Handout #1
Freedom of Speech, Spring 2006
Prof. Kurt Lash
Office: Burns 337
Phone: 736-1137 (office)
2 Units
Week #1 (First Class)
Generally:
The text for the class is John Garvey & Frederick Schauer, The First Amendment: A
Reader (2d ed.). I will hand out a course syllabus at our first class meeting. At that time I
will also distribute Handout #2 for the following week’s class.
Since we meet only once a week, the first class will dive right into the material. In
addition to the assigned pages (see below), on the next page I have provided a number of
questions for you to consider both during and after your reading of the material.
----Please come to class prepared to discuss these questions.
Reading Assignment for the First Class
a.
The case excerpts attached to Handout #1:
1.
2.
b.
Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969).
Collin v. Smith, 578 F.2d 1197 (1978) (The Skokie case).
The following pages in John Garvey & Frederick Schauer, The First
Amendment: A Reader (2d ed.):
a.
b.
c.
d.
John Stuart Mill: On Liberty (pp.58-65)
Frederick Schauer: Free Speech (pp.65-72)
Alexander Meiklejohn: Political Freedom (101-103)
Catharine Mackinnon: Feminism Unmodified (72-74)
Introduction to the materials for Week #1
The cases in this handout, Brandenburg and Collin, are two of the more significant
opinions on the subject of free speech issued by American courts in the last 50 years.
They are considered by many to symbolize freedom of speech in Post WWII America and
their reasoning has influenced a number of court decisions. Similarly, the writings of
John Stuart Mill and, more recently, Alexander Meiklejohn, have played an influential
role (in academia and in the courts) in defining the theory and scope of “free speech” in
modern America. Perhaps because of their influence, both these cases and the writings of
Mill and Meiklejohn have received significant scholarly criticism as examples of either
misguided or insufficient theories of free speech (see the excerpts from Schauer and
MacKinnon). The combination of readings in handout #1 is meant to introduce you to the
on-going debate between traditional free speech doctrine and competing theories of free
speech in a modern pluralistic democracy. This debate will permeate much of what we
read this semester.
Please come to class prepared to discuss the following questions:
Brandenburg
Do you agree with the outcome in Brandenburg? What is the court’s theory about speech
that leads it to protect such public racist statements? Is the problem one of causation, in
other words was there insufficient proof that the racist speech would directly cause harm
(i.e., incite lawless activity)? What if you could prove that a statistically significant
increase in racial violence follows public speeches of this kind? Should that make a
difference?
Collin v. Smith (the Skokie case)
Do you agree with the outcome in Collin? Even Brandenburg allows speech to be
restricted where there is an imminent threat of a “grave substantial evil.” Why isn’t that
requirement met in this case? Are attempts to restrict this kind of parade based on the
conclusion that the parade advocates “false ideas” (an impermissible conclusion
according to the Court)? Or is the attempted restriction based on the idea that public
advocacy of such ideas causes a real and immediate harm (a conclusion that conceivably
might allow government action)? What is the basis of Sprecher’s dissent?
The Reading in Garvey & Schauer:
Regarding Mill’s “On Liberty”: What does Mill mean by “freedom of speech” and
why does he believe the government should not abridge this right? Compare Mill’s views
with the points made by Schauer—how do they differ?
Regarding Meiklejohn’s “Political Freedom”: What is the core meaning of free
speech according to Meiklejohn? What might Mackinnon say in response? Who do you
think has the better approach?
Regarding the entire reading: How do you think each of these theorists would react to
the court's holdings in Brandenburg and Collin?
Supreme Court of the United States
Clarence BRANDENBURG, Appellant,
v.
State of OHIO.
No. 492.
Argued Feb. 27, 1969.
Decided June 9, 1969.
PER CURIAM.
The appellant, a leader of a Ku Klux Klan group, was convicted under the Ohio Criminal
Syndicalism statute for 'advocat(ing) * * * the duty, necessity, or propriety *445 of crime,
sabotage, violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing
industrial or political reform' and for 'voluntarily assembl(ing) with any society, group, or
assemblage of persons formed to teach or advocate the doctrines of criminal syndicalism.'
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. s 2923.13. He was fined $1,000 and sentenced to one to 10 years'
imprisonment. The appellant challenged the consitutionality of the criminal syndicalism
statute under the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, but
the intermediate appellate court of Ohio affirmed his conviction without opinion. The
Supreme Court of Ohio dismissed his appeal, sua sponte, 'for the reason that no
substantial constitutional question exists herein.' It did not file an opinion or explain its
conclusions. Appeal was taken to this Court, and we noted probable jurisdiction. We
reverse.
The record shows that a man, identified at trial as the appellant, telephoned an announcerreporter on the staff of a Cincinnati television station and invited him to come to a Ku
Klux Klan 'rally' to be held at a farm in Hamilton County. With the cooperation of the
organizers, the reporter and a cameraman attended the meeting and filmed the events.
Portions of the films were later broadcast on the local station and on a national network.
The prosecution's case rested on the films and on testimony identifying the appellant as
the person who communicated with the reporter and who spoke at the rally. The State
also introduced into evidence several articles appearing in the film, including a pistol, a
rifle, a shotgun, ammunition, a Bible, and a red hood worn by the speaker in the films.
One film showed 12 hooded figures, some of whom carried firearms. They were gathered
around a large wooden cross, which they burned. No one was present *446 other than the
participants and **1829 the newsmen who made the film. Most of the words uttered
during the scene were incomprehensible when the film was projected, but scattered
phrases could be understood that were derogatory of Negroes and, in one instance, of
Jews. [FN1] Another scene on the same film showed the appellant, in Klan regalia,
making
a
speech.
The
speech,
in
full,
was
as
follows:
FN1. The significant portions that could be understood were:
'How far is the nigger going to--yeah.'
'This is what we are going to do to the niggers.'
'A dirty nigger.'
'Send the Jews back to Israel.'
'Let's give them back to the dark garden.'
'Save America.'
'Let's go back to constitutional betterment.'
'Bury the niggers.'
'We intend to do our part.'
'Give us our state rights.'
'Freedom for the whites.'
'Nigger will have to fight for every inch he gets from now on.'
'This is an organizers' meeting. We have had quite a few members here today which
are--we have hundreds, hundreds of members throughout the State of Ohio. I can
quote from a newspaper clipping from the Columbus, Ohio Dispatch, five weeks ago
Sunday morning. The Klan has more members in the State of Ohio than does any
other organization. We're not a revengent organization, but if our President, our
Congress, our Supreme Court, continues to suppress the white, Caucasian race, it's
possible that there might have to be some revengeance taken.
