In: Myllyntaus, T. & Saikku, M. (ed.) 2001. Encountering the
past in nature: Essays in environmental history, pp. 74-93.
Ohio University Press, Athens. ISBN 0-8214-1358-9.
(For endnotes and complete references, see original article!).
THE VANISHING AND REAPPEARING TROPICAL FOREST:
FOREST MANAGEMENT AND LAND USE IN THAILAND
Olavi Luukkanen
Abstract. Common thinking outside the forestry profession envisages industrial
utilization of wood as a major cause for the depletion of forest resources and,
consequently, environmental degradation. Thailand offers evidence on a
different type of relationship whereby environmental degradation and
deforestation in particular is mainly caused by political, economic and other
societal factors. Conversely, the predicted gradual improvement of the
environment and an increase in the forested area in Thailand are also trends
which will not depend on the forestry sector alone but on more general
national policy. This positive development will thus basically be, in its
causality, not unlike the earlier negative one in which forestry institutions did
not primarily determine the utilization of natural resources but, instead, acted
as agents for the changing needs of the society.
1. Introduction: Thailand
Thailand, with a population of 55 million and a total land area of 514,000 km2, is a
developing country showing one of the fastest rates of economic growth in the whole world.
Ecologically it is characterized by a tropical monsoon climate and deciduous or evergreen
tropical forest vegetation. Rice farming has traditionally constituted the core of the economy
both at the national and the individual level. However, the share of agriculture in the GDP has
already fallen to 12 % in this rapidly industrialising country. Nevertheless, half of the labor
force is still working in agriculture. Productivity is, in contrast, higher in industry, which
achieved a double-digit growth rate in many years during the 1990s and accounts for 37% of
GDP.
The economic prosperity of Thailand can be measured both as economic growth, initially
mainly in agriculture, and as a decrease in the percentage of the population living below the
poverty line from 30 % in 1976 to 25 % in 1988. A study by Tongpan et al. (1990) which
presents and analyses the figures cited here also points out the underlying factors which are
characteristic for the development situation in Thailand.
Firstly, economic growth in Thailand was not achieved through increased agricultural
production per unit land area but, instead, by clearing abundant forest land for export-oriented
agriculture. This contributed to a low production cost, alleviation of poverty and reduction of
the number of landless people -- without any large-scale land reform. Between 1950 and
1
1988, as much as 16 million ha of forest land was converted to agricultural use, resulting in
tripling of the total area of cropland in the whole country.
The forest cover has decreased from 62 % in 1950 to 25 % today, half of which is already
classified as protection forest (Ruangpanit 1992). Remoteness, poor accessibility, infertile
soil and pressure towards increased forest conservation and protection make, in economic
terms, the supply price of forest land from a farmer's viewpoint continuously higher. As a
result, the farm sizes and their average production per hectare have started to decrease.
Tongpan et al. (1990) list a number of mitigating factors which in Thailand have prevented a
cessation or reversion of the trend of continuous economic growth. As the most important
one, the decline in the annual population growth from 3 % in the early 1960s to less than 1.5
% today should be mentioned. Secondly, industrial centres, notably Bangkok, have absorbed
much of the agricultural labor force, which, however, still constitutes 60 % of the total. The
third mitigating factor is the off-farm employment in irrigated areas, particularly on the
central plains.
Despite a decrese of the percentage of the population living under the poverty line and other
positive indicators of the Thai economy, the income gap continues to widen. Another, even
more serious consideration is that the environment is still deteriorating at an alarming rate.
The aim of the present study was to analyse, using mainly data from the literature, some of
the causes of deforestation in Thailand and to make general conclusions which also could
help in predicting expected future changes in forest cover in Thailand and elsewhere.
2. Thai forest policy in historical perspective
2.1 General remarks
Environmental degradation in Thailand is best evidenced by decrease in forest cover. For
proper understanding of the relationship between the forests and the environment as a whole
on one hand and economic land use on the other, a historical overview of the development of
forest management in Thailand is necessary. The core of the information presented below is
derived from Pragtong and Thomas (1990).
2.2 Forests in national institution building (1896-1953)
The Royal Forest Department (RFD) was established in 1896. Its main purpose was to
administer the control of and revenue collection in teak forests of northern Thailand. At the
turn of the century Thailand was an independent country with absolute monarchy as its
government form, but the forestry administration was organized following the British colonial
pattern and led initially by foreign experts.
