Conservation:
Preservation or Working Landscapes?
Coffee beneath a primary
forest, Moa, Sulawesi
San Vicente,
Leyte
Conservation, the definition of which I prefer is maintaining ecological and social adaptive capacity (Berkes et al., 2003),
is an uncertain, complex, messy and contentious undertaking. Whether the focus is on obscure, little known endemics or
the language, knowledge and traditions of particular cultural groups, effective, viable conservation requires working across
disciplines, with a wide range of individuals, at multiple scales, for a long time. Ultimately, nothing is more important to the
future adaptive capacity of humanity and our planet than the maintenance of biological and cultural diversity. Yet
conservation efforts often prompt more questions than they generate answers. At the most basic level, the questions
include: What to conserve? Why conserve? Where and when to conserve? And most importantly: How to conserve?
And by whom? Is conservation the same as protection?
As should be obvious from this list of questions, conservation is not simply a biological issue, but fundamentally a
social, cultural, economic and ultimately political undertaking. This may seem obvious, yet much of the conservation
conversation, or more accurately the debates that have raged for decades and the projects that have been pursued in the
name of conservation, have been framed, managed and directed largely by biologists, though social scientists and
activists have also had much to say. Some conservation efforts have clearly been successful, such as the reestablishment
of healthy osprey and bald eagle populations throughout much of the United States. Other efforts have not only failed, but
have arguably been counterproductive and left bitter legacies of conflict, such as in northern Lore Lindu N.P. in Sulawesi,
Indonesia as so richly documented by Li (2007).
We all as individuals approach questions and problems, and
perceive people and even landscapes, through the filters of
personal experiences , including where and how we were raised,
how our families made their living and our cultural traditions. In
other words, each and every one of us has biases, whether we are
cognizant of them or not. My academic background was in
biology, agronomy and related natural sciences, and most of my
research has addressed ecological questions. Yet my
perspectives on conservation were profoundly and irrevocably
shaped by living and working with rattan collectors and forest
farmers in San Vicente, Kerinci and Moa. As a young graduate
student in Leyte, Philippines, I witnessed suffering and starvation
precipitated by an El Ninõ drought, but underlain by denuded
landscapes, extreme poverty, gross land tenure inequity, and
centuries of colonial and state exploitation of land and people.
Drought affected the men, women and children of San Vicente, but
they suffered much less than most other Leyte villagers because
they had a forest to fall back upon (see: Belsky & Siebert, 1983).
This invaluable “subsidy from nature” spared their lives (see
Hecht et al. 1988, for discussion of this concept in the context of
the Brazilian Amazon). The forests above San Vicente are
invaluable, providing income from rattan that compensate for lost
crops, wild “famine” foods (e.g., Dioscorea sp.), and water which
never ceases to flow from springs that have never seen logging.
But these were government protected forests, specifically Imelda
Marcos National Park, home to the last remnants of the highly
diverse and endemic flora and fauna that covered the island when
Magellan claimed them for Spain and where he died fighting native
inhabitants who weren’t prepared to have them taken away. My
views were shaped by these and countless other experiences.
Chicle gum collected from wild Manilkara zapota
trees has been a valuable NTFP for decades in
Belize and the Peten of Guatemala.
In the following section I pose questions, provide examples
from San Vicente, Kerinci and Moa, and suggest readings to
stimulate discussion of the uncertain, complex, messy and
contentious business that is conservation.
One of the most contentious and oldest conservation debates revolves around “how” conservation
should be pursued, specifically whether biodiversity conservation (and in this context the focus has
been exclusively on biological diversity) should pursue:
- strict preservation (sometimes referred to as “fortress conservation” or “coercive conservation”) .
In this approach all utilitarian/extractive uses are prohibited, including hunting, gathering, forest
product collecting, farming, etc., whether they have been practiced for centuries or not.
See: Kramer et al. (1997), Struhsaker (1998), Terborgh (1999).
Park and forest guards in
the Philippines and many
other tropical countries
receive military training and
often wear military-like
uniforms. Subic Bay,
Philippines
or
- conservation through sustainable
use, sometimes referred to as
“working landscapes” or “wise use”,
before the latter term was co-opted by
opponents of government
management of public lands in the
American West.
In this approach some utilitarian and
extractive uses, if managed on a
sustainable basis by resident people,
particularly indigenous populations in
tropical forests, are not only
compatible with, but essential to the
development of socially acceptable,
economically viable and politically
feasible conservation.
See: Brechin et al. (2003), Campbell et
al. (2010), Hutton et al. (2005), Kusters
et al. (2006), West & Brechin (1991).
Swidden farmer and upland rice inside Lore
Lindu N.P., Sulawesi
The preservation vs. sustainable use conflict is an old one. John Muir, founder of the Sierra Club,
and Gifford Pinchot, first director of the U.S. Forest Service, debated the topic over a century ago
and their decisions continue to frame both the physical boundaries and politics of land use in the
American West and profoundly influenced conservation efforts around the world.
Yellowstone N.P.