'We are marching on Congress July the Fourth, four hundred thousand strong. From
there we are dividing into two groups, one group to march on St. Augustine, Florida,
the other group to march into Mississippi. Thank you.'
*447 The second film showed six hooded figures one of whom, later identified as the
appellant, repeated a speech very similar to that recorded on the first film. The reference
to the possibility of 'revengeance' was omitted, and one sentence was added: 'Personally, I
believe the nigger should be returned to Africa, the Jew returned to Israel.' Though some
of the figures in the films carried weapons, the speaker did not.
The Ohio Criminal Syndicalism Statute was enacted in 1919. From 1917 to 1920,
identical or quite similar laws were adopted by 20 States and two territories. E. Dowell, A
History of Criminal Syndicalism Legislation in the United States 21 (1939). In 1927, this
Court sustained the constitutionality of California's Criminal Syndicalism Act, Cal. Penal
Code ss 11400-- 11402, the text of which is quite similar to that of the laws of Ohio.
Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 47 S.Ct. 641, 71 L.Ed. 1095 (1927). The Court
upheld the statute on the ground that, without more, 'advocating' violent means to effect
political and economic change involves such danger to the security of the State that the
State may outlaw it. Cf. Fiske v. Kansas, 274 U.S. 380, 47 S.Ct. 655, 71 L.Ed. 1108
(1927). But Whitney has been thoroughly discredited by later decisions. See Dennis v.
United States, 341 U.S. 494, at 507, 71 S.Ct. 857, at 866, 95 L.Ed. 1137 (1951). These
later decisions have fashioned the principle that the constitutional guarantees of free
speech and free press do not permit a State to forbid or proscribe advocacy of the use of
force or of law violation except where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing
imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action. [FN2] **1830 As
we *448 said in Noto v. United States, 367 U.S. 290, 297--298, 81 S.Ct. 1517, 1520-1521, 6 L.Ed.2d 836 (1961), 'the mere abstract teaching * * * of the moral propriety or
even moral necessity for a resort to force and violence, is not the same as preparing a
group for violent action and steeling it to such action.' See also Herndon v. Lowry, 301
U.S. 242, 259--261, 57 S.Ct. 732, 739--740, 81 L.Ed. 1066 (1937); Bond v. Floyd, 385
U.S. 116, 134, 87 S.Ct. 339, 348, 17 L.Ed.2d 235 (1966). A statute which fails to draw
this distinction impermissibly intrudes upon the freedoms guaranteed by the First and
Fourteenth Amendments. It sweeps within its condemnation speech which our
Constitution has immunized from governmental control.
FN2. It was on the theory that the Smith Act, 54 Stat. 670, 18 U.S.C. s 2385,
embodied such a principle and that it had been applied only in conformity with it
that this Court sustained the Act's constitutionality. Dennis v. United States, 341
U.S. 494, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed. 1137 (1951). That this was the basis for Dennis
was emphasized in Yates v. United States, 354 U.S. 298, 320--324, 77 S.Ct. 1064,
1077-- 1079, 1 L.Ed.2d 1356 (1957), in which the Court overturned convictions
for advocacy of the forcible overthrow of the Government under the Smith Act,
because the trial judge's instructions had allowed conviction for mere advocacy,
unrelated to its tendency to produce forcible action.
Measured by this test, Ohio's Criminal Syndicalism Act cannot be sustained. The Act
punishes persons who 'advocate or teach the duty, necessity, or propriety' of violence 'as a
means of accomplishing industrial or political reform'; or who publish or circulate or
display any book or paper containing such advocacy; or who 'justify' the commission of
violent acts 'with intent to exemplify, spread or advocate the propriety of the doctrines of
criminal syndicalism'; or who 'voluntarily assemble' with a group formed 'to teach or
advocate the doctrines of criminal syndicalism.' Neither the indictment nor the trial
judge's instructions to the jury in any way refined the statute's bald definition of the crime
*449 in terms of mere advocacy not distinguished from incitement to imminent lawless
action. [FN3]
FN3. The first count of the indictment charged that appellant 'did unlawfully by
word of mouth advocate the necessity, or propriety of crime, violence, or unlawful
methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing political reform * * *.' The
second count charged that appellant 'did unlawfully voluntarily assemble with a
group or assemblage of persons formed to advocate the doctrines of criminal
syndicalism * * *.' The trial judge's charge merely followed the language of the
indictment. No construction of the statute by the Ohio courts has brought it within
constitutionally permissible limits. The Ohio Supreme Court has considered the
statute in only one previous case, State v. Kassay, 126 Ohio St. 177, 184 N.E. 521
(1932), where the constitutionality of the statute was sustained.
Accordingly, we are here confronted with a statute which, by its own words and as
applied, purports to punish mere advocacy and to forbid, on pain of criminal punishment,
assembly with others merely to advocate the described type of action. [FN4] Such a
statute falls within **1831 the condemnation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments.
The contrary teaching of Whitney v. California, supra, cannot be supported, and that
decision is therefore overruled.
FN4. Statutes affecting the right of assembly, like those touching on freedom of
speech, must observe the established distinctions between mere advocacy and
incitement to imminent lawless action, for as Chief Justice Hughes wrote in De
Jonge v. Oregon, supra, 299 U.S. at 364, 57 S.Ct. at 260: 'The right of peaceable
assembly is a right cognate to those of free speech and free press and is equally
fundamental.'.
Mr. Justice BLACK, concurring.
I agree with the views expressed by Mr. Justice DOUGLAS in his concurring opinion in
this case that the 'clear and present danger' doctrine should have no place in the
interpretation of the First Amendment. I join the Court's opinion, which, as I understand
it, simply cites Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed. 1137
(1951), but does not indicate any agreement on the Court's part with the 'clear and present
danger' doctrine on which Dennis purported to rely.
Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, concurring.
While I join the opinion of the Court, I desire to enter a caveat.
The 'clear and present danger' test was adumbrated by Mr. Justice Holmes in a case
arising during World War I--a war 'declared' by the Congress, not by the Chief Executive.
The case was Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 52, 39 S.Ct. 247, 249, 63 L.Ed. 470,
where the defendant was charged with attempts to cause insubordination in the military
and obstruction of enlistment. The pamphlets that were distributed urged resistance to the
draft, denounced conscription, and impugned the motives of those backing the war effort.
The First Amendment was tendered as a defense. Mr. Justice Holmes in rejecting that
defense said:
'The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such
circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that
they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It
is a question of proximity and degree.'