The central authority in Thailand (with Bangkok as the capital since the late 18th century) had
always fought for sovereignty not only against external threats but also within the country
against regional power centres led by local nobilities. Forestry administration - and the
2
taxation which it supported - strengthened the central authority politically. In 1899, all forest
land was proclaimed government property and timber extraction without payments to RFD
prohibited. These regulations were mainly enforced in the teak forests of the North and they
had little effect on the dry evergreen or dry dipterocarp forests of the Northeast or the moist
evergreen forests of the South.
Forestry legislation, strengthening of the regional organization of RFD and other institutionbuilding activities characterised the period immediately after the peaceful transfer to
constitutional monarchy in 1932. Up to the early 1950s the population density remained low
(averaging 33 persons/km2) and the forest cover varied from 70 % in the North to 60 % in the
Central Region and 40 % in the Northeast and South.
2.3 Forests in economic growth (1954-1967)
Forest products, particularly teak logs and processed teak, continued to be among the leading
items for export earnings in Thailand after the 1950s. National five-year plans guided the
economic development, beginning with the first plan in 1962-1966. Among other things, this
plan established 50 % as a target for forest cover for the country; in subsequent plans up to
the present day this target has been 40 % (cf. Bonita 1992).
In the 1950's, the RFD still had the overall responsibility of logging control, but a new
commercial body, the Forest Industry Organization (FIO) was formed in 1956 to take over the
government-controlled forest industry activities and also forest management tasks, such as
teak plantation establishment. Beginning in 1962, national parks and other conservation areas
were also established; their management became one of the most visible tasks of the RFD.
Forest gazetting, i.e. turning of reserved forest land officially under government control, was
also given to RFD as a special task during this period. Conflicts over the control of land soon
emerged, and a highly controversial situation developed in the mountain areas, where
shifting cultivation was practised by ethnic minorities (either with a long history of residence
within the national borders or, in other cases, with a migrant pattern of settlement in Thailand
as well as in Burma and Laos; cf. Kunstadter et al. 1978).
During this period a rapid change started in the forests of Thailand; however, the main cause
was not any traditional form of land use but the rapidly expanding commercial agriculture of
the ethnic Thai lowland population. By 1967, the forest cover had dropped to 48 % on
average, but the deforestation rate was slow in the North, where most industrial forest
activities took place (as much as 40 % of the land area of the North was under forest
concessions, which did not yet occur in other regions).
2.4 Forests in environmental degradation (1968-1980`s)
Commercial logging reached its peak after 1968 when 30-year concessions were granted for
the first time (Arbhabhirama et al. 1987). Soon half of the total area of the country was
covered by concessions in which tree planting was required but often poorly implemented.
3
The period of democratic government from 1973 to 1976 pardoned the illegal settlers in
reserved forests; this probably led to further forest clearing for agricultural land use.
However, this period also saw an expansion of the conservation area system. By 1980,
already 8% of the total land area was under protection for conservation purposes.
Political unstability resulting from the 1976 violent military coup led to the formation of antigovernment forces. The forestry administration found itself on the side of the military which
tried to suppress anti-government activities by deliberately speeding up the disappearance of
the forest which protected the rebels.
Outside and inside the concessions, illegal logging continued to be a considerable problem.
Cutting of valuable timber trees illegally was, and still is, mostly done by villagers who act
under the protection of powerful persons with strong commercial and political connections. It
has been estimated that during the height of commercial logging, between 50 and 75 % of the
timber originated from illegal operations (cf. Hurst 1990, p. 228).
Forest clearing for agricultural crops reached its peak during this period, and the RFD had no
power to stop this process. Other government branches actively supported forest clearing to
speed up economic growth and political stability. Roads constructed for defense or
centralized control were additional factors which brought about settlement and forest
clearing.
2.5 Forests today
Through the 1980s Thailand experienced a period of political stability which was interrupted
by a military coup in 1991. However, this coup caused a strong popular reaction against the
military and a rapid new democratization process in which the final outcome still is to be
seen.
As an attempt to halt deforestation, a national forest policy was approved in 1985, with a 40%
forest cover still as a target. Of this land area, 15% was allocated for conservation areas and
25% for production purposes (recently, these percentages have been inverted, with the effect
that 25 % is now allocated for conservation; cf. Ruangpanit 1992).
