friend, Horace, once wrote i n one of his
Satires (i.5) that when Virgil's patron, Maecenas, invited Virgil and Horace t o
play a ball game they declined, choosing instead t o have a sleep because
"such play is hard on the sore-eyed and the dyspeptic".
The emperor Augustus was born Gaius Octavius at Rome i n 63 B.C. His
mother, Atia, was daughter of Julia, sister t o Gaius Julius Caesar who claimed
divine descent of the lulii from their forefather, lulus (Ascanius), the son of
Aeneas who was descended from Anchises and Venus. Octavius recalled this
union when he delivered a funeral oration on his grandmother, Julia, at his
first public appearance when he was only eleven years old. His great uncle,
Julius Caesar, had no sons of his own and showed great favour and affection
for Octavius, eventually adopting him as his son and heir t o three-quarters of
his estate. Thereafter, Octavius called himself Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus
(Octavian). Later, as a recognition of his restoration of the Republic following
his defeat o f Antony and Cleopatra at Actian, Octavian was awarded the
cognomen o f Augustus, by which he was thereafter called.
Although Sicily, the setting for Virgil's games, had had long association
w i t h Rome the First Punic War against Carthage was waged there - the island
was the centre of attention again during the period when Virgil was writing
the Aeneid. The inhabitants were granted the Latin franchise by an act of
Julius Caesar, and when, following Caesar's death, control of the Republic was
divided amongst the triumvirate partnership of Octavian. Mark Antony and
Lepidus, a proconsul, Octavian was given jurisdiction over Sicily as well as
Sardinia and Africa. However, Sextus Pompeius, the son of Caesar's enemy,
who had built u p a substantial naval force, overcame the governor o f Sicily,
and the island then became a haven for refugees from Italy, particularly slaves
whom Sextus used as rowers on his ships. In response Octavian built a
powerful fleet and, i n 36 B.C., succeeded i n regaining Sicily through a naval
victory a t Naulochus. He visited the island in 22 B.C. when he set u p veteran
colonies at Syracuse and other locations o n land confiscated from Sextus
Pompeius. When he became emperor, Octavian (Augustus) eventually
created t w o principal fleets at Ravenna and Misenum consisting mainly of
triremes as used i n the Aeneid for the ship-race, and the captains were
freedmen or slaves (Jones, p. 114).
-
Augustus's social policy included a very generous attitude towards the
hosting and funding o f games for the populace and, according t o Suetonius
(Augustus 43), he outdid all his predecessors. He did not follow his great-
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The Creek writer, Homer, included one form of tributary blood sacrifice
in the Iliad when Achilles slew twelve captured sons of Trojan nobility, along
with horses, dogs, sheep and cattle, and added them to the funeral pyre of
Patroclus prior t o the hosting of the funeral games. Aeneas follows the
tradition of the Parentalia, or tributary offerings t o the gods, in the Aeneid
when sheep, pigs, and black oxen are sacrificed at the barrow of his father,
Anchises, and two bowls of wine, milk and blood are poured on the earth
along with bright flowers. The flowers are possibly for Venus, early a goddess
of gardens but later more commonly associated with love in Roman religion
and from whom Augustus and the lulus family claimed descent. Further
supporting evidence is found when Aeneas, and then all the young men,
place crowns of myrtle leaves on their heads as they prepare t o watch the
games (5.71-4). The myrtle shrub, with i t s shiny evergreen leaves and scented
white flowers was sacred t o Venus. However, a weaker argument may be
made for the flowers being a tribute t o the goddess Flora, an old Italian deity
of fertility and flowers who had a temple near the Circus Maximus in Rome,
and in whose honour the annual Ludi Norales were celebrated, during which
men adorned themselves with flowers and women wore colourful dresses.
The sacrificed oxen are black t o appease the nether gods so that they will
allow safe passage of the spirit of Aeneas's father back from Hades for the
occasion. It i s also of note that two cups of wine and two of milk and two of
blood are poured on the ground, and that a pair of two-year old sheep, two
sows and two oxen are sacrificed. It was the custom to double the offerings
on especially important occasions (Williams, p. 56), and the celebration of
Parentalia was certainly important for Aeneas. Later, at the funeral of Pallas,
the son of Evander who, in Roman legend, founded a colony on the banks of
the Tiber at the place where Rome was later t o stand, Aeneas again offers
sacrifices t o the gods, this time in the form of horses (most probably for
Poseidon) as well as bound prisoners whose blood is sprinkled upon the
flames (1 1.80-2).