Frohwerk v. United States, 249 U.S. 204, 39 S.Ct. 249, 63 L.Ed. 561, also authored by
Mr. Justice Holmes, involved prosecution and punishment for publication of articles very
critical of the war effort in World War I. Schenck was referred to as a conviction for
obstructing security 'by words of persuasion.' Id., at 206, 39 S.Ct. at 250. And the
conviction in Frohwerk was sustained because 'the circulation of the paper was *451 in
quarters where a little breath would be enough to kindle a flame.' Id., at 209, 39 S.Ct., at
251.
Debs v. United States, 249 U.S. 211, 39 S.Ct. 252, 63 L.Ed. 566, was the third of the
trilogy of the 1918 Term. Debs was convicted of speaking in opposition to the war where
his 'opposition was so expressed that its natural and intended effect would be to obstruct
recruiting.' Id., at 215, 39 S.Ct. at 253.
'If that was intended and if, in all the circumstances, that would be its probable
effect, it would not be protected by reason of its being part of a general program in
expressions of a general and conscientious belief.' Ibid.
In the 1919 Term, the Court applied the Schenck doctrine to affirm the convictions of
other dissidents in World War I. Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 40 S.Ct. 17, 63
L.Ed. 1173, was one instance. Mr. Justice Holmes, with whom Mr. Justice Brandeis
concurred, dissented. While adhering to Schenck, he did not think that on the facts a case
for overriding the First Amendment had been made out:
'It is only the present danger of immediate evil or an intent to bring it about that
warrants Congress in **1832 setting a limit to the expression of opinion where
private rights are not concerned. Congress certainly cannot forbid all effort to
change the mind of the country.' 250 U.S., at 628, 40 S.Ct., at 21.
Another instance was Schaefer v. United States, 251 U.S. 466, 40 S.Ct. 259, 64 L.Ed.
360, in which Mr. Justice Brandeis, joined by Mr. Justice Holmes, dissented. A third was
Pierce v. United States, 252 U.S. 239, 40 S.Ct. 205, 64 L.Ed. 542, in which again Mr.
Justice Brandeis, joined by Mr. Justice Holmes, dissented.
Those, then, were the World War I cases that put the gloss of 'clear and present danger' on
the First Amendment. Whether the war power--the greatest leveler of them all--is
adequate to sustain that doctrine is debatable. *452 The dissents in Abrams, Schaefer, and
Pierce show how easily 'clear and present danger' is manipulated to crush what Brandeis
called '(t)he fundamental right of free men to strive for better conditions through new
legislation and new institutions' by argument and discourse (Pierce v. United States,
supra, at 273, 40 S.Ct. at 217) even in time of war. Though I doubt if the 'clear and
present danger' test is congenial to the First Amendment in time of a declared war, I am
certain it is not reconcilable with the First Amendment in days of peace.
The Court quite properly overrules Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 47 S.Ct. 641, 71
L.Ed. 1095, which involved advocacy of ideas which the majority of the Court deemed
unsound and dangerous. Mr. Justice Holmes, though never formally abandoning the
'clear and present danger' test, moved closer to the First Amendment ideal when he said in
dissent in Gitlow (Gitlow v. People of State of New York, 268 U.S. 652, 45 S.Ct. 626, 69
L.Ed. 1138):
'Every idea is an incitement. It offers itself for belief and if believed it is acted on
unless some other belief outweighs it or some failure of energy stifles the
movement at its birth. The only difference between the expression of an opinion
and an incitement in the narrower sense is the speaker's enthusiasm for the result.
Eloquence may set fire to reason. But whatever may be thought of the redundant
discourse before us it had no chance of starting a present conflagration. If in the
long run the beliefs expressed in proletarian dictatorship are destined to be
accepted by the dominant forces of the community, the only meaning of free
speech is that they should be given their chance and have their way.' We have
never been faithful to the philosophy of that dissent.
The Court in Herndon v. Lowry, 301 U.S. 242, 57 S.Ct. 732, 81 L.Ed. 1066, overturned a
conviction for exercising First Amendment rights to incite insurrection because of lack of
evidence of incitement. Id., at 259--261, 57 S.Ct., at 739--740. In Bridges v. California,
314 U.S. 252, 261-- 263, 62 S.Ct. 190, 192--194, 86 L.Ed. 192, we approved the 'clear
and present danger' test in an elaborate dictum that tightened it and confined it to a
narrow category. But in Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed.
1137, we opened wide the door, distorting the 'clear and present danger' test beyond
recognition.
In that case the prosecution dubbed an agreement to teach the Marxist creed a
'conspiracy.' The case was submitted to a jury on a charge that the jury could not convict
unless it found that the defendants 'intended to overthrow the Government 'as speedily as
circumstances would permit.''' Id., at 509--511, 71 S.Ct., at 867. The Court sustained
convictions under the charge, construing **1833 it to mean a determination of "whether
the gravity of the 'evil,' discounted by its improbability, justifies such invasion of free
speech as is necessary to avoid the danger." [FN2] Id., at 510, 71 S.Ct., at 868, quoting
from United States v. Dennis, 183 F.2d 201, 212.
Out of the 'clear and present danger' test came other offspring. Advocacy and teaching of
forcible overthrow of government as an abstract principle is immune from prosecution.
Yates v. United States, 354 U.S. 298, 318, 77 S.Ct. 1064, 1076, 1 L.Ed.2d 1356. But an
'active' member, who has a guilty knowledge and intent of the aim to overthrow the
Government *454 by violence, Noto v. United States, 367 U.S. 290, 81 S.Ct. 1517, 6
L.Ed.2d 836, may be prosecuted. Scales v. United States, 367 U.S. 203, 228, 81 S.Ct.
1469, 1485, 6 L.Ed.2d 782. And the power to investigate, backed by the powerful
sanction of contempt, includes the power to determine which of the two categories fits the
particular witness. Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U.S. 109, 130, 79 S.Ct. 1081, 1094, 3
L.Ed.2d 1115. And so the investigator roams at will through all of the beliefs of the
witness,
ransacking
his
conscience
and
his
innermost
thoughts.
Judge Learned Hand, who wrote for the Court of Appeals in affirming the judgment in
Dennis, coined the 'not improbable' test, United States v. Dennis, 2 Cir., 183 F.2d 201,
214, which this Court adopted and which Judge Hand preferred over the 'clear and present
danger' test. Indeed, in his book, The Bill of Rights 59 (1958), in referring to Holmes'
creation of the 'clear and present danger' test, he said, 'I cannot help thinking that for once
Homer nodded.' My own view is quite different. I see no place in the regime of the First
Amendment for any 'clear and present danger' test, whether strict and tight as some would
make it, or free-wheeling as the Court in Dennis rephrased it.