In the 1980s, tree planting projects were also initiated, which, however, did not include much
local participation. One of the most disputed issues was the leasing of degraded forest land
for to private enterprises for industrial plantations. Environmental, economic and social
reasons have been mentioned as factors making this activity less beneficial than expected (cf.
Tongpan et al. 1991). In many cases the land allocated for industrial plantations was already
occupied by encroachers and used for agricultural production. Forest land was also lost to
dam construction (Hurst 1990, p. 235).
A flood disaster in southern Thailand in 1988 was the final factor which sensitized the
environmentalists, the general public and political decision making towards rapid action to
stop the deforestation completely. In 1989, after much publicity and heated debate the
4
Cabinet declared a ban on commercial logging of all indigenous forests (except for
mangroves) in the whole country.
Among the most immediate consequences were the revoking of all concessional rights and
switching to imported logs or rubberwood in forest industry. The country was ready to enter a
new stage in environment and forestry-related matters, but at the same time a strong suspicion
towards the old administrative and political structure concerning its ability to solve
environmental problems prevailed. This suspicion towards everything connected with the past
has not disappeared in Thailand during the recent democratization process.
A Forestry Sector Master Plan, financed by Finland, attempts now to analyse the forestrelated issues in Thailand. It is implemented in a challenging but historically very convenient
situation. The result will be a completely revised forest policy and a process which turns this
policy to action (Thai Forestry Sector... 1992, 1993a).
3. Forest management as affected by societal and economic factors in Thailand
3.1 Population growth
Of the main administrative regions in Thailand (Central Region, East, South, North,
Northeast), the Northeast offers the most plausible example of population growth as a major
factor causing deforestation (Hafner and Apichatvullop 1990).
The Northeast has the densest population and also the lowest percentage of forest cover. The
region is characterized by low average agricultural production, caused by poor soils and the
insufficient and erratic rainfall.
In the Northeast, deforestation reached the highest rate (7-8 % annually) during the 1970s and
1980s. By 1986, the forest area had decreased to 12 %, as contrasted to the 25% cover given
for the county as a whole.
Deforestation in northeastern Thailand was due to a rapid conversion of forest land to
farmland for field crops, especially maize, kenaf, cassava and sugar cane. The decline in the
deforestation rate since the early 1980s has been due to the lack of suitable land for field crop
cultivation (Hafner 1990, p. 75).
Historically, the Northeast was sparsely populated until the early nineteenth century, when the
Thai migration into this hinterland started (cf. Poffenberger 1990, p. 11). During the present
century, the Northeast has shown the highest population growth of all administrative regions.
During the period 1970-1980, the annual population increase in the Northeast was 3.8 %,
while the national average was 2.7 % and the figure for the remaining regions varied from 2.2
to 2.7 per cent. Between 1947 and 1970, the population density in the predominantly rural
Northeast doubled, reaching 70 persons/km2. The fastest population growth occurred in those
northeastern provinces which later, in the 1970s and 1980s, showed the fastest deforestation
rates (Hafner 1990, p. 72-75; with reference to various sources).
5
Already during the first half of the 20th century, overpopulation was obvious along the
northeastern river floodplains which were suitable for wet rice cultivation. Soil fertility of the
paddy fields began to decrease, as evidenced by decreasing yields, and a migration to upland
areas started. New farmlands cleared in these areas were not suitable for paddy but produced
initially good yields of such crops as upland rice and maize. It is worth noticing that this
process, which caused significant deforestation, started before the onset of the export crop
promotion of the 1950s.
Hafner (1990, p. 75) presents an interesting notion of a "socially optimal" forest clearace rate:
"Excess rural population was absorbed through an expansion of settlement and land under
cultivation. Rather than intensifying land use, farmers sought to maintain traditional
land-extensive cultivation systems by forming new settlements and expanding
cultivated areas."... "For much of this century, the existing natural resource base has
sustained this expansion, even though it involved increased conversion of forest lands
to agricultural uses."
Later, continuing population increases and subsequent unsustainable attempts to expand
paddy cultivation to marginal areas, together with migration, has further accelerated the
disappearance of forests. A totally new phase in agricultural practices was caused by the rapid
increase in commercial cultivation of field crops for export which started in the 1950s.
3.2 Agricultural policy
Commercial field crop cultivation after forest clearance in upland areas depended to some
extent on the Thai government policy which, for instance, affected the price setting for rice
and thus indirectly favoured new, alternative crops (Hafner 1990).