Unlike the funeral games for Patroclus in Homer's Iliad which were
spontaneous, the games for Anchises in the Aeneid are announced nine days
in advance (5.64). This is reminiscent of the preparations for Hector's funeral
(Iliad 24.784) which also lasted nine days. It also reflects the Roman origin of
gladiatorial contests in funeral games which were held on the ninth day after
the funeral. On a more practical note, the time delay gives opportunity for
word of the Trojan games t o spread amongst the inhabitants of Sicily who are
ruled by the Trojan, Acestes. The success of this delay is obvious as Virgil tells
us that "Aeneas with his thousands then strode out t o the tomb" (Aeneid
5.75). Immediately the reader is made aware of the large number of
spectators who will make their presence felt throughout the contests, a
feature of games in Rome where huge spectator facilities were constructed
under the panem et circenses philosophy of which Juvenal was later so critical
in his Satires (x.80). The Circus Maximus and the various amphitheatres, of
which the Flavian Amphitheatre (Colosseum) later became the most
notorious, are surviving examples of this trend towards spectatorism which
Augustus and later Emperorsencouraged.
As an obvious ploy to maintain interest in the outcome of the events,
the many prizes are stacked in the middle of the field for all t o see. This i s a
departure from Homer where the prizes appeared at the start of each event.
Also, the prizes include olive wreaths and palms of victory, showing the
impact of the Olympic Games on prize giving since the time of Homer who
included no wreaths in the funeral games t o Patroclus, only material prizes
such as tripods, cattle, women, and weapons.
As the first event in the games, Virgil chooses a ship-race in which four
triremes race t o a turning point and back. This is a departure from the iliadic
theme and the more traditional chariot race which was extremely popular in
Rome, yet it must not have been a departure from what would have been
expected by his readers or Augustus. In fact it may be seen as a tribute t o the
successful naval conquests of his friend and Emperor. On a practical level one
could argue that, since Aeneas and his men travelled by small ships, they
would have had little accommodation for horses and chariots. We know that
Dido presented Ascanius with a Tyrian horse which he rides during the lusus
Troiae at the end of the games, and that young Priam, the son of Polites and
grandson of King Priam of Troy, rides a Thracian pony, but they seem to have
been the only horses that receive a special mention since all the other boys
ride Sicilian ponies provided by Acestes. A ship-race, then, i s an obvious
choice for an event in which these sea travellers could demonstrate their skills
i n front of Acestes' followers. It also reflects the maritime theme of the first
five books of the epic.
On a political level and more in keeping with Virgil's theme to glorify
Rome, the choice is an appropriate one for the Augustan era. The Republic,
after the middle of the second century B.C. had maintained no fleets and had
therefore suffered endemic piracy. Octavian was eventually forced to build a
powerful fleet t o overcome Sextus Pompeius's occupation of Sicily. So that
the crews could practice in safety, he had constructed a large inland harbour
by connecting Lake Avernus and the Lucrine Lake to the sea (Jones, p.30).
Rowing races must have become customary entertainment for the people of
Rome at that time. Also, after Octavian defeated Antony and Cleopatra at the
Battle of Actium in 31 B.C., he established the city of Nicopolis on the site of
his camp, and founded the quadrennial Actian Games at Actium. Gardner (p.
90f), in his excellent article o n evidence for ship-races i n antiquity, produces
sound argument for the inclusion of ship-races at the Actian Games. Virgil
makes an earlier association w i t h Actium when Aeneas mentions, during his
description t o Dido of his travels, that the Trojans staged games when they
landed there during their perilous voyage (3.280-281). Another allusion is
made t o the Actian Games when, following Aeneas's lead, Acestes, Helymus,
and Ascanius also place myrtle crowns on their heads (5.72-4). These three
athletes represent the three different age groups into which male athletes
were divided during the Actian games, i.e. adults, youths, and boys. Virgil
again refers directly t o the battle of Actium when, in a patriotic mood, he
describes the shield of Aeneas provided him by his mother, Venus, i n the
centre of which is depicted Augustus leading the Romans against Antony and
Cleopatra (8.675-728).