When one reads the opinions closely and sees when and how the 'clear and present
danger' test has been applied, great misgivings are aroused. First, the threats were often
loud but always puny and made serious only by judges so wedded to the status quo that
critical analysis made them nervous. Second, the test was so twisted and perverted in
Dennis as to make the trial of those teachers of Marxism an all-out political trial which
was part and parcel of the cold war that has eroded substantial parts of the First
Amendment.
Action is often a method of expression and within the protection of the First Amendment.
Suppose one tears up his own copy of the Constitution in eloquent protest to a decision of
this Court. May he be indicted? Suppose one rips his own Bible to shreds to celebrate his
departure from one 'faith' and his embrace of atheism. May he be indicted?
Last Term the Court held in United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 382, 88 S.Ct. 1673,
1682, 20 L.Ed.2d 672, that a registrant under Selective Service who burned his draft card
in protest of the war in Vietnam could be prosecuted. The First Amendment was tendered
as a defense and rejected, the Court saying:
'The issuance of certificates indicating the registration and eligibility classification
of individuals is a legitimate and substantial administrative aid in the functioning
of this system. And legislation to insure the continuing availability of issued
certificates serves a legitimate and substantial purpose in the system's
administration.'
391
U.S.,
at
377--378,
88
S.Ct.,
at
1679.
But O'Brien was not prosecuted for not having his draft card available when asked for by
a federal agent. He was indicted, tried and convicted for burning the card. And this
Court's affirmance of that conviction was not, with all respect, consistent with the First
Amendment. The act of praying often involves body posture and movement as well as
utterances. It is nonetheless protected by the Free Exercise Clause. Picketing, as we have
said on numerous occasions, is 'free speech plus.' That means that it can be regulated
when it comes to the 'plus' or 'action' side of the protest. It can be regulated as to *456 the
number of pickets and the place and hours (see Cox v. Louisiana, supra), because traffic
and other community problems would otherwise suffer. But none of these considerations
are implicated in the symbolic protest of the Vietnam war in the burning of a draft card.
One's beliefs have long been thought to be sanctuaries which government could not
invade. Barenblatt is one example of the ease with which that sanctuary can be violated.
The lines drawn by the Court between the criminal act of being an 'active' Communist and
the innocent act of being a nominal or inactive Communist mark the difference only
between deep and abiding belief and casual or uncertain belief. But I think that all matters
of belief are beyond the reach of subpoenas or the probings of investigators. That is why
the invasions of privacy made by investigating committees were notoriously
unconstitutional. That is the deep-seated fault in the infamous loyalty-security hearings
which, since 1947 when President Truman launched them, have processed 20,000,000
men and women. Those hearings were primarily concerned with one's thoughts, ideas,
beliefs, and convictions. They were the most blatant violations of the First Amendment
we have ever known.
The line between what is permissible and not subject to control and what may be made
impermissible and subject to regulation is the line between ideas and overt acts.
The example usually given by those who would punish speech is the case of one who
falsely shouts fire in a crowded theatre. This is, however, a classic case where speech is
brigaded with action. See Speiser v. Randall, 357 U.S. 513, 536--537, 78 S.Ct. 1332,
1346, 2 L.Ed.2d 1460 (Douglas, J., concurring.) They are indeed inseparable and a
prosecution can be launched for the overt *457 acts actually caused. Apart from rare
instances of that kind, speech is, I think, immune from prosecution. Certainly there is no
constitutional line between advocacy of abstract ideas as in Yates and advocacy of
political action as in Scales. The quality of advocacy turns on the depth of the conviction;
and government has no power to invade that sanctuary of belief and conscience.
United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.
Frank COLLIN and the National Socialist Party of America, Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
Albert SMITH, President of the Village of Skokie, Illinois, John N. Matzer,
Jr., Village Manager of the Village of Skokie, Illinois, Harvey Schwartz,
Corporation Counsel of the Village of Skokie, Illinois and the Village of
Skokie, Illinois, a Municipal Corporation, Defendants-Appellants.
Nos. 78-1381, 78-1385.
Argued April 14, 1978.
Decided May 22, 1978.
Members of National Socialist party brought action seeking declaration of
unconstitutionality of three village ordinances. The United States District Court for the
Northern District of Illinois, 447 F.Supp. 676, Bernard M. Decker, J., declared ordinances
to be unconstitutional, and village appealed. The Court of Appeals, Pell, Circuit Judge,
held that: (1) ordinance prohibiting dissemination of materials which would promote
hatred toward persons on basis of their heritage was unconstitutional; (2) permit for
proposed march could not be denied on basis of anticipated violations of ordinance
prohibiting the dissemination of materials which promote hatred toward persons on basis
of their heritage; (3) ordinance prohibiting members of political party from assembling
while wearing military-style uniform was unconstitutional, and (4) ordinance requiring
certain persons seeking to parade or assemble in village to obtain liability insurance in the
amount of at least $300,000 and property damage insurance in the amount of at least
$50,000 could not be constitutionally applied to prohibit proposed demonstration.
Affirmed.
Harlington Wood, Jr., Circuit Judge, filed a concurring opinion.
Sprecher, Circuit Judge, concurred in part and dissented in part and filed opinion.
PELL, Circuit Judge.
Plaintiff-appellee, the National Socialist Party of America (NSPA) is a political group
described by its leader, plaintiff-appellee *1199 Frank Collin, as a Nazi party. Among
NSPA's more controversial and generally unacceptable beliefs are that black persons are
biologically inferior to white persons, and should be expatriated to Africa as soon as
possible; that American Jews have "inordinate . . . political and financial power" in the
world and are "in the forefront of the international Communist revolution." NSPA
members affect a uniform reminiscent of those worn by members of the German Nazi
Party during the Third Reich,[FN1] and display a swastika thereon and on a red, white,
and black flag they frequently carry.
FN1. In Collin's words: We wear brown shirts with a dark brown tie, a swastika
pin on the tie, a leather shoulder strap, a black belt with buckle, dark brown
trousers, black engineer boots, and either a steel helmet or a cloth cap, depending
on the situation, plus a swastika arm band on the left arm and an American flag
patch on the right arm.
The Village of Skokie, Illinois, a defendant-appellant, is a suburb north of Chicago. It has
a large Jewish population,[FN2] including as many as several thousand survivors of the
Nazi holocaust in Europe before and during World War II. Other defendants-appellants
are Village officials.
FN2. In 1974, 40,500 of the Village's 70,000 population were Jewish.
...
Collin and NSPA applied for a permit to march on July 4, 1977, which was denied on the
ground the application disclosed an intention to violate 996. The Village apparently
applies 994 s 27-56(i) so that an intention to violate 995 or 996 establishes an "unlawful
purpose" for the march or assembly. The permit application stated that the march would
last about a half hour, and would involve 30 to 50 demonstrators wearing uniforms
including swastikas and carrying a party banner with a swastika and placards with
statements thereon such as "White Free Speech," "Free Speech for the White Man," and
"Free Speech for White America." A single file sidewalk march that would not disrupt
traffic was proposed, without speeches or the distribution of handbills or literature.[FN5]
Counsel for the Village advises us that the Village does not maintain that Collin and
NSPA will behave other than as described in the permit application(s).