Another factor was the post-war infrastructural change which allowed transport of farm
producs from distant rural areas. Earlier, since the beginning of this century, the railway had
significantly improved the commercial links between the capital and the provinces.
Subsequently, the improved road network continuously opened new areas for subsistence
shifting cultivation (Kunstaedter et al. 1978).
However, it was the network of all-weather roads connecting most provinces with the center
in the early 1960s that dramatically improved the movement of farm produce and contributed
to the increase in upland cultivation (Hafner and Apichatvullop 1990, with particular
reference to the Northeast).
The first upland crop cultivated in a large scale for export was maize; it was followed, in the
1960s by kenaf, and later by cassava. Hafner (1990, p. 77) concludes that the cultivation of
new export crops did not replace paddy cultivation but, instead, extended farming activities to
new marginal areas; improvement of traditional wet rice cultivation through irrigation did not
prevent farmers in irrigation schemes to simultaneusly clear forest land for upland crops.
6
Land clearing was additionally promoted by the illegal activities of local traders and other
influential people, who financially supported the opening up of new farmland in reserved
government forests. Cleared land gradually changed hands, even before any legal title was
obtained, and the farmers could continue forest farming in new areas (Hafner 1990). Thus, on
the local level, deforestation was directly driven by market forces, rather than by consistent
government policy.
At the other end of this market-driven deforestation process is the international trade in
agricultural products. As analyzed by Tongpan et al. 1990, the international market price paid
for livestock feed needed in industrialized countries was one of the most distinct single
factors explaining the deforestation rate in Thailand. Recent efforts to restrict farm production
by removing state subsidies in Europe and elsewhere in the industrialized world will
obviously to some extent remove the market incentives which earlier contributed to forest
clearance by Thai farmers.
3.3 Land ownership policy
A peculiar feature of the legislation regulating land use and land ownership in Thailand is the
stepwise registration of land, recognizing occupancy and use separately from full title
(Arbhabhirama et al. 1987).
Sole registration of occupancy is currently the only form of land security for millions of
people in Thailand. Although clearly denied by the written law, the occupancy certificate is
commonly understood as a form of land ownership which even is (illegally) transferred or
sold. Further confusion has been caused by different government branches, local
administrative bodies and politicians, all tending to interpret the occupancy registration of
farmers to their advantage.
Starting in 1962, with the first national five-year development plan, efforts were undertaken
to better regulate the land use. One measure was to clearly demarcate the resereved forests
(this attempt was not very successful), another was to settle farmers in a controlled way in
degraded forest areas. The most visible result from this policy was the granting of
usufructuary land-use certificates to landless farmers (since 1975) by the Agricultural Land
Reform Office and (since 1982) by the Royal Forest Department. This programme has led to
the degazetting of 1.7 million ha of state forest land and provided at least some kind of land
security to nearly one million families by 1989.
This process for solving the land use problems in the country has been too slow, however, in
relation to the actual needs (Tongpan et al. 1990). Other significant attempts to provide land
for landless farmers and to prevent deforestation were the forest village programmes, started
in 1967 by the Forest Industry Organization, and, since 1975, by the Royal Forest
Department. In the former programme, the specific aim was also to produce plantation-grown
industrial wood, especially teak, for further processing.
The Royal Forest Department emphasizes, in its forest village programme, the social and
economic benefits which the farmers can enjoy through sustainable agroforestry practices as
7
well as the environmental benefits achieved through better protection of watershed areas.
Unfortunately, the forest villages cover only a few tens of thousands of hectares of forest
land, while the total area lost in deforestation, in 1961-1989 only, amounts to 13 million ha.
Presently, the total area covered by forest plantations is 714,000 ha (Ruangpanit 1992).
The fact that land tenure remains the single most important forest-related problem in Thailand
is illustrated by the fact that still 1.7 million families, totaling nearly 10 million people (out of
a population of 56 million) dwell on 6 million ha of degraded forest land in reserved state
forests, without having formal recognition of their land use (Ruangpanit 1992).
3.4 National security and infrastructure development
In Thailand, aims of forest management and especially those of the state forest administration
(the Royal Forest Department) have also changed according to national security
considerations. Most distinctly this was the situation during the 1970s, the decade of the most
turbulent changes in the internal political life of the country (cf. Chapter 2.4).