On a literary level, Cairns (p.236) points out the common use of ancient
imagery linking ships and chariots. For example, in Homer's Odyssey (13.8185) the hero's ship lunged forward while he slept, "like a team o f four
stallions on a plain who start as one horse at the touch of the whip and brsak
into their bounding stride t o make short work of the course." Again, in Book
4.708-9, they ventured forth on "scudding ships that sailors use like chariots t o
drive across the sea's immensities". Virgil uses similar imagery during his shiprace when he relates that "at once the ships leaped from their stations"
(5.149-150), and again as, "never so fast do chariots course the field when
two-horse teams leap from the starting pens; never so free is the rein when
drivers shake the rippling lines, and lean t o ply the whip" (5.144-147). One
thing is for certain. Triremes, rowed by three banks of oarsmen, were
ponderously slow. These were ships of Virgil's era, and did not exist in Trojan
naval forces nor in Homer's time. Virgil's chariot imagery and literary craft
create the illusion of a swiftly moving spectacle for the reader and contribute
significantly t o the excitement of the event. Furthermore, the rowers are
depicted as Greek athletes as they strip t o the waist and apply oil so that their
bodies gleam, and on their heads they wear wreaths of poplar which is sacred
t o Hercules, the patron of athletes (5.134-5).
The four triremes, which were ships with three tiers of rowers though
they also carried sails, are captained by Mnestheus, Gyas, Sergestus, and
Cloanthus, the eventual winner. Each of these names is traditionally related
t o noble Roman houses who trace their descent from members of Aeneas's
troop. Thus, once again, Virgil establishes the link t o Augustan Rome. An
argument may also be ventured that four ships are emblematic of the four
factions, or stables, into which chariots were divided during the contemporary
chariot-races i n Rome. Though the emphasis is on the captain of each ship,
this is nevertheless the first time that a group or team effort is used for an
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which would have provided an excellent opportunity t o introduce some
tactics and spills into the event as in the ship-race. Taken together, these
factors are evidence in assuming the run was straight.
Virgil seems t o draw on some of the elements of the iliadic chariot race
for this event also as, firstly, he has Nisus slip in a pool of blood and fall "flat
on his face" (5.332), the equivalent to the crash of Eumelos's chariot (23.392397)' and secondly, awards him with a prize after he disputes that Salius, the
man he then tripped so that his friend Euryalus could win, should be awarded
first prize. It is significant that Salius, in his objections t o being fouled,
appeals t o the front row of the spectators, "the very seats of the chiefs"
(5.341) with his demands for redress. Virgil takes another opportunity t o
make an indirect reference t o Augustus who had established the rule that the
front seats at public spectacles be reserved for senators (Suetonius, Augustus
44). Similar t o the Nisus incident was that of Antilochus, the young and
reckless iliadic chariot driver who disputed that Eumelos, whom Achilles called
the best driver as he appeared dragging his crashed chariot, should be
awarded his own second place prize in sympathy for the crash. Aeneas i s here
called upon t o exercise shrewd judgment in the dispute over prizes, just as he
had been able t o display magnanimity in awarding a prize t o the crashed
Sergestus in the previous event.
As in the earlier case of Mnestheus, the race also serves as a glimpse
forward t o the fate of Nisus and Euryalus in Book 9. Nisus has tripped up
Salius after rising from his fall because Euryalus and he were close friends and
he chooses t o sacrifice his chances and, indeed, his honour for his friend.
Bishop (p.97) calls this incident a "light hearted parody" of the later situation
(9.367-445) which will bring them "immortal renown" (9.446-449). In the
later incident Nisus sacrifices not just a foot-race but his life as he attempts t o
rescue the captured Euryalus, and this time is unable t o help his friend who
also loses his life. Again, in Book 12 during the final battle, as Aeneas pursues
Turnus, the Prince of the Rutulans, Virgil employs language similar t o that
used in the foot-race of the games, and concludes: "this was no foolish game
for prizes: Turnus's lifeblood was at stake" (12.764-5).
Within the games, then, we are seeing characters display traits which
they will again exhibit in combat, just as we are seeing Aeneas display
leadership characteristics which will earn him the reference pater Aeneas. So
far, Aeneas has arranged for the games, displayed paternal devotion, shown
reverence for the Gods, personally placed an oak branch on the rock serving
as the turning point for the ship-race, diplomatically settled disputes t o the
apparent satisfaction of all, shown compassion for losers, and awarded prizes.
As the son of Venus, and the ancestor of Emperor Augustus, and well as father
of Ascanius the legendary founder of Rome, he must be seen t o be worthy of
the destiny which carries him t o Rome after the Games in Sicily.