The district court, after considering memoranda, exhibits, depositions, and live testimony,
issued a comprehensive and thorough opinion granting relief to Collin and NSPA. The
insurance requirements of 994 were invalidated as insuperable obstacles to free speech in
Skokie, and ss 27-56(c) & (i) (the latter when used to deny permits on the basis of
anticipated violations of 995 or 996) were adjudged impermissible prior restraints.
Ordinance 995 was determined to be fatally vague and overbroad, and 996 was
invalidated as overbroad and patently unjustified.
On its appeal, the Village concedes the invalidity of the insurance requirements as applied
to these plaintiffs and of the uniform prohibition of 996.
I.
The conflict underlying this litigation has commanded substantial public attention, and
engendered considerable and understandable emotion. We would hopefully surprise no
one by confessing personal views that NSPA's beliefs and goals are repugnant to the core
values held generally by residents of this country, and, indeed, to much of what we
cherish in civilization. As judges sworn to defend the Constitution, however, we cannot
decide this or any case on that basis. Ideological tyranny, no matter how worthy its
motivation, is forbidden as much to appointed judges as to elected legislators.
The record in this case contains the testimony of a survivor of the Nazi holocaust in
Europe. Shortly before oral argument in this case, a lengthy and highly publicized
citizenship revocation trial of an alleged Nazi war criminal was held in a federal court in
Chicago, and in the week immediately after argument here, a four-part "docudrama" on
the holocaust was nationally televised and widely observed. We cannot then be unmindful
of the horrors associated with the Nazi regime of the Third Reich, with which to some
real and apparently intentional degree appellees associate themselves.[FN6] Nor does the
record allow us to ignore the certainty that appellees know full well that, in light of their
views and the historical associations they would bring with them to Skokie, many people
would find their demonstration extremely mentally and emotionally disturbing, or the
suspicion that such a result may be relished by appellees.
*1201 But our task here is to decide whether the First Amendment protects the activity in
which appellees wish to engage, not to render moral judgment on their views or tactics.
No authorities need be cited to establish the proposition, which the Village does not
dispute, that First Amendment rights are truly precious and fundamental to our national
life. Nor is this truth without relevance to the saddening historical images this case
inevitably arouses. It is, after all, in part the fact that our constitutional system protects
minorities unpopular at a particular time or place from governmental harassment and
intimidation, that distinguishes life in this country from life under the Third Reich.
Before undertaking specific analysis of the clash between the Village ordinances and
appellees' desires to demonstrate in Skokie, it will be helpful to establish some general
principles of pertinence to the decision required of us. Putting to one side for the moment
the question of whether the content of appellees' views and symbols makes a
constitutional difference here, we find we are unable to deny that the activities in which
the appellees wish to engage are within the ambit of the First Amendment.
...
[4] [5] No doubt, the Nazi demonstration could be subjected to reasonable regulation of
its time, place, and manner. Police Department of Chicago v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92, 98, 92
S.Ct. 2286, 33 L.Ed.2d 212 (1972); Grayned, supra, 408 U.S. at 115-16, 92 S.Ct. 2294;
Adderley v. Florida, 385 U.S. 39, 87 S.Ct. 242, 17 L.Ed.2d 149 (1966); Cox, supra, 379
U.S. at 554-55, 85 S.Ct. 453. Although much of the permit system of 994 is of that
nature, the provisions attacked here are not. No objection is raised by the Village, in
ordinances or in their proofs and arguments in this case, to the suggested time, place, or
manner of the demonstration, except the general assertion that in the place of Skokie, in
these times, Given the content of appellees' views and symbols, *1202 the demonstration
and its symbols and speech should be prohibited.[FN8] Because the ordinances turn on
the content of the demonstration, they are necessarily not time, place, or manner
regulations. Mosley, supra, 408 U.S. at 99, 92 S.Ct. 2286; Konigsberg v. State Bar of
California, 366 U.S. 36, 50-51, 81 S.Ct. 997, 6 L.Ed.2d 105 (1961).
Legislating against the content of First Amendment activity, however, launches the
government on a slippery and precarious path:
(A)bove all else, the First Amendment means that government has no power to
restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its
content. Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 24 (91 S.Ct. 1780, 29 L.Ed.2d 284)
(1971). To permit the continued building of our politics and culture, and to assure
self-fulfillment for each individual, our people are guaranteed the right to express
any thought, free from government censorship. The essence of this forbidden
censorship is content control. Any restriction on expressive activity because of its
content would completely undercut the "profound national commitment to the
principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wideopen." New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, supra, at 270, 84 S.Ct. (710) at 721.
[6] [7] This is not to say, of course, that content legislation is Per se invalid. Chief
Justice Burger concurred in Mosley, at 102-03, 92 S.Ct. 42, just to point out the
established exceptions to such a rule, namely obscenity, fighting words, and, as limited by
constitutional requirements, libel. Likewise, in very narrow circumstances, a government
may proscribe content on the basis of imminent danger of a grave substantive evil.
Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 447, 89 S.Ct. 1827, 23 L.Ed.2d 430 (1969) (per
curiam); Terminiello v. Chicago, 337 U.S. 1, 4, 69 S.Ct. 894, 93 L.Ed. 1131 (1949). But
analysis of content restrictions must begin with a healthy respect for the truth that they are
the most direct threat to the vitality of First Amendment rights.
II.
We first consider ordinance 995, prohibiting the dissemination of materials which would
promote hatred towards persons on the basis of their heritage. The Village would
apparently apply this provision to NSPA's display of swastikas, their uniforms, and,
perhaps, to the content of their placards.[FN9]
[8] The ordinance cannot be sustained on the basis of some of the more obvious
exceptions to the rule against content control. While some would no doubt be willing to
label appellees' views and symbols obscene, the constitutional rule that obscenity is
unprotected applies only to material with erotic content. Cohen v. California, supra, 403
U.S. at 20, 91 S.Ct. 1780. Furthermore, *1203 although the Village introduced evidence
in the district court tending to prove that some individuals, at least, might have difficulty
restraining their reactions to the Nazi demonstration, the Village tells us that it does not
rely on a fear of responsive violence to justify the ordinance, and does not even suggest
that there will be any physical violence if the march is held.[FN10] This confession takes
this case out of the scope of Brandenburg v. Ohio, supra, and Feiner v. New York, 340
U.S. 315, 321, 71 S.Ct. 303, 95 L.Ed. 295 (1951) (intentional "incitement to riot" may be
prohibited). The Village does not argue otherwise.
