July 2006
Missing Girls in Vietnam: Is High Tech Sexism an Emerging Reality?
By Gita Sabharwal and Than Thi Thien Huong1
Introduction
1.
The note highlights a possible trend that Vietnam may face in the near
future – that of missing girls2 – a phenomenon similar to China and India. At
present gender inequalities in Vietnam manifests in many forms. Despite
women being economically empowered they continue to be disadvantaged
and discriminated. Analysis suggests a worrying trend of declining sex ratio
for girls at birth, the emerging new face of gender inequality in Vietnam. This
phenomenon is becoming statistically significant across urban Vietnam and
for some provinces in the country. The decline seems to stem from the
preference for son’s which is embedded within the patriarchal Confucian
tradition. This preference combined with the availability of modern techniques
to simply and cheaply determine the gender of the foetus seems to be
resulting in sex-selective abortion. It is thereby contributing to a possible
gender imbalance. The government needs to map and understand this
phenomenon better in order to develop appropriate policy responses if it is to
avoid the Chinese phenomenon of missing girls. The note is based on the
census study (1999) and the annual Population Change and Labour Surveys
(2001-2005) supported by analysis from the World Values Survey (2001).
2.
The note provides an overview of the changing context in Vietnam and
women’s situation within it. It highlights the many faces of gender inequalities
in today’s Vietnam. It then examines the new phenomenon of missing girls
and presents some early conclusions.
Changing Context
3.
Vietnam over the past decade has seen rapid yet comprehensive
change. A fast growing economy is resulting in changes to the economic
structures of society. More and more people are now employed in the
manufacturing and services sector with the contribution of agriculture to GDP
declining. Similarly the share of the labour force in the public sector has
declined relative to the private sector with wage and self employment
emerging as a viable option. With Vietnam’s economic integration into the
world economy, the pace of change will further increase.
4.
The broad based growth that Vietnam has seen over the past decade
and more is contributing to rapid poverty reduction across all regions of the
country. In 2004, though one in five households live in poverty, the per capita
expenditure is steadily rising for all including the ethnic minorities. This has
contributed to the economic well being of the population and is reflected in the
1
2
The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and not of the organisation that they work for.
Missing women refers to the deficit of women which arises from sex bias in relative care.
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high Human Development Index and the Gender Development Index3 relative
to other countries at similar levels of development.
Women in the Changing Political Economy of Vietnam
5.
Women in Vietnam have historically been economically empowered.
They have a long tradition of participating actively in the labour force. This is
reflected in the high levels of women’s work participation rate, which are
identical to men. Rates of underemployment also appear to be similar and
declining for men and women. In fact, women in Vietnam are expected to be
gainfully employed. According to the World Values Survey (2001) 97%
believed that both husband and wife should contribute to household income
and be productive members of society.
6.
Despite women’s economic empowerment they continue to be
disadvantaged and discriminated against in the economic and social spheres
of life. This reflects Amartya Sen’s analysis about gender inequality not being
one homogeneous phenomenon. Vietnam has different faces of gender
inequalities some of which are deeply entrenched and with evidence of new
forms of gender inequality emerging.
Entrenched Gender Inequalities in the Society
7.
Though women have taken advantage of the new opportunities
generated by the process of transition and broad based growth, they have
done so on disadvantageous terms. There are persistent inequalities in
returns to labour between men and women. According to 2002 Vietnam
Household Living Standard Survey (VHLSS), women’s average monthly wage
is 85% of men’s. In agriculture the corresponding figure is 66% and in industry
78%. While gender inequalities in returns to labour reflect a combination of
factors including differences in educational attainment, skills and work
experience there is the angle of discrimination which is deeply entrenched
and calls for further examination.
8.
Analysis suggests that women are also discriminated against
specifically while seeking employment in sectors believed to be men’s forte
like information technology, oil and gas, chemical, etc. Similarly, sex
segregation in the labour market is to some extent due to job recruitment and
promotion practices. Government and the private sector reinforce these
gender stereotypes. For example, an analysis of Lao Dong (Labour)
newspaper advertisements in the first quarter of 2000 indicated that a fourth
of the jobs advertised specified only male candidates. Similarly, a Ministry of
Health advertisement states bluntly that women and men can apply for
pharmacist jobs but that women must have “excellent” university degree while
men needed only “average” or “higher level”. Such gender biased
3
Vietnam is ranked 108 on the HDI and 83 on the GDI in 2003.
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July 2006
advertisements are a reflection of labour segregation and actively promote
gender discrimination in the labour market4.
9.
Women also work longer hours. Women’s work load analysis suggests
in rural Vietnam, women put in six to eight hours more which typically involves
domestic work and contributions to the care economy. In urban Vietnam,
women put in 2.5 hours more than men performing household work. Men
regard household work including cooking, taking care of children and the
elderly or sick as women’s responsibility with a very small proportions of men
willing to share domestic work. Thus the burden of hardship falls
disproportionately on women. This is the other face of inequality in gender
relations within the family.