The Royal Forest Department became actively involved in land development in 1973-1976,
as exemplified by special development projects in degraded reserved forests and the
expansion of conservation areas. However, the coup of 1976 led to political instability and an
anti-government insurgency which found its base in the forested border areas.
This situation gave a new role for the forestry administration: on the one hand, national
security required effective means of fighting the rebels; on the other hand, winning the
support of the population of the affected areas was also essential. The military and the
forestry administration found common goals, one of which being protection of logging
concessions in insecure areas.
For the forestry administration this meant a dichotomous role. Popular support could be
gained through village development, including tree planting. However, the insurgents used
the forests for protection, and clearing of forests became a military strategic goal which the
foresters had to accept. Protection of forests lost much of its purpose, and illegal logging and
land conversion were activities tolerated or supported by governmental as well as private
interest groups. According to Pragtong and Thomas (1990, p. 174), the military encouraged
new settlement and forest conversion, and the Ministry of Interior registered new villages in
reserved forests so as to qualify them for government service programmes.
In the late 1970s, following the Vietnam war, the remaining international and national
support to the Thai insurgents diminished and the anti-government fighting in Thailand lost
its political significance (after amnesty, gradually all fighters surrended). The forestry
administration, still in cooperation with the military, could more effectively concentrate its
efforts on rural development work. Through the 1980s, the "Green Northeast" project, for
instance, included extensive rural afforestation originally as an army initiative.
Both the military and the forestry administration faced difficulties in their social forestry
8
work. An important factor was undoubtedly the old controversy between the central
administration and especially those forest dwellers who had found sympathy among the antigovernment forces in their land use disputes with concessionaires during the insurgency.
Another cause was the uncontrolled flow of migrants to reserved forests which exacerbated
the land conflicts (Pragtong and Thomas 1990). It has also been pointed out that the central
forestry administration often lacked the skills especially needed in social forestry work.
Road construction, especially during the Vietnam war, had also strategic grounds in remote
rural areas. An improved road network increased the flow of migrants into the forest areas
even further, especially in northeastern Thailand, and facilitated illegal logging activities.
4. Conclusions: tropical forests tomorrow
Thailand today offers a unique situation for testing in practice the effect of forest management
on the environment. Since commercial logging is banned and there thus exists no substantial
natural forest management for commercial production purposes, the existing changes
theoretically are caused by other factors than industrial forestry.
Deforestation rate is one of the most important indicators for the environment. Even before
the logging ban, the deforestation rate had begun to slow down, mainly because of a lack of
easily accessible forests and stronger nature conservation efforts (Thai Forestry Sector...
1993b). There are reasons to expect that forest degradation continues for some time, possibly
not much as a decrease of the forest area but, instead, through disappearance of individual
trees resulting in a decrease in biomass.
The different stages in development of forest management and the society as whole in
Thailand show the following features:
- The forestry administration (RFD) is able to change its mode of action and this change
reflects the development of the society.
- The RFD cannot alone manage the natural forests, especially not those which could be used
for productive purposes.
- Environmental issues in Thailand (the 1988 flood disaster) as well as globally (the UNCED
process) tend to become more central in determining the use and management of
forests.
- In Thailand, technically forests and especially the economically important teak forests can
be sustainably managed, but factors emanating from outside the forestry sector, such
as the need for farmland, prevent the application of silvicultural treatments and other
interventions aiming at guaranteeing of sustained tree growth (Thai Forestry Sector...
1991).
- On-farm activities are the key factor in the present forest destruction but they also are the
key to maintaining a tree cover. Possible lines of development in the future include a
9
shift from large industrial plantations towards commercial farm forestry, better
management of the natural forest by local communities for a variety of subsistence
products as well as for cash; and giving the responsibility for forest protection and
conservation also to communities or other private hands. Community and NGO
involvement in forest management and utilization for production and protection
purposes was one of the main recommendations of a forestry master plan already
complerted in the Philippines (Master Plan ... 1990). In that country,
recommendations are already being turned to action.
- Positive development in land use, including application of successful agroforestry systems,
can be effectively promoted using demonstration areas or "model sites".
