Volume 1 Number 2 (2011), pp. 38

advertisement
Indexed and Abstracted
African Journal of Education and Technology
Volume 1 Number 2 (2011), pp. 38- 44
ISSN 2045-8460 (Online)
ISSN 2045-8452 (Print)
www.sachajournals.com
SUSTAINING DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA THROUGH PEDAGOGICAL AND
CURRICULAR INNOVATIONS IN POLITICAL EDUCATION
DIENYE, Victory Uchechukwu1
And
NWAOKUGHA, Douglas O.1
1
Department of Educational Foundations
University of Port Harcourt
ABSTRACT
Nigeria’s recent aspiration to democratize is seriously threatened by internal
ethnic and religious conflicts. This is further compounded by Nigeria’s long
history of economic and social instability among other variables that impact
negatively on democracy. This paper argues that democracy as a method of
political governance can be successful in Nigeria through effective and
efficient political education that is designed to alleviate poor leadership, social
and economic instability. It suggests that curricular and pedagogical
innovations which focus on developing rational reasoning, analytic abilities,
and social justice measures should be encouraged.
Keywords: Democracy, Political Education, Pedagogy, Social Justice, Innovations
INTRODUCTION
Every individual in a modern state prays to live a life of dignity where the worth of the
human person is given a top most priority and equally the rights and privileges of every individual
person are adequately protected "both from each other and from the governments". (Englehart
2003:35). The possibility of living an individual life of dignity where the rights and privileges of
every individual is systematically protected in a social setting where individuals have different
value systems point to the direction that every individual in a modern state aspires to the norms of
democracy and democratic rule.
Remarkably and interestingly both democracy and the state is constructed universals.
Constructed universals according to Englehart (2004:34) "are ideas, institutions and practices
created by human agency that presume an aura of inevitability by virtue of their widespread
acceptance". True, democracy as a constructed universal has become "a synonym for civilized
polity" (Eboh 2001:89) so much that Ebo (1996:39) describes it "as the principle on which to build
the New World Order". The universal acceptance of democracy can be attested to by the fact that
political philosophers strongly argue that "the worst democratic regime is better than the best
authoritarian rule anywhere". As a consolidation of this remark the level of democracy in any given
38
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
state presently is an index for measuring the quality of life of the people and a condition for
accepting a person into some world organizations.
Unfortunately democracy has no stronghold in Nigeria. Scholars strongly attest to this.
Anya (2008:11) unambiguously states after examining the 2007 general elections that "no
government in Nigeria has the legitimacy because of the people's mandate". Almond, Powell (Jr),
Strom and Dalton (2006:28) writes that "in Nigeria, a democratic leaning regime installed in 1979
was overthrown by a military coup in 1983, and a precarious civilian regime was only established
in 1999" in which even a careless observer can observe that all is still not well because "Nigeria's
fragile new experiment with democratic rule remains in grave jeopardy due to a recurring cycle of
internal ethnic and religious conflicts" (Magstadt 2003:74). As the supremacy of democracy over
other systems of government is obvious and as success in establishing democracy largely depends
on establishing democratic institutions and citizens ability to recognize and comply with
democratic rules and norms, this paper shall make a case for the sustenance of democracy in
Nigeria through enhanced and enriched pedagogical and curricular innovations in political
education.
Democracy is derived from two Greek words demos meaning people and kratic meaning
power. The popular saying by political scientists and motivational speakers that "sovereignty
belongs to the people" or "power belongs to the people" is derived from the translation of these two
Greek words and this is in compliance with the commonest definitions of democracy as
"government of the people by the people and for the people". This characteristically suggests that
in a democracy power maintains a bottom up approach. Regrettably this is not the case particularly
in developing countries. A reason for this is that a reasonable percentage of those who propagates
democracy had at one time or the other participated in autocratic military regimes and have
persistently super-imposed autocratic military mentality and military political culture on political
experiments targeted at establishing democracy. What results out of this are that a few privileged
individuals decide by fiat contrary to democratic principles who emerges for elective positions,
who wins elections and how democracy is to be practised. The guiding philosophy of these
inglorious and protectionist democrats is to safeguard their political interests.