The boxing match is the next event of the games and i s much more
vividly evoked than the one described i n the Iliad. The first contender, Dares,
is described as "the only man who'd boxed with Paris" (5.5701, the Trojan who
had wooed Helen from Menelaus thus bringing about the Trojan war, and
whose athletic skills were well known amongst the Trojans. Dares i s also listed
as having knocked out the champion, Butes, during the funeral games t o
honour Hector at Troy. His reputation i s well known and, after he
shadowboxes around the field for a while. no man rises t o challenge him.
Acestes then turns t o the veteran, Entellus, and chides the old boxer for not
accepting the challenge. Entellus replies that age has slowed him down too
much but he produces his famous gloves, "seven hides thick and stiff with
insewn lumps of iron and lead" (5.404-405) and "all flecked with blood and
brains" (5.413), symbols of his past fame. The reference here, of course, i s t o
the Roman caestus which made boxing in Rome more akin t o gladiatorial
combat than sport because spikes and metal ridges were sometimes attached
so that the protective glove was transformed into a dangerous weapon.
Dares (or perhaps Virgil) shrinks back from this symbol of what i s t o become
the future in the sport under the Roman system. The two then agree t o fight
with the more traditional Greek thongs, as used by Homer's boxers, bound
around their hands, wrists and lower forearms. Virgil then provides a lively
description of the bout as the combatants bob and weave around each other
and "beat tattoos on flank and chest - a huge drumming; they landed blows
all over the ears and temples; their teeth rattled beneath the thwacks" (5.434436). The aged Entellus draws on his vast experience by standing his ground
against the nimble Dares and avoiding his jabs by "watching for blows and
swaying t o avoid them" (5.438). He eventually falls with a resounding thud as
the result of attempting a haymaker "swung from the floor" (5.443-0) but
returns t o the fray, angered and shamed by his fall, so that
"In a fury, he chased young Dares round and round, now
landing rights, now lefts - again! again! No stopping, no
rests: as when the clouds rain down a hail that rattles the
roof, Entellus punched and pounded and punched and
pummelled Dares dizzy".
(5.456-460)
Virgil appears t o be enjoying himself at Dares' expense. Or was he doing his
best t o please Augustus because he knew of that man's weakness for
watching a good brawl? Suetonius tells us that Augustus took particular
pleasure i n watching boxing contests, especially those of the Romans whom
he often used t o match against the Greek champions (Augustus 45).
Augustus i s also known t o have stopped his carriage when being conveyed
through the streets of Rome so that he could watch people engaging in street
fights when the occasion arose. Aeneas intervenes to stop the fight and save
the badly beaten Dares, perhaps, once again, because Augustus prohibited
combats of gladiators where no quarter was given (Suetonius, Augustus 45).
Also, Virgil is probably influenced by the iliadic wrestling match wherein
Achilles intervened as referee t o stop the contest between Aias and Odysseus
(23.734-5) so that they did not hurt each other. Finally, Entellus, his wrath not
yet abated, turns t o the o x awarded as prize t o the winner and, with one
powerful blow, crushes his skull, spilling out the brains. This, once again, is
reminiscent of the gladiatorial fights with animals which were a feature of the
contemporary Roman arena.
The profusion of gory images during the fight can only be in reference
t o the gladiatorial contests of later Rome. As noted earlier, Augustus is said t o
have surpassed all efforts by his predecessors t o host public spectacles, i n
number, variety and magnificence (Suetonius, Augustus 43). Gory spectacles
were no stranger t o Virgil or his readers. In fact, they would have expected
them, which is probably why the Aeneid ends with Aeneas killing Turnus in
true gladiatorial style (12.951-52) when, on the point of sparing his life,
Aeneas observes that Turnus is wearing the sword belt he had removed from
Pallas, son of Evander, friend of Aeneas, who had rallied his men against a
charge by Turnus in Book 10 only to lose his life against the more powerful
adversary. As Virgil earlier writes, "Killing's no crime, when soldiers take the
field" (10.901). However, Augustus did draw the line at allowing women t o
view gladiatorial combats unless they were watching from a distance at the
rear or upper part of the theatre, and even prevented them from attending
wrestling matches of any kind (Suetonius, Augustus 44). This gives Virgil a
reason for excluding the women from his games and an opportunity for them
to burn the ships (5.613-614) in an effort t o remain on Sicily rather than
endure further sea travels.