The concession also eliminates any argument based on the fighting words doctrine of
Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 62 S.Ct. 766, 86 L.Ed. 1031 (1942). The
Court in Chaplinsky affirmed a conviction under a statute that, as authoritatively
construed, applied only to words with a direct tendency to cause violence by the persons
to whom, individually, the words were addressed. Id. at 573, 62 S.Ct. 766. A conviction
for less than words that at least tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace cannot be
justified under Chaplinsky.[FN11] Gooding v. Wilson, 405 U.S. 518, 524-27, 92 S.Ct.
1103, 31 L.Ed.2d 408 (1972). The Illinois Supreme Court, in Village of Skokie v.
National Socialist Party of America, supra, has squarely ruled that responsive violence
fears and the fighting words doctrine could not support the prohibition of appellees'
demonstration. Although that decision was in a prior restraint context, and we are here
considering only the post facto criminal aspects of 995, the decision does buttress our
conclusion that Chaplinsky does not cover this case. Again, the Village does not seriously
contest this point.
Four basic arguments are advanced by the Village to justify the content restrictions of
995. First, it is said that the content criminalized by 995 is "totally lacking in social
content," and that it consists of "false statements of fact" in which there is "no
constitutional value." Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323, 340, 94 S.Ct. 2997, 41
L.Ed.2d 789 (1974). We disagree that, if applied to the proposed demonstration, the
ordinance can be said to be limited to "statements of fact," false or otherwise. No
handbills are to be distributed; no speeches are planned. To the degree that the symbols in
question can be said to assert anything specific, it must be the Nazi ideology, which
cannot be treated as a mere false "fact."
[9] We may agree with the district court that
if any philosophy should be regarded as completely unacceptable to civilized
society, that of plaintiffs, who, while disavowing on the witness stand any
advocacy of genocide, have nevertheless deliberately identified themselves with a
regime whose record of brutality and barbarism is unmatched in modern history,
would be a good place to start. But there can be no legitimate start down such a
road.
Under the First Amendment there is no such thing as a false idea. However pernicious an
opinion may seem, we depend for its correction not on the conscience of judges and juries
but on the competition of other ideas. Gertz, supra at 339-40, 94 S.Ct. at 3007. (footnote
omitted). In the words of Justice Jackson, "every person must be his own watchman for
truth, because the forefathers did not trust any government to separate the true from the
false for us." Thomas v. Collins, supra, 323 U.S. at 545, 65 S.Ct. at 329 (concurring
opinion). The asserted falseness of Nazi dogma, and, indeed, its general repudiation,
simply do not justify its suppression.
The Village's second argument, and the one on which principal reliance is placed, centers
on Beauharnais v. Illinois, 343 U.S. 250, 72 S.Ct. 725, 96 L.Ed. 919 (1952). There a
conviction was upheld under a statute prohibiting, in language substantially (and perhaps
not unintentionally) similar [FN12] to that used in the ordinance here, the dissemination
of materials promoting racial or religious hatred. The closely-divided Court stated that the
criminal punishment of libel of an Individual raised no constitutional problems, relying
on Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, supra, 315 U.S. at 571-72, 62 S.Ct. 766:
There are certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech, the prevention and
punishment of which have never been thought to raise any Constitutional problem. These
include the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or "fighting"
words . . . . (S)uch utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of
such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is
clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality. Quoted at 343 U.S. 25557, 72 S.Ct. at 730. That being so, the Court reasoned that the state could constitutionally
extend the prohibition to utterances aimed at groups.
In our opinion Beauharnais does not support ordinance 995, for two independent reasons.
First, the rationale of that decision turns quite plainly on the strong tendency of the
prohibited utterances to cause violence and disorder. The Illinois Supreme Court had so
limited the statute's application, as the United States Supreme Court noted. Id. at 254, 72
S.Ct. 725. The latter Court also pointed out that the tendency to induce breach of the
peace was the traditional justification for the criminal libel laws which had always been
thought to be immune from the First Amendment. Id. After stating the issue (whether
Illinois could extend criminal libel to groups) the Court turned to Illinois' history of racial
strife "and its frequent obligato of extreme racial and religious propaganda," Id. at 261, 72
S.Ct. at 733, and concluded that the Illinois legislature could reasonably connect the strife
and the propaganda and criminalize the latter to prevent the former. Cantwell v.
Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 310, 60 S.Ct. 900, 84 L.Ed. 1213 (1940), was quoted, at 261,
60 S.Ct. at 906:
The danger in these times from the coercive activities of those who in the delusion of
racial or religious conceit Would incite violence and breaches of the peace in order to
deprive others of their equal right to the exercise of their liberties, ([FN13] ) is
emphasized by events familiar to all. These and other transgressions of (the limits to First
Amendment rights) the States appropriately may punish. (Emphasis added.)
...
It may be questioned, after cases such as Cohen v. California, supra; Gooding v. Wilson,
supra ; and Brandenburg v. Ohio, supra, whether the Tendency to induce violence
approach sanctioned implicitly in Beauharnais would pass constitutional muster today.
Assuming that it would, however, it does not support ordinance 995, because the Village,
as we have indicated, does not assert appellees' possible violence, an audience's possible
responsive violence, or possible violence against third parties by those incited by
appellees, as justifications for 995. Ordinance 995 would apparently be applied in the
absence of any such threat. The rationale of Beauharnais, then, simply does not apply
here.
Further, when considering the application of Beauharnais to the present litigation, we
cannot be unmindful of the "package" aspects of the ordinances and that the "insulting"
words are to be made public only after a 30-day permit application waiting period.
Violence occurring under such a circumstance would have such indicia of premeditation
as to seem inconsistent with calling into play any remaining vitality of the Beauharnais
rationale.
The Village asserts that Beauharnais implicitly sanctions prohibiting the use of First
Amendment rights to invoke racial or religious hatred Even without reference to fears of
violence.[FN14] In the light of our discussion of Beauharnais ' premises, we do not find
the case susceptible of this interpretation.[FN15] Even if it were, however, we agree with
the district court that decisions in the quarter-century since Beauharnais have abrogated
the Chaplinsky dictum, made one of the premises of Beauharnais, that the punishment of
libel "has never been thought to raise any Constitutional problem." New York Times Co.
v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 84 S.Ct. 710, 11 L.Ed.2d 686 (1964); Garrison v. Louisiana,
379 U.S. 64, 85 S.Ct. 209, 13 L.Ed.2d 135 (1964) (criminal libel); and Gertz v. Robert
Welch, Inc., supra, are indisputable evidence that libel does indeed now raise serious and
knotty First Amendment problems, sufficient as a matter of constitutional law to require
the substantial rewriting of both criminal and civil state libel laws.