In a true democracy, every individual irrespective of status or gender enjoys a measure of
freedom to participate in choosing, removing, replacing and installing a government. This is the
basis on which Berge (1994:188) defines democracy as "some legitimate and orderly way of
placing and replacing the people making the laws and wielding the powers of the state". On her
part Eboh (2001:89) defines democracy as "a philosophy of life that insists on the rights and duties
of a person who take the responsible to control their own institutions for their own good".
According to her, the people can act either directly or indirectly. A democracy according to
Shively (2005:178) is "a state in which all fully qualified citizens vote at intervals to choose from
among the candidates, the people who will be in charge of setting the state's policies" while
Almond et al (2006:27) define democracy as "a political system in which citizens enjoy several
basic civil and political rights and which their important political leaders are elected in a free and
fair election and accountable under a rule of law".
What democracy as a system of government upholds or stands for is the right of a person
to participate in choosing, installing and replacing those who are to govern them through periodic
elections. This popular participation of the people in choosing and installing their representative is
called democracy. In a democracy a period of time is constitutionally fixed within which elected
representatives can rule. The constitution also prescribes the method of election and conditions
which contestants aspiring to represent the people must possess or meet. However in a democracy
the constitution prescribes provisions for an elected representative to be removed and replaced
without the elected representative completing his/her constitutionally prescribed period of time.
39
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
Fundamentally democracy as a system of government recognizes such core values as
liberty, freedom, equity, fairness, equality and "impartial administration of justice under the law"
among others. All these exist in a democracy because democracy guarantees a reasonable amount
of freedom. Because democracy guarantees freedom, a state practising democracy enjoys robust
press, independent formation of opinion, freedom of association as well as equal playing fields for
all to compete for any position of one's choice or interest in an election or freedom to participate in
installing a government. However, it is important to note that the freedom which democracy
guarantees frown at all forms of irresponsibility, that is, whoever is enjoying the freedom provided
by democracy must be responsible to the highest degree of the word. He must not hide under the
freedom guaranteed by democracy to make slanderous and libellous remarks against people and
institutions. This is the point emphasized by Eboh (2001:96) when she writes that "democracy is
not excessive freedom. It is not do-as-you-like". By implication one can say that democracy
encourages its practitioners to be orderly by behaving well and uphold socially and morally
acceptable standards in all their dealings.
One can say and say it strongly that the march towards democracy is the wish and
aspiration of the global community. Remarks in favour of democracy as a universal ideal are
enshrined in some international documents. For example article 21 of the United Nations Universal
Declaration of Human Rights echo the philosophy of democracy, in these words:
Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or
through freely chosen representatives (paragraph one) and the will of the people
shall be the basis of the authority of government, this shall be expressed in
periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage
and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures
(paragraph 3).
The modus operandi in a democracy is one in which "a people transfers their united will
into a few individuals, giving" the few individuals "the mandate to rule but in accordance with the
mind of the people". This however must undergo the democratic method. The democratic method
according to Schumpeter (1968:153) "is the institutional arrangement for arriving at political
decisions which realize the common good by making the people itself decide issues through the
election of individuals who are to assemble to carry out its will". It is instructive to highlight "the
common good" and how to arrive at it in a democracy. A common good for people in a democracy
can be arrived at from the will of individuals whom the people had given their mandate or from
any member of a society practising democracy through his representative as an idea purporting to
make a case for the welfare of the people. If after due presentation and public discussion and
debate of the idea, the idea receives the approval of most the people's representatives, the idea
stands as a common good and as a decision reached for the people. Arriving at decisions and
carrying out state policies for people through this method is in line with the principles of
democracy.