One gains the impression that Virgil himself may not have been
particularly keen on boxing as a sport, even though he bows t o Augustus's
approval of the activity. The two combatants do not appear again in the epic,
and they also do not represent the type of competitor that i s seen in the other
events. Perhaps this is because boxing as a participant activity was not
popular amongst the upper classes in Rome; it was a brutal sport, more suited
t o being watched in the amphitheatre or arena. Virgil seems t o reflect this by
having the t w o combatants depicted as heavy-weight specialists w i t h
established reputations, i.e., the younger, overconfident, "muscular and
huge" Dares of Troy, who boasted of having knocked out the son of Amycus,
also a famous boxer i n Greek mythology who challenged all comers and
usually killed them, and the older "monolithic" Entellus of Sicily, who
produced his gauntlets once owned by his teacher Eryx, a legendary son of
Venus and, therefore, "brother" of Aeneas, who had fought against the
mighty Hercules, son of Jupiter, only t o lose his life i n the struggle. These two
adversariesbear little resemblance t o Roman nobility!
The archery contest follows the same pattern as that i n the Iliad,
though the bow was little used by the Roman soldier. A pigeon is tethered by
a cord t o the top of a mast which, again, Aeneas erects by himself, and four
contestants attempt t o hit it with an arrow. The first contestant, Hippocoon,
hits the mast causing the bird t o fly from i t s perch; the second, Mnestheus, still
wearing the olive wreath he had been presented from the ship-race, severs
the cord with his shot; the third, Eurytion, brother of Pandarus who was
mentioned in the Iliad as a skilled bowman (4.88-139) and to whom Eurytion
offers a prayer to guide his arrow, performs the difficult feat of hitting the
bird i n flight. In subsequent books, the pigeon i s seen as a symbol of death on
several occasions (6.156-21 1; 11.721-24; 12.856-66; 12.872-78) which relates
again t o the symbolic use of the games for foreshadowing future events. The
fourth contestant, the honourable Acestes, leader of the Sicilians, is left with
no target t o shoot at. It is then that Virgil deviates from the iliadic format and
provides a spectacular climax t o the event by having Acestes shoot his arrow
into the air:
Right then before their eyes was thrust a sign portentous
(history later proved i t s truth, and prophets declared that
fearsome things would be). Up where the clouds were
bright, the shaft took fire and drew a trail of flame, then
disappeared, burnt out, into thin air - like stars that drop
from heaven and stream their flying hair behind them.
They stood frightened, rooted, muttering prayers,
Sicilians and Trojans, but Aeneas hailed the omen;
(5.522-31)
The last line provides the clue for Acestes' action. On one level Aeneas
regards the flaming arrow as an omen of Acestes' future renown, particularly
the founding of Segesta (Acestes>Acesta>Egesta) which played a significant
role in the First Punic War, and so declares him the winner by crowning him
with a wreath of bay leaves. On another level, Virgil may be referring t o the
comet which appeared during games hosted by Augustus in honour of Venus
Genetrix, the mother of the Roman people, and from whom Augustus
claimed descent. The games had been initiated by Caesar but had been
discontinued after his death. According t o PIiny (Natural History 11, 93),
Augustus wrote i n his autobiography that:
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that Aeneas's son, Ascanius, who led one of the groups, later revived this
riding exhibition by teaching it to the Latins after he had established Rome.
The reference i s again t o Augustus for whom, according t o Suetonius
(Augustus 43), the Trojan Game was a favourite spectacle and who thought it
a fitting exercise in which the young nobility of Rome could display their zeal
in public. Once again this is hardly surprising since Augustus claimed descent
from Ascanius. Further evidence for the link t o Augustus is found in Virgil's
lines depicting each youth wearing "at his throat a braided circlet of soft
gold" (5.558). Suetonius tells thus that Augustus presented such an ornament
t o Gaius Nonius Asprenas who was lamed by a fall during an exhibition of the
Trojan Game in Rome (Augustus 43). And again, each boy carried two cornelshafted spears tipped with iron, reminiscent of the two spears which Augustus
i s reported t o have given to each rider who took part in the lusus Troiae in
Rome (Williams, p.149).
Evidently the riding display was not without its risks, and Augustus
discontinued the activity after a bitter speech in the senate by Asinius Pollio,
the noted orator and author who founded the first public library in Rome,
and whose grandson broke his leg during one exhibition of the skill
(Augustus 43). Pollio was also a friend of Virgil and was among those who
offered assistance t o him when his lands were confiscated after the battle of
Philippi. Several of Augustus's successors continued with the tradition of this
display of horsemanship by the sons of Roman aristocracy. Cairns (p.246)
argues that the use of the non-competitive lusus Troiae t o end the games i s an
example borrowed from Homer's Odyssey where the games in that epic are
followed by non-competitive singing and dancing (8.236ff) which are just as
integral t o the Phaecian games as the lusus Troiae is to those of the Aeneid. In
the Aeneid, however, the inference is towards the future and the glory of the
Rome t o come at the hands of the youth now displaying their riding skills i n
front of their parents and the gathered Sicilians.