Tropical forest degradation and conversion have been a global conservation issue for decades, but
has yet to be controlled, much less eliminated. For information regarding tropical forest biodiversity
loss see: Bradshaw et al. (2009), Brooks et al. (2006), Gardner et al. (2009), Jepsen et al. (2001),
Laurance (2007), Sodhi et al. 2006 & (2004). For discussions of tropical forest conservation efforts see:
Ashton (2007), Brooks et al. (2006), Butler & Laurance (2008), Curran et al. (2004), Harvey et al. (2008),
Hayes (2006), Holland et al. (2009), Peluso (1993), Peluso & Watts (1991), Schwartzman et al (2000),
Sodhi et al (2010).
See: Li (2007) re. state and international conservation efforts and their effects in northern Lore Lindu
N.P. and Siebert & Belsky (2002) for how the village of Moa addressed food insecurity in southern Lore
Lindu N.P.
forest clearing by
Javanese migrants,
Sulawesi
The preservation vs. sustainable use debate prompts many additional questions, such as:
What is being conserved and why? This question is often species-focused, particularly on species
important to the international conservation community and that generate interest, sympathy and
funding (e.g., think of the success WWF has had with its panda). Similar efforts focus on conserving
iconic landscapes and ecologically unique communities (e.g., Yellowstone and the Galapagos).
Efforts to conserve species often entail identifying and specifying biological criteria (e.g., minimum
viable population sizes), while preserving iconic sites focuses on unique natural features (e.g.,
glaciers in Glacier N.P.).
This in turn prompts
additional questions:
Maintaining minimum viable
populations and natural
features under what specific
environmental conditions?
For how long?
At what probability level?
Mt. Kenya N.P.
For example, assume one is interested in conserving the rare and endangered Sumatran Tiger
in Kerinci, Sumatra. Why are Sumatran Tigers endangered? Is it due to habitat loss? If so, what
are the causal factors and underlying forces that drive tiger habitat loss in Kerinci? Is it resident
collection of rattan and the cultivation of cinnamon and coffee in forest farms? Or are state and
multinational corporate logging practices the primary cause? Or is it habitat loss due to the
establishment of vast oil palm plantations? Whatever the specific cause(s), what are the
underlying economic, political and social forces that facilitate or drive forest conversion and tiger
habitat loss? Alternatively, perhaps hunting of Sumatran tigers for the lucrative Chinese
aphrodisiac market is the primary cause of their decline. If so, what underlying economic, political
and social forces facilitate this activity? Or, perhaps the decline in tigers results from insufficient
prey, disease, and/or loss of genetic vigor due to inbreeding depression among an already small
population.
For discussions of forest conversion in
Indonesian protected areas, including
Kerinci-Seblat N.P., see: Curran et al.
(2004), Fitzherbert et al. (2008), and Linke
et al. (2008).
For reviews of causal factors and
underlying drivers of tropical forest
degradation and conversion, see:
Chomitz, (2007), Dove, (1993), Fearnside
(2008), Geist & Lambin (2002), Hecht &
Cockburn (1989), and Rudel (2005).
For historical perspectives on forest
exploitation, see: Tucker (2000) and
Wallace (1869).
Forest clearing for an oil palm
plantation, Malaysia
The role and importance of habitat loss/ecological disturbance raises many questions, including:
With respect to tigers, what forest types are favorable to ungulates, pigs and other animals that
Sumatran tigers feed upon?
How are these forest conditions created and maintained? Specifically, what disturbance regimes and
attributes (i.e., type, size, intensity, duration, frequency and pattern) favor Sumatran tigers?
See: Uhl (1990) for an introduction to ‘natural’ and anthropogenic disturbance regimes.
What historic disturbance regimes shaped and maintained the flora and fauna of Kerinci?
What role did people, who have lived in, utilized and managed forests in Kerinci for centuries play in
shaping and maintaining the region’s flora and fauna?
How were Sumatran Tigers able to co-exist, or at least survive, with humans in the past?
Why do Bengal tigers still survive in Bhutan
and India where human populations and land
use pressures are greater than Kerinci?
See: Namgyel et al. (2008) regarding potential
relationships between swidden agriculture
and tigers in Bhutan.
Have historic disturbance regimes changed?
If so, how? Over what time period?
If disturbance regimes have changed, what
were the causal factors and underlying
driving forces?
swidden field, Bhutan
Ecological disturbance can be explored any place, but are always site specific and must consider how
disturbance regimes have changed over time, particularly disturbances that affect (i.e., shape or
maintain) biodiversity of conservation concern.
See: Perera et al. 2004 for analysis of attempts to emulate natural disturbance regimes in managing
coniferous forests in western Canada.
British Columbia
Historic ecological disturbances raise the broader issue of the role of indigenous people (i.e., native
inhabitants) in those disturbances, that is in shaping and maintaining biological diversity and
landscape conditions prior to the age of globalization ushered in by Columbus.
How did historic anthropogenic disturbance regimes affect the development of contemporary
biodiversity and ecological conditions (e.g., soils) and functions (e.g., nutrient cycling), and how have
disturbance regimes changed since European contact,
colonization and the exchange of people, plants,
animals, diseases and other organisms around the
world?