One thing so unique about democracy is the upper hand it gives to the majority. Magstadt
(2003:50-51) quoting Tocqueville (1835) makes a defense of majority rule in these words:
The moral authority of the majority is partly based upon the notion, that there is
more intelligence and more wisdom in a great number of men collected together
than in a single person… The moral power of the majority is founded upon yet
another principle, which is, that the interests of the many are to be preferred to
those of the few.
40
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
Other moral principles which account for the superiority of democracy over other systems
of government include: democracy makes adequate provision for the protection of the rights of the
minority. A minority in a democracy represents the segment of the population within a state "who
are totally out of step with the majority" (Magstadt 2003:49). Democracy develops in its
practitioners the ability to tolerate self criticism and a capacity to benefit from it (Magstadt
2003:53). Besides suggesting that democracy can be amenable to modifications and correction also
shows that democracy accommodate compromises from its practitioners. Democracy as a political
system gives dignity to the electors and their elected representatives. People have the confidence in
one to stand as their representative and that the power to recall such a person resides with the
people can introduce high moral standard among generation of elites who will be expecting similar
honour from the people.
Notwithstanding the universal love and the aura of optimism for social harmony which
democracy promises, democracy is “fragile” and is not “a one way street” (Shively 2005:181) as it
is characterized by colossal imperfections. Part of what accounts for the fragility and imperfections
of democracy according to Almond et al (2006:26) are that “it takes time to establish democratic
institutions and to have citizens recognize them and comply with the rules of the democratic
process”. In support of the above, Rourke and Boyer (2004:140) write that:
In most of the West, where democracy has existed the longest and seemed most
suitable, it evolved slowly and often fitfully…but the likelihood that any single
country will adopt democratic values and practices is at least partly linked with
internal factors such as attitudes about democracy and a country’s educational
and economic level.
Again majority rule which democracy stands for can result to what political philosophers
refer to as "the tyranny of the majority". The point is that "majority based on one dominant class,
religion or political persuasion would trample on the rights of the minorities" (Magstadt 2003:52).
The fact that democracy "is culture relative" (Eboh 2001:88) creates confusion and makes
the promotion of democracy from one state to another difficult. The implication of this according
to Rouke and Boyer (2004:140) "is that it is not always clear what is democratic and what is not".
This confusion is real among countries that practice democracy. It is possible for people whose
conception of democracy amounts to "periodically choosing among competing candidates" to fill
political positions (procedural democracy) and those whose own conceptions prioritize issues of
equality and human rights (substantive democracy) to misunderstand and criticize one another as
not practising "pure democracy" because what one emphasizes in his practice of democracy is
missing in the other. People who meet the procedural requirements of democracy may be criticized
as not practicing democracy if they discriminate on the bases of ethnicity, gender and race. On the
other hand, people whose practice of democracy undermines procedural requirements can be
accused of not practicing democracy by the opposing camp.
DISCUSSIONS
At every stage of the development of any society, education is always the springboard and
the key to turn around and radicalize the other sectors in the body polity of the state for the
attainment of any projected vision set by the state and its leaders. This, education achieves by
disseminating knowledge and skills on which the "capital and asset" of a state is built.
Of all the knowledge education disseminates and people acquire in the process of
education, knowledge of politics and political education stands out. This is because knowledge of
politics and political education is a force for good for those who recognize it and not knowing
anything about it is ultimately a force for evil for anyone in any given state. Why this is so is that
41
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
the platform on which every policy and decision of a state is derived is deeply rooted in the
political structure of that state. Consequently only a demonstration of political action and a
politically conscious population can survive, benefit, change or manoeuvre their ways in the state.
To be conversant with manipulating one's ways in a state therefore requires individuals to go
through political education processes to enhance their participation in issues of the state.
This suggests that political education facilitates peoples' awareness of rights, the functions
of their government, what to expect from the state and the right time to call for changes in state
policies including changes in forms of government and how to democratically institute new ones.