10.
Gender relations have not changed much over the past years.
Traditional Confucian norms and belief continue to form the overarching
framework which defines gender relationship within the household and the
society at large in Vietnam. Patriarchal value system tends to sit along side
economic well being and high levels of women’s literacy. This combined with
technological access is resulting in new forms of gender inequality as
evidenced by declining sex ratio.
Emerging Face of Gender Inequality in Vietnam: Declining Sex Ratio
11.
Vietnam along with many other Asian societies has a preference for
boys over girls. Gender inequality thus manifests itself in the form of the
parents wanting the newborn to be a boy. There was a time when this could
be no more than a wish. However, with the availability of modern techniques
to determine the sex of the foetus simply and cheaply, sex-selective abortion
has become common in Vietnam. It is particularly prevalent in China and
South Korea, but also in Singapore and Taiwan. It appears what Sen calls
“high-tech sexism” is emerging as a statistically significant phenomenon in
Vietnam as well.
12.
Over the past years there is a noticeable and worrying change in the
demography as the number of women to men (sex ratios5) has declined
particularly across urban Vietnam and for some provinces. In 1999 the sex
ratio at birth in urban Vietnam was 93 girls to every 100 boys given the normal
ratio of 95 (refer Table I). This dipped to 86 in 2001 and seems to stabilise at
93 in 2004. The sex ratio in 2002 dramatically changes and swings up to 102
much within the standard sex ratio6. For the country as a whole the sex ratio
declined from 95 in 1999 to 93 in 2004 slightly below the normal standard. For
rural Vietnam, data suggests slight variations over the years and a drop to 94
in 2004, which is slightly below the normal standard. This is a reflection of
some degree of gender instability and imbalance in Vietnam’s population as a
whole and particularly so in urban areas.
4
Naila Kabeer et al 2005, Preparing for the Future: Forward Looking Strategies to Promote Gender Equity in Viet
Nam.
5
6
Number of women to 100 men.
This phenomenon needs to be studied as it could be a function of low quality survey and poor data.
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Table I: Sex Ratio at Birth
Sex Ratio at
1999
2000
Birth
2001
2002
2003
2004
(Women to 100
Men)
Country
95
93
90
95
92
93
Urban
93
91
86
102
93
93
Rural
95
94
91
94
91
94
Source: Census 1999, Vietnam Gender Statistics in the Early Years of 21st century and
Population Change and Family Planning, 2003 and 2004.
13.
There is wide variation in sex ratio across cities and provinces (refer
Table II). This could give rise to distorted demographic pockets and high
levels of gender imbalance. Analysis of the 1999 census shows that 6 out of
the 61 provinces reported much lower than standard sex ratios at birth (7883). For example, An Giang reported the lowest sex ratios in Vietnam with 78
girls to every 100 boys followed by Kon Tum at 81 and Thai Binh province in
the north at 83. Analysis based on the annual population change and labour
survey suggests dramatic drops in girls to boys ranging from the lowest
recorded ratio of 68 in Thanh Hoa in 2001 to 71 in 2004. Kon Tum is another
interesting case in point. In 1999 it records a sex ratio of 81, which drops to 54
in 2001 and goes up to 75 in 2004. The annual figures show a very high
degree of fluctuation. Their accuracy may be questionable as they are based
on records of commune and district health clinics which may not necessarily
be a complete record of all births. Research also shown that sex ratio at birth
in urban areas or provincial centres is higher than for the province as a
whole7. For example, Ha Dong town has a sex ratio of 83 while Ha Tay the
province in which it is located has a sex ration of 91. It’s a similar picture in
Thu Dau Mot (88) in Binh Duong province (92).
Table II: Sex Ratio at Birth in Selected Provinces
Provinces
1999
2001
2002
population
census
Thai Binh
83
-
2003
2004
-
88
Kon Tum
81
54
88
77
75
An Giang
78
-
66
70
80
Hai Duong
86
85
84
84
77
Thanh Hoa
86
68
76
76
71
Ha Tinh
87
82
81
82
82
Quang
85
83
78
80
7
Dung et al 2005.
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Ninh
Source: Dung et al 2005.
14.
Some analysis suggests that the availability of modern techniques to
simply and cheaply8 determine the gender of the foetus is resulting in sexselective abortions becoming common in cities of Vietnam9. This factor is
corroborated with the high abortion rates for urban areas. Although it is
difficult to obtain consistent data on abortion, the rate is widely accepted as
being high. Studies10 indicate that 46% of all pregnancies were terminated in
2002. The abortion rate among married women averages to 1.47 and goes up
to 1.66 for women in urban areas for 2003. These figures could be an
underestimate as they do not cover the abortions performed privately.