A correlation between deforestation and industrial utilization of wood in Thailand gives an
impression of a poorly managed national forest estate and the industry as primary casuses for
environmental degradation. On the other hand, findings which suggest a different relationship
include the following:
(1) Crop cultivation, particularly for cassava and other export crops, has required clearing of
forest land at a rate which corresponds to the deforestation rate. Mathematical models
even show a quantified positive correlation between the increase in commodity price
and the land area cleared for farming (Tongpan et al. 1990). Government policy has
favoured agricultural expansion at the expense of the forest cover, and the forestry
administration has been unable to interfere even when this is against the approved
national forest policy.
(2) Even when accounting for the considerable damage that mechanized logging causes to
remaining trees, a sufficient number of trees is usually left in teak stands and other
natural forests for subsequent recovery and sustained forest production, although the
process very much depends on the silvicultural system used (Lamprecht 1989). In
contrast, clearing for farmland and land conversion to permanent agriculture causes a
definite loss of the forest. As shown by Kunstadter et al. (1978) certain types of
traditional shifting cultivation have also been sustained over centuries, although they
represent interventions at least comparable to selective logging in intensity.
Much too often deforestation is presented as a straightforward process with just one or few
causes. In Thailand, it is already widely recognized that shifting cultivation by hilltribes
cannot be accepted as the main factor. Social scientists (cf. Ramitanondh 1989) and forestry
researchers (cf. Palo and Salmi 1987) have already presented elaborate models on underlying
social and economic factors.
The problem with such analyses is, however, that even if they recognize the key factors, they
do not easily translate to operational guidelines for action. For instance, if a correlation is
found between population increase and deforestation, how should we use this information as
land managers or policy makers?
10
As social scientists have repeatedly done in Thailand, also economists (cf. Tingsabadh 1989;
Pantumvanit and Panayotou 1990) have emphasized that there is no solution to deforestation
if the land ownwership question remains unsolved.
Kunstadter (1989) has discussed the models for disintegration of culture and the environment
specifically with reference to Thailand. He criticizes the "moral community" hypothesis
which presents traditional life as ecologically balanced and with a capacity to regulate
resource exploitation and the whole relationship between man and aenvironment.
In Thailand reference is repeatedly made to to inscriptions supposedly from the 13th century
which described, among other things, tree planting in the ancient capital of Sukothai (cf.
Sukwong 1989).
The criticism by Kunstadter concentrates on the fact that very inclomplete evidence exists on
active measures for managing such natural resources as forests by traditional societies. This is
especially true for the humid tropics. In contrast, in the arid and semi-arid zones of Africa
much more recorded evidence has been gathered on tree care and forest management (cf.
Shepherd 1992).
If the relationship between population and the environment is said to be stable, we need,
according to Kunstadter, to define in what sense it is stable (e.g. continuously or on an
average over long periods of time). Were the constraints on utilization of natural resources
socio-cultural or involuntary, caused, for instance, by lack of technology or market? Did
religious values regulate behaviour or rationalize a given life situation?
If population growth is limited by high mortality or by migration and if technological
limitations and small population rather than conscious regulatory action cause conservative
utilization, we should not advocate the return to the past. As concluded by Kunstadter (1989,
p. 549), the idea of moral community is not in any case irrelevant, but the underlying concepts
have to be adapted to the current situation. Ultimately this moral community has to cover the
whole world.
A common problem, as Kunstadter also points out, is that we are too ambitious. Solutions
should first be tested in a small scale. This would also prevent unexpected or undesired
consequences from having too serious effects.
In conclusion, it would be worthwile to study in different contexts how much other than
direct forest-related factors determine the existence and composition of the forests.
Clarification of such dependencies would pave the way for better understanding of the
forest/man relationships and thus also contribute to successful conservation and sustainable
utilization of forests in all countries.
7. References
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11
Bonita, M. 1992. Thai Forestry Sector Master Plan: an effort to support national
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Hafner, J.A. 1990. Forces and policy issues affecting forest use in Northeast Thailand 19001985. In: Keepers of the Forest. Land management Alternatives in Southeast Asia (Ed. M.
Poffenberger), p.69-94. Kumarian Press, West Hartford, Conn.
Hafner, J.A. & Apichatvullop, Y. 1990. Migrant farmers and the shrinking forests of
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Hurst, P. 1990. Rainforest Politics: Ecological Destruction in Southeast Asia. Zed Books,
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Lamprecht, H. 1989. Silviciulture in the Tropics. GTZ, Eischborn. 296 p.
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Sukwong, S. 1989. Patterns of land use as influenced by forestry. In: Culture and
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