The changes wrought by this contact, what Mann
(2011) describes as “convulsive transculturation”,
profoundly impacted every corner of the planet.
Mann’s popular books, 1493 (2011) and 1491 (2005),
and the research upon which they are based, raise
disturbing questions for preservationists.
Of particular concern is the possibility that biodiversity
and landscape conditions throughout the New World
largely reflect that which developed in the 500 years
since the death of up to 95% of the hemisphere’s
original inhabitants due to European diseases,
Starvation, genocide and conflict.
The classic Mayan site Xuantinich in western Belize looks out
over a landscape inhabited by hundreds of thousands of
people approximately 1000 years ago, but is now home to only
a few thousand.
The role of humans in historic ecological disturbances raises numerous interesting questions:
If forests throughout much of the New World were less extensive and more actively managed,
frequently burned, etc. before Columbus, as appears to have been the case, are post-Columbian
conditions a cultural artifact as some have argued?
If some apparently ‘pristine’ tropical forests only developed over the past five centuries, might
tropical forests be more resilient to disturbance than is commonly assumed?
If so, resilient to what specific
disturbance types and attributes?
How significant and widespread
are historic anthropogenic
disturbances in the tropical
forests of Asia and Africa?
How does one investigate this?
For discussions of historic
anthropogenic land uses and
disturbance of tropical forests see:
Brondízio (2008), Bayliss-Smith
et al. (2003), Bird et al. (2008),
Bush & Silman (2007), Denham
et al. (2003), Denevan (2004),
Haberle (2007), Kealhofer (2003),
Ranganathan et al. (2008), Willis
et al. (2004), and Xu et al. (2009).
swidden mosaic, Sulawesi
Fundamental to discussions of historic anthropogenic disturbances are questions such as:
Are humans part of nature? Or do the unique attributes of humans (e.g., intelligence, ability to
communicate, technological prowess, etc.) somehow separate us from nature?
Do answers to these questions necessitate considering the Judeo-Christian and Renaissance roots
of western civilization? See for example: Gomez-Pompa & Kaus (1992).
How do other cultures (e.g.,
indigenous forest-dwellers) see
know and relate to forests,
resources, the concept of time,
etc.?
See for example: Berkes (2008)
and Davis (2007).
The Mediterranean has long been
considered a “ruined landscape”,
yet its floristic diversity is second
only to the tropics of Amazonia
and Southeast Asia. Is the
Mediterranean “ruined” or could
the rich floristic diversity be a
consequence, in part, of human
use and management?
See: Grove & Rackham (2001),
Siebert (2004)
Poussin (1648)
from Grove & Rackham (2001)
The topic of sustainability, specifically defining, implementing and managing sustainable use, raises
many complex and contentious issues, including:
How does one define sustainable use?
Is a comprehensive definition possible? That is,
does it address everything from genetic
variability within a population through all
possible effects associated with use/extraction
on ecosystem processes over an ecologically
meaningful time period? Or is the notion of
sustainable development an oxymoron?
See: Ludwig et al. (1993) and Struhsaker (1998).
Are there successful examples of sustainable
use of forests, wildlife or fisheries?
See: Jackson et al. (2001) and Ludwig et al.
(1993) for examples from marine fisheries.
Important socioeconomic considerations
inherent in sustainable resource use are
reviewed by: Belcher et al. (2005), Campos
& Nepstad (2006), Knoke et al. (2009) and
Ostrom (2009).
Nasi & Frost (2009), Pearce et al. (2003) and
Putz et al. (2001) review challenges in and
prospects for sustainable management of
tropical forests.
Arnol harvesting rattan cane near Moa
The potential contribution that sustainable
harvesting of NTFPs could play in
biodiversity conservation and poverty
alleviation stimulated much research and
development effort throughout the 1990s.
However, anticipated benefits of sustainable
NTFP harvesting have rarely been realized.
Why?
See Freese (1997), Nepstad & Schwartzman
(1992), Peters et al. (1989) and Plotkin &
Famolare (1992) for examples of
promotional NTFP studies.
What research methods might one use to
ascertain ecological effects associated with
NTFP harvesting?
See: Hall & Bawa (1993), Peters (1994),
Salafsky et al. (1993), Siebert (1995) and
Ticktin (2004).
Marked Calamus zollingeri rattan for study of
effects associated with cane harvesting, Moa
Managing for sustainable use typically entails using a commodity at some predictable and +/- fixed
level. In contrast, managing for social and ecological resilience (i.e., maintaining adaptive capacity)
recognizes that social and ecological change varies and is unpredictable and inevitable.
Consequently, managing for resilience seeks to retain the capacity to adapt to change through
nurturing social and ecological diversity, memory and redundancy.
See: Berkes et al. (2003) for an overview and examples of resilience, and the online journal Ecology
and Society for case studies that employ the resilience framework.
Balinese farmers
have managed
irrigated rice
paddies and
adjacent upland
forests on a
sustainable basis
for centuries
without external
inputs.
How did they
manage this?
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