Is there something t o be learned about the values placed on sport and
competitive events in contemporary Roman society, from an examination of
the prizes presented by Aeneas? Certainly the prizes are more abundant i n
the Aeneid than in the Iliad, reflecting the more opulent Roman life style. In
the former they are "placed mid-field for all to see: the holy tripods, wreaths
of green, palm branches (prize of victory), arms, and cloaks dyed i n deep
scarlet, bars of silver and gold" (5.109-112) before the games begin, though
the specific prizes per event await the outcome, whereas in the Iliad they
appeared only at each event. This could easily be explained by the fact that
the Virgilian games are announced nine days in advance, thus providing
plenty of time t o gather the awards, whereas the iliadic games were
spontaneous. Perhaps the display of prizes provided incentive for more
contestants t o try their skill. In the footrace, even though the contestants
"came i n crowds", Aeneas promises a gift t o each one consisting of two iron
arrowheads and a double edged axe inlaid with silver. In the ship-race, he
allows each ship t o choose three oxen, as well as a selection of wines and a
silver talent before he presents the prizes for placings. These examples are in
keeping with the philosophy of Augustus who was quite liberal in presenting
prizes t o performers, even t o those in games hosted by other dignitaries. And
Suetonius writes that Augustus "never was present at any performance of the
Greeks, without rewarding the most deserving, according t o their merit"
(Augustus 45). This helps t o explain why Aeneas so readily awards prizes to
Sergestus, Salius, and even Nisus who had deliberately tripped Salius so that
his friend Euryalus could win the foot-race. I doubt that the prize for Nisus
was for the "merit" of the tripping, but rather for the dedication to a friend
which would later cost him his life. It is the function of the race and, indeed,
the games, within the total story of the Aeneid which must be kept in mind,
rather than the question of fair or unfair tactics, when reading Book 5. Willis
(p.409-10) provides evidence t o show that in festivals where material prizes
were given, the custom was for only a single prize. Homer certainly did not
follow this fashion, and Virgil extends it even further.
As mentioned above, the victor i n each contest i s crowned with a
wreath as were victors in the panhellenic games, and receives the palm of
victory. Homer did not describe the presentation of the palm of victory to his
winning athletes since the custom was not introduced for several hundred
years after he wrote the Iliad. According t o Livy (10. 47. 3) the custom came
into use in the Roman world in 203 B.C., and it was certainly in vogue during
Virgil's era. As for the type of plant used in the wreaths presented, there
appears t o be some inconsistency. For example, the winner of the ship-race
receives a crown of bay leaves (laurel) as was used at the Pythian Games in
Delphi, the abode of Apollo, the Roman god of archery, prophecy and oracles,
borrowed from the Greeks at an early date. Since the games at Delphi were
held i n honour of Apollo, the use of bay leaves as a crown by Virgil is not
surprising because Augustus took Apollo as his special patron and erected a
grand temple t o him on the Palatine hill where he had also built his palace
overlooking the Circus Maximus. The earliest temple t o Apollo was erected in
Rome i n 432 B.C. and the games in his honour, Ludi Apollinares, were
instituted in Rome as early as 212 B.C. (Harvey, p.34). The presentation of a
crown of bay leaves t o Acestes, the declared winner of the archery contest,
must also be seen in this context of Apollo worship. On the other hand, the
winner of the foot-race receives an olive crown, emblematic of victories at
Olympia. Yet, when Mnestheus turns out for the archery contest, he is said t o
be still wearing the olive crown he received from the ship-race though he had
been awarded only second place in that event. One could argue that since
running never became popular as a sport in Rome, it was relegated a lesser
prize i n Roman eyes, that of the olive wreath which was associated with Greek
athletics and Olympia. However, the association of Zeus, who was
synonymous with the all-powerful Roman god Jupiter, with Olympia and the
olive crown makes the relegation of the olive to second place hard to accept.
A slight clue may be found from the foot-race where Aeneas promises a
crown of olive t o each of the first three t o finish. It is possible then that all
place getters receive olive crowns except where the event has more
association with Augustus and Apollo, in which case bay leaves instead of
olive are given for first place, and olive t o the other placers. The fact that
Virgil was writing for a Roman audience makes this reasoning more probable.