...
[10] The Village's third argument is that it has a policy of fair housing, which the
dissemination of racially defamatory material could undercut. We reject this argument
without extended discussion. That the effective exercise of First Amendment rights may
undercut a given government's policy on some issue is, indeed, one of the purposes of
those rights. No distinction is constitutionally admissible that turns on the intrinsic justice
of the particular policy in issue.
The Village's fourth argument is that the Nazi march, involving as it does the display of
uniforms and swastikas, will create a substantive evil that it has a right to prohibit: the
infliction of psychic trauma on resident holocaust survivors and other Jewish
residents.[FN16] The Village points out that *1206 Illinois recognizes the "new tort" of
intentional infliction of severe emotional distress, See Public Finance Corporation v.
Davis, 66 Ill.2d 85, 4 Ill.Dec. 652, 360 N.E.2d 765 (1976); and Knierim v. Izzo, 22 Ill.2d
73, 174 N.E.2d 157 (1961), the coverage of which may well include personally directed
racial slurs, See Contreras v. Crown Zellerbach Corporation, 88 Wash.2d 735, 565 P.2d
1173 (1977). Assuming that specific individuals could proceed in tort under this theory to
recover damages provably occasioned by the proposed march, and that a First
Amendment defense would not bar the action,[FN17] it is nonetheless quite a different
matter to criminalize protected First Amendment conduct in anticipation of such results.
[11] [12] It would be grossly insensitive to deny, as we do not, that the proposed
demonstration would seriously disturb, emotionally and mentally, at least some, and
probably many of the Village's residents. The problem with engrafting an exception on
the First Amendment for such situations is that they are indistinguishable in principle
from speech that "invite(s) dispute . . .. induces a condition of unrest, creates
dissatisfaction with conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger." Terminiello v.
Chicago, 337 U.S. 1, 4, 69 S.Ct. 894, 895, 93 L.Ed. 1131 (1949). Yet these are among the
"high purposes" of the First Amendment. Id. It is perfectly clear that a state many not
"make criminal the peaceful expression of unpopular views." Edwards v. South Carolina,
supra, 372 U.S. at 237, 83 S.Ct. at 684. Likewise, "mere public intolerance or animosity
cannot be the basis for abridgement of these constitutional freedoms." Coates v. City of
Cincinnati, 402 U.S. 611, 615, 91 S.Ct. 1686, 1689, 29 L.Ed.2d 214 (1971). Where, as
here, a crime is made of a silent march, attended only by symbols and not by extrinsic
conduct offensive in itself, we think the words of the Court in Street v. New York, supra,
394 U.S. at 592, 89 S.Ct. at 1366, are very much on point:
(A)ny shock effect . . . must be attributed to the content of the ideas expressed. It
is firmly settled that under our Constitution the public expression of ideas may not
be prohibited merely because the ideas are themselves offensive to some of their
hearers. (Citations omitted.)
[13] It is said that the proposed march is not speech, or even "speech plus," but rather an
invasion, intensely menacing no matter how peacefully conducted. The Village's expert
psychiatric witness, in fact, testified that the effect of the march would be much the same
regardless of whether uniforms and swastikas were displayed, due to the intrusion of selfproclaimed Nazis into what he characterized as predominately Jewish "turf." There is
room under the First Amendment for the government to protect targeted listeners from
offensive speech, but only when the speaker intrudes on the privacy of the home, or a
captive audience cannot practically avoid exposure. Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville,
422 U.S. 205, 209, 95 S.Ct. 2268, 45 L.Ed.2d 125 (1975); And see Rowan v. Post Office
Department, supra; Lehman v. City of Shaker Heights, 418 U.S. 298, 94 S.Ct. 2714, 41
L.Ed. 770 (1974). The Supreme Court has consistently stressed that "we are often
'captives' outside the sanctuary of the home and subject to objectionable speech." (Citing
Rowan, supra (397 U.S.) at 738 (90 S.Ct. 1484.) The ability of government, consonant
with the Constitution, to shut off discourse solely to protect others from hearing it is, in
other words, dependent upon a showing that substantial privacy interests are being
invaded in an essentially intolerable manner. Any broader view of this authority would
effectively empower a majority to silence dissidents simply as a matter of personal
predilections. (Emphasis added.) Cohen v. California, supra, 403 U.S. at 21, 91 S.Ct. at
1786.
This case does not involve intrusion into people's homes. There need be no captive
audience, as Village residents may, if they wish, simply avoid the Village Hall for thirty
minutes on a Sunday afternoon,[FN18] which no doubt would be their normal course of
conduct on a day when the Village Hall was not open in the regular course of business.
Absent such intrusion or captivity, there is no justifiable substantial privacy interest to
save 995 from constitutional infirmity, when it attempts, by fiat, to declare the entire
Village, at all times, a privacy zone that may be sanitized from the offensiveness of Nazi
ideology and symbols.
FN18. We appreciate that, as the Village's expert psychiatrist testified, avoidance
might also be psychologically unsatisfying to some of the Village's residents.
Nonetheless, the choice will be theirs, and it meaningfully undercuts the invasion
of privacy justification for 995. See Erznoznik, supra, 422 U.S. at 210-11, 95
S.Ct. 2268; Cohen, supra, 403 U.S. at 21, 91 S.Ct. 1780.
[14] We conclude that 995 may not be applied to criminalize the conduct of the proposed
demonstration. Because it is susceptible to such an application, we also conclude that it
suffers from substantial overbreadth, even if some of the purposes 995 is said to serve
might constitutionally be protectible by an appropriate and narrower ordinance. See Cox
v. Louisiana, supra. The latter conclusion is also supported by the fact that the ordinance
could conceivably be applied to criminalize dissemination of The Merchant of Venice or
a vigorous discussion of the merits of reverse racial discrimination in Skokie. Although
there is reason to think, as the district court concluded, that the ordinance is fatally vague
as well, because it turns in part on subjective reactions to prohibited conduct, See Coates
v. City of Cincinnati, supra ; and Ashton v. Kentucky, 384 U.S. 195, 86 S.Ct. 1407, 16
L.Ed.2d 469 (1966), we do not deem it necessary to rest our decision on that ground.
...
Although we would have thought it unnecessary to say so, it apparently deserves
emphasis in the light of the dissent's reference to this court apologizing as to the result,
that our regret at the use appellees plan to make of their rights is not in any sense an
apology for upholding the First Amendment. The result we have reached is dictated by
the fundamental proposition that if these civil rights are to remain vital for all, they must
protect not only those society deems acceptable, but also those whose ideas it quite
justifiably rejects and despises.