The most important dimension of political education which has implications for democracy is the
position echoed by Nwaokugha (2006:125-126) that:
Political education can enhance a people’s political participation and by
extension influence general decisions that can impact positively on the lives of
the people by mobilizing them for actions during the elections through their
votes. A good turn out and massive support for candidates whose political
manifestoes guarantee environmental justice, human rights, the basic freedom
and empowerment of a people can change policies in favour of the people
without the barrel of the gun or any physical force.
Curricular and pedagogical innovations targeted through political education for sustaining
democracy can inculcate in learners the ability to develop skills in critical thinking and analysis.
By this learners can be able to analyse the actions of individuals, groups, regions, government
officials and government policies with a view to emphasizing the implications of such actions for
their country’s national development. It is only when people develop skills in critical thinking and
learns how to analyze local, national and international issues that awareness on democracy and
participation in a democracy and other human rights issues can be promoted.
Innovations in political education which develop critical thinking and analytical skills in
learners can equip them with the capacity to accommodate and manage social change. It is possible
that a plural and secular society like Nigeria can in the face of rapid global changes manifest
debilitating and complex features in her political, economic, religious and value aspirations and the
ability of a people to master how to manage these changes especially at the grassroots levels can go
a long way in bringing about an “orderly and controlled social environment” that can no longer
threaten the national security and national unity of Nigeria. Managing social change as conceived
above can promote and sustain democracy, social justice and can help build democratic
epistemologies for addressing social issues like poverty, inequality, intra- and inter-gender and
regional disparities.
Political educational provision for sustaining democracy can develop in citizens a
consensus drive to shun “protectionist” democracy which according to Baptiste and Camp
(2008:313) “concentrates power in the hands of a few” but can prioritize the development of the
ability to institute and defend a radical participatory democracy which not only allows a people to
vote in periodic general elections but also enables them to initiate actions and policies and directly
be involved in the execution and implementation of such grassroot people oriented policies. This,
when religiously implemented correspond with the position of Spring (2000) cited in Baptiste and
Camp (2008:313-314) that:
Participatory democracy allows for citizen and community development of
curriculum, placing the needs of the urban communities at the centre, working
simultaneously to solve local problems while instilling an understanding among
students of their relationship to the larger national and global context.
42
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
What is instructive here and why participatory democracy should be the norm is that a
curriculum design that meets the needs of the individual must invariably meet the needs of the
larger society because individuals whose demands have been met are members of the larger
society. This we must acknowledge must lead to national development because the individuals so
developed are the carriers of the genes of development. The transformation which grassroots based
innovations such as the foregoing can foster is the development of the much talked about
democratic institutions and the internalization of democratic cultures by Nigerians can facilitate
sustainable development of democracy in the society. Again these developments can afford
opportunities for reflections on ways forward about deep seated social issues like corruption,
marginalisation, kidnapping, youth restiveness, and ethnicity, regional and religious crises which
permanently threaten democracy in Nigeria.
As poverty is cancerous to democracy; the innovations in political education for sustaining
democracy in Nigeria is capable of prioritizing the issues of liberation and empowerment of the
people. This is important because it is only when people are liberated and empowered that they can
uphold the principles which are conducive for the practice of true democracy. In the same way
innovation for sustaining democracy through political education in Nigeria can focus on the
development of appropriate curricular and pedagogical strategies that can challenge and explain
why the social environment in Nigeria according to Aminigo and Nwaokugha (2010: 54) “is
permanently embroiled in crises and instability” as well as why every geopolitical unit in Nigeria
voices their general disenchantment with the Nigerian state, attacking state institutions through
militant/militia groups who claim to be the mouthpiece of their various people. Why this should be
a cause for concern to political education in Nigeria is that the rate of insecurity which the
activities of these militant/militia groups have subjected everybody in Nigeria to is becoming
something else hence it has become necessary to awaken political and all stakeholders that “a
conducive and robust social environment generate positive influences on an economy and the
general quality of life of a people” (Aminigo and Nwaokugha, 2010:56).