Virgil's material prizes follow the tradition set in Homer's Iliad, nine of
them being common t o both epics while the remainder are similar. In terms
of prize value or abundance, the most valuable are offered in the ship-race
where each crew receives three oxen, a choice of wines, and a silver talent.
On top of that, the winning captain, Cloanthus, receives a gilded cloak with
rich embroidery of purple stripes which depicted a garment of distinction in
Rome. Purple ribbons, another mark of distinction, are also tied around the
heads of the place getters. A coat of polished mail and gold go t o the second
place winner, Mnestheus, and a pair of matching bronze jugs and cups of solid
silver t o the third, Gyas. The consolation prize for Sergestus is a Cretan girl
who i s nursing twin babies. This is of interest in itself, because women were
offered as prizes twice in the Iliad, one of them as first prize in the chariot
race. For Homer, it was a woman's skill at fine crafts and domestic work that
made her valuable. Virgil has retained the idea of a woman as prize or gift in
his most prestigious event, but has relegated her t o a lower placing and
.emphasizes her child producing capacity. An explanation for this variation on
the iliadic theme may come from the fact that women in Rome held a position
of greater dignity than did their counterparts in Greece. Consequently, t o
have a woman contested as a first prize in a sporting event would not have
been as acceptable t o the Roman audience, nor t o Augustus who was
conservative in his views of women as noted above re his position on their
watching public games. A consolation gift would have less stigma attached t o
it. The offering of a woman skilled in crafts, as in the Iliad, probably would
have been acceptable to Augustus since he made the women of his family spin
and weave in the old-fashioned way (Jones, p. 166). However, due t o the high
death rate among children as well as a general laxity of adult morals,
Augustus took steps t o encourage marriage and the procreation of children
under his social policy (Jones, p.132). It is significant that the woman being
offered as prize is from Crete whose women, as well as those from Sparta, had
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"Olympus' mighty king" (5.533) with his flaming arrow, Aeneas "loaded him
with gifts" including a special prize of a engraved wine bowl once owned by
no less than Anchises himself, which, considering the venerable nature of the
games, must place the archery contest i n higher esteem than one in which an
ox and a common piece of weaponry are awarded.
This order of worth may be related t o the need for certain skills. For
example, rowing skills are needed t o carry Aeneas and his forces t o Italy and
may therefore be the most important skills required in order for Aeneas t o
fulfil the next phase of his destiny. Running was a valued skill in warfare and
the final battle between Aeneas and Turnus contains several references t o
their movements as their duel rages over varied terrain. Though archery was
not a skill of the Roman soldier since his usual hardware consisted of lance,
shield, and dagger, and Willis adds that the sport was already long obsolete in
Augustan Rome (p. 273), it was a Trojan skill, and Paris was able t o kill Achilles
during the siege of Troy by shooting him in his vulnerable heel with an arrow.
~ o x i n g on
, the other hand, was a spectator sport for Romans, and therefore
must be considered of less importance as a military skill for the soldier.
However, Virgil again includes it and omits archery from the activities that
King Latinus's men enjoy later in the epic (vii. 162-165) as they partake of
recreation through horse riding, boxing, spear throwing. foot races
and boxinq, as Ascanius and his troop approach the walls of the Latins with an
offer of peace from Aeneas. Nevertheless, based on the value of prizes
awarded i n the Aeneid a ranking on the apparent value of the skills displayed
would be: ship-race, running, archery, and boxing. Since the lusus Troiae is
not a contest, no prizes are offered for it though all the boys wear wreaths
and carry the symbolic Augustan gifts as they parade before their elders.
Perhaps the proud applause from the parents and onlookers is reward
enough.
Since sport in Rome was largely spectator oriented, we would expect to
find more references t o onlookers in Virgil's writing than in Homer's, and we
do. As the ninth day arrives so do the tribes from various parts of Sicily: "in
holiday mood they filled the shore t o watch the Trojans" (5.107-8). Their
presence is apparent right from the start of the ship-race as their keen
attention, applause, and shouts echo from the hills and along the shores
(5.148-50). They laugh at Menoetes as he is thrown overboard by the
frustrated Gyas, and they laugh again as he coughs salt water from his lungs
(5.181-2); they redouble their shouts and cheer on Mnestheus as he strives t o
overtake Cloanthus (5.227-8); they gather in their thousands t o watch the
foot-race (5.289); they shout for Dares t o be given the boxing prize when it
seems there are no challengers (5.386); they stand amazed at the sight of the
brutal gloves of Entellus (5.404); they rise and cheer, "their shouts hit
heaven", as Entellus swings at Dares and falls (5. 450-1); they marvel and
cheer at the lusus Troiae (5.555). Their very obvious presence helps t o create
the sporting environment, adding immensely t o the excitement of each
contest as assuredly as they would have done in the Rome of Virgil's day.