Table III: Abortion Rates for Married Women aged 15-49
(mean numbers per woman)
2001
2002
2003
National
1.30
1.08
1.47
Urban
1.71
1.14
1.66
Rural
1.16
1.05
1.41
Source: MDG Report, 2005 Table 5.5
15. Comparing internationally, urban Vietnam presents a case to worry.
Against the normal ratio of about 95 girls being born per 100 boys (which is
what we observe in Europe and North America), Singapore and Taiwan have
92, South Korea 88 and China a mere 86 girls born to every 100 boys. The
drop in urban Vietnam and particularly across some of the provinces looks
particularly high and comparable to the levels in China or Korea. It is essential
to understand the causes underpinning this decline while also testing the
reliability of data.
16. This is cause for concern. These could be "early days," and as the
ultrasound technology spreads more widely across the country, Vietnam’s sex
ratio could decline further. This is quite possible despite the fact that the
National Assembly has outlawed sex determination of the foetus (except
when it is medically required) precisely to prevent its abuse for sex selective
abortion.
17.
From the data presented above we can draw some early conclusions.
Firstly, declining sex ratio at birth appears to be more of an urban
phenomenon largely due to easy availability of ultrasound technology in the
cities and economic well being with increased disposable incomes. Secondly,
as the technology spreads to the peripheries of the country, there is a
possibility that families in rural Vietnam could also start to exercise the choice
8
A three dimensional ultrasound costs any where between 4 to 10 USD.
Vietnam News dated 20th July, 2006, World Bank 2006 and ADB 2005.
10
World Bank 2006, WHO, 1999.
9
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of sex determination. This could result in further decline in the sex ratio for the
country as a whole. Thirdly, declining sex ratio is not an inevitable result of the
two child policy. Economic well being and access to technology combined
with families wanting sons will inevitably result in sex selective abortions.
Tackling the Emerging Face of Gender Inequality
18.
Despite Vietnam’s rapid integration into the world economy, the
assertion of older patriarchal norms, tradition and value system is resulting in
declining sex ratio calls for urgent attention. There is a need to deepen
understanding and monitor the changing trend in sex ratios disaggregated by
provinces and districts. The preference for sons and the increase in sex
selective abortions calls for intensive research. There are also appears to be
a close link between women’s economic prospects and preference for boys.
For this long term solutions should include affirmative actions for women and
girls including women being given preference for public sector jobs and
education and training opportunities to enter “male” occupations. The
government needs to engage and develop appropriate policy responses to
stem the decline in sex ratio and avoid the Chinese phenomenon of “missing
girls” in Vietnam.
19.
This face of gender inequality cannot be removed only through
women’s empowerment. Women are an integral part of the cause as they in
their various roles tend to believe and exhibit patriarchal values and norms as
well. This calls for an informed comprehensive approach by policy makers to
address patriarchal attitudes and promote gender equality by creating
incentives for women and girls.
Conclusion
20.
With Vietnam’s integration into the global world and rapid
improvements in economic well being, the assertion of traditional patriarchal
norms and values is social phenomenon worth tracking. Declining sex ratio is
becoming the new face of gender inequality. It’s hard to predict whether
Vietnam will see a further decline in the sex ratio though evidence seems to
suggest a movement in that direction. Vietnam could go the way of China with
“missing girls” becoming an issue for the future.
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July 2006
References
ADB, 2005. Viet Nam Gender Situation Analysis.
Amartya S, 2003. Many Faces of Gender Inequality.
Amartya S, 2003. Missing Women Revisited.
Chen Wei, 2005. Sex Ratio at Birth in Chin. Centre for Population and
Development Studies, People’s University of China.
Dung V.A., P.T.T Huong, N.N. Huyen and L.T. Son, 2005. Sex Ratios at Birth
in Vietnam and Some Localities: Current Situation and Comments.
GSO, Population Change and Family Planning Survey 2001, 2002, 2003,
2004 and 2005.
GSO, 2001. Population and Housing Census, Viet Nam 1999.
Naila Kabeer, Tran thi Van anh, Vu Manh Loi2005. Preparing for the Future:
Forward Looking Strategies to Promote Gender Equity in Viet Nam.
The Economist, 2005. Missing Girls.
Vietnam Gender Statistics in the Early Years of 21st Century, 2005. NCFAW,
GSO, UNDP, RNE
GoV, 2005. Vietnam Achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Vietnam News, 2006 (20th July). New Born Boys Outnumber Girls.
Viet Nam Population News. January-March 2005
WHO, 1999. Abortion in Vietnam: An Assessment of Policy, Programme and
Research Issues.
World Bank, 2006. Vietnam Gender Assessment.
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