CONCLUSION
Politics and political participation by people matters in the life of individuals and their
states, many years of political experiment both locally, nationally and internationally have given
democracy an edge over other systems of government. As a demonstration, states which have not
embraced democracy are accused of not being in tune with contemporary political practices.
However, efforts to practice democracy in Nigeria have all been aborted by the attitudes of
Nigerians, whose experiment with democracy have been purely protectionist in outlook. It is
protectionist in the sense that a few individuals hijack the system for themselves aggrandizement as
against practising participatory democracy where individuals collectively develop, start and
implement policies for the common good of all. Nigeria has paid clearly and will continue to pay
dearly for this.
We have made a case that democracy can be sustained in Nigeria if political education is
given a priority. Providing the people of Nigeria and making political education compulsory in
educational institutions can stimulate a revolution for positive changes, the result of which can be
the evolution of a social environment that can be conducive to democracy as the only alternative
for a multi-ethnic and multi-religious state like Nigeria. Success in sustaining democracy through
this way can attests that education any day any time is an instrument for redirecting, empowering
and emancipating people.
43
African Journal of Education and Technology, Volume 1 Number 2 (2011); pp. 38-44
REFERENCES
Almond, G.A., Powell, G.B. (Jr), Strom K and Palton, R.J. (2006). Comparative politics today: a
world view (eight edition). London: Pearson.
Aminigo, I.M. and Nwaokugha, D.O. (2010). “Education and the challenges of environmental
justice in Nigeria”. In Trends in educational studies (TRES) (PP 49-67). Journal of the
Institute of Education, University of Port Harcourt. Vol 5 Numbers 1 & 2 April &
November.
Anya, O.A. (2008). “Freedom, justice, pluralism and the roadmap to Nigeria’s development”
being a lecture presented as part of activities marking the 25th anniversary of the school
of graduate studies, University of Port Harcourt. November 8
Baptiste, H.P. and Camp, E.M. (2008). “Re-centering curriculum in the urban school: the need for
participatory democracy and community-based curriculum”. In The
journal
of
urban education and practice, curriculum instruction and research Vol 1 Number 4
Spring 2008 Texas Southern University Pp . 312-323.
Berge, E. (1994). “Democracy and human rights: conditions for sustainable resource utilization”.
In Johnston, B.R. (Ed) who pays the price? the socio-cultural context of environmental
crisis (Pp 187-193). Washington D.C. Island Press.
Eboh, M.P. (1996). Philosophical Essays: critique of social praxis. Port Harcourt, Paragraphics.
Eboh, M.P. (2001). Dialogue, democracy and morality. Owerri: Springfield Publishers.
Englehart, N.A. (2004). “The consequences of a constructed universal: democracy and civil rights
in the modern World”. In Moushupouri, M.; Englehart, N. Nathan, A.J. and Philip, K.
(Eds). Constructing human rights in the age of globalization (Pp 34-54) New Delhi:
Prentice-Hall of India.
Magstadt, T.M. (2003). Understanding politics, ideas institutions and issues (sixth edition)
Belmont, USA: Wadsworth/Thompson.
Nwaokugha, D.O. (2006). An inquiry into the educational challenges of environmental justice in
Nigeria. An unpublished PhD Dissertation, Faculty of Education,
University of
Port Harcourt, Nigeria.
Omoruyi, O. (1983). “Teaching political science as a vocation in Africa”. In Baronga, Y. (Ed)
Political science in Africa. A critical review (Pp 6-16) London: Zed Press.
Rouke, J.T. and Boyer, M.A. (2004). International politics on the world stages, brief. New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Schumpeter, J. (1968) “Two concepts of democracy”. In Quinton, A. (Ed). Political philosophy
(Pp 153-188). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Shively, W.P. (2005). Power and choice: an introduction to political science (Ninth edition)
London: McGraw-Hill.
© African Journal of Education and Technology (AJET) published by
Sacha International Academic Journals, London, England
in compliance with standards recommended by the
United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council
AJET is internationally indexed in:
Open-J Gate
IndexCopernicus
www.sachajournals.com
44
Download