Given the extent of the passion for gambling i n Rome, the apparent
omission on Virgil's part of any reference t o gambling amongst the spectators
on the outcome of any of the events is surprising. During Homer's iliadic
chariot race, ldomeneus offered Aias a tripod or cauldron as a bet on the
outcome. but no such wagering i s apparent amongst Virgil's spectators.
Romans were inveterate gamblers, particularly Augustus who, even when he
played par impar, odds and evens, with his family, allotted them 250 denarii
each so that they might enjoy the game the more (Carcopino, p. 274). His
hospitality towards his guests was such that he daily distributed amongst
them sufficient funds t o help them put up their stakes (Lanciani, p. 102).
Perhaps Virgil was more heavily influenced by his friend Horace i n this matter,
for Horace wrote in Ode 111.24:
The freeborn boy has not been taught
how t o keep his seat on a horse,
and is afraid t o hunt; he knows more about games,
if you care t o see the Greek hoop,
or prefer the dice that the laws have forbidden,
and meanwhile his father, breaking
his oaths, defrauds his business partner and his friends,
and busily hoards up money
for a worthless heir. His dishonest wealth, of course,
keeps growing, yet there i s always
something missing; his fortune is never complete.
Juvenal was later more explicit with his criticism of the gambling
passion as he wrote in Satire 1,87:
Never has the torrent of vice been so irresistible, or the
depths of avarice more absorbing, or the passion for
gambling more intense. None approach nowadays the
gambling table with the purse; they must carry with
them their strong box. What can we think of these
profligates more ready t o lose one hundred thousand
than t o give a tunic t o a slave dying with cold.
Although gambling in games of chance, alea, was theoretically against
the law except during the Saturnalia in December, a time of general festivity
and moral laxity, the restriction did not apply to contests of physical skill.
Chariot racing, i n particular, attracted heavy betting which was provided
greater opportunity by the division of the chariot teams into four main
factions or colours. Virgil's failure t o include this fundamental part of Roman
life in his games seems a strange omission.
As stated earlier, Virgil's Aeneid provides an insight into the mores of
Augustan Rome though it describes a legendary incident occurring hundreds
of years prior t o the period. Greek athletics never did capture the enthusiasm
of Romans even though such competitions were held more frequently during
the reign of Augustus, particularly in the Actian Games. Cicero illustrated the
Roman feeling fairly well when he wrote to his friend Marcus Marius telling
him that he would hardly be keen on athletics since he disliked even
gladiators (Letters vii. 1). Despite resistance t o Greek-styled athletics, the
quinquennial Capitoline Games instituted by Domitian i n A.D. 86, which
included a foot-race for girls, attained a reasonably popular following and
continued into the third century. However, Romans of the second half of the
last century B.C. were more enchanted by the thrill of spectator sports, such as
chariot racing and gladiatorial contests, and were encouraged in this tradition
by the social policy of the emperor Augustus. in whose honour the Aeneid of
Virgil is dedicated.
REFERENCES
Bertram, Stephen, "The Generation Gap and Aeneid 5," Vergilius Vol. 17
(1971). pp9-12.
Bishop, J.H., "Pater Aeneas: The Importance of the Fifth Book," in The Cost of
Power: Studies in the Aeneid o f Virgil (Armidale: The University of New
England, 1988).
Briggs, Ward W., "Augustan Athletics and the Games of Aeneid V," Stadion
1,2.
Cairns, Francis, Virgil's Augustan Epic (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1989).
Carcopino, Jerome, Daily Life in Ancient Rome, (Harmondsworth:Penguin
Books, 1964).
Cicero, Letters to His Friends, Trans. W. Glynn Williams (Loeb,London:
Heinemann, 1928)
Gardner, Percy, " Boat-RacesAmong the Greeks," Journal o f Hellenic Studies,
2 (1881). pp. 90-91,315-316.
Glazewski, Sister Johanna, "The Function of Vergil's Funeral Games," The
Classical World, Vol66 (October 1972), pp. 85-96.
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