The judgment of the district court is
AFFIRMED.
SPRECHER, Circuit Judge, concurring in part and dissenting in part.
The basic situation in this case the efforts of avowed and uniformed Hitlerian Nazis to
demonstrate without municipal regulations in the streets of a predominantly Jewish
village housing some 7,000 Jewish survivors of World War II and their families conjures
up a unique amalgam of complex First Amendment concepts such as prior restraint,
group libel, fighting words and hostile audiences, incitement to riot, and shouting "fire" in
a crowded theater. Seldom before has a federal court been faced with a situation raising
such powerful cross-pressures as have been created in this case.
...
We must first examine whether plaintiffs' proposed conduct falls within the scope of the
First Amendment. We are dealing with a proposed march through a predominantly Jewish
community. The plaintiffs would wear nazi-style uniforms and swastika armbands or
emblems and carry written signs. No speeches were to be made.[FN11] Plaintiffs'
handbills had been distributed in the Village [FN12] and a number of Skokie residents
with Jewish surnames had received "offensive and threatening telephone calls." [FN13]
The portent of this action and the proposed march could not be lost on anyone familiar
with the methods of Hitler's Nazis in Germany.[FN14]
...
An old maxim goes: "Where one finds the most Jews, there also shall one find the most
Jewhaters." With this basic truth in mind, we are now planning a number of street
demonstrations and even speeches in Evanston, Skokie, Lincolnwood, North Shore,
Morton Grove, etc. This leaflet is but the first of a number now being prepared for
eventual mass-distribution. A beautiful full-color poster, 18 inches by 30 inches, with
non-removable adhesive on the back, is already in the works. The poster shows three
rabbis involved in the ritual murder of an innocent Gentile boy during the hate-fest of
Purim.
The present obstacle to mastery of the streets by either radical or reactionary mob
movements is not the opposing minority. It is the authority of local governments which
represent the free choice of democratic and law-abiding elements, of all shades of
opinion, but who, whatever their differences, submit them to free elections which register
the results of their free discussion. The fascist and communist groups, on the contrary,
resort to these terror tactics to confuse, bully and discredit those freely chosen
governments. Violent and noisy shows of strength discourage participation of moderates
in discussions so fraught with violence, and real discussion dries up and disappears. And
people lose faith in the democratic process when they see public authority flouted and
impotent and begin to think the time has come when they must choose sides in a false and
terrible dilemma such as was posed as being at hand by the call for the Terminiello
meeting: "Christian Nationalism or World Communism Which?"
This drive by totalitarian groups to undermine the prestige and effectiveness of local
democratic governments is advanced whenever either of them can win from this Court a
ruling which paralyzes the power of these officials. This is such a case.
*1217 Under these circumstances, the appearance of plaintiffs' group in Skokie may be so
extremely offensive and of such little social utility as to be beyond the protection of the
First Amendment.[FN15] In this sense the present case does not differ greatly from
Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 62 S.Ct. 766, 86 L.Ed. 1031 (1942), where
the Court upheld the conviction of a Jehovah's Witness for calling complainant a "God
damned racketeer" and "a damned fascist." The analysis the Court used there applies with
equal force here to the activities proposed by plaintiffs:
Allowing the broadest scope to the language and purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment,
it is well understood that the right of free speech is not absolute at all times and under all
circumstances. There are certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech, the
prevention and punishment of which have never been thought to raise any Constitutional
problem. These include . . . "fighting" words those which by their very utterance inflict
injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. It has been well observed that
such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight
social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly
outweighed by the social interest in order and morality. "Resort to epithets or personal
abuse is not in any proper sense communication of information or opinion safeguarded by
the Constitution . . . ." Id. at 571-72, 62 S.Ct. at 769 (footnotes omitted).
Another basis on which to conclude that plaintiffs' proposed conduct falls outside the
protection of the First Amendment is that under the circumstances it constitutes a
pernicious form of group libel. In Beauharnais v. Illinois, 343 U.S. 250, 72 S.Ct. 725, 96
L.Ed. 919 (1952), the Court upheld a statute which is strikingly similar to those attacked
here. The Court there declared:
It is not within our competence to confirm or deny claims of social scientists as to
the dependence of the individual on *1218 the position of his racial or religious
group in the community. It would, however, be arrant dogmatism, quite outside
the scope of our authority in passing on the powers of a State, for us to deny that
the Illinois legislature may warrantably believe that a man's job and his
educational opportunities and the dignity accorded him may depend as much on
the reputation of the racial and religious group to which he willy-nilly belongs, as
on his own merits. This being so, we are precluded from saying that speech
concededly punishable when immediately directed at individuals cannot be
outlawed if directed at groups with whose position and esteem in society the
affiliated individuals may be inextricably involved. Id. at 263, 72 S.Ct. at 733.
Nor do we need to back away from this analysis merely because the Supreme Court has
substantially modified the law of libel insofar as it relates to public officials or public
figures as opposed to the minor backtracking concerning libel of private individuals.
Compare New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 268, 84 S.Ct. 710, 11 L.Ed.2d
686 (1964) With Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323, (1974). Moreover, although
Beauharnais is said to have been scarcely noted since 1952, neither has it been overruled.
It appears to me that plaintiffs' proposed activities, under the circumstances presented
here, might reasonably be viewed as not within the area of constitutionally protected
activity. At least the question seems close enough to warrant serious concern and analysis
within the factual situation presented. Plaintiffs' proposed actions in this case arguably
"are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a
step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the
social interest in order and morality." Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, supra, 315 U.S. at
572, 62 S.Ct. at 769. This conclusion supports a finding at the very least of the validity of
the challenged insurance ordinance.
IV
Concerning the assumption that the content of speech or conduct is an impermissible
consideration when regulation of those activities are proposed, we note that regulation of
First Amendment activities never has been and never can be "content blind." As early as
1919, the Supreme Court in Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 52, 39 S.Ct. 247, 249,
63 L.Ed. 470, declared through Mr. Justice Holmes:
The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and
are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the
substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and
degree.
There is no dispute that speech may not be suppressed merely because it offends its
listeners. Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 21, 91 S.Ct. 1780, 29 L.Ed.2d 284 (1971). At
some point, however, considerations of a neutral desire to maintain the public peace and
general welfare come into play in determining whether activities should be allowed.
Feiner v. New York, 340 U.S. 315, 320, 71 S.Ct. 303, 95 L.Ed. 295 (1951). Where the
activity is, as here, by its nature and by the circumstances, a threat to a reasonable attempt
to maintain the public order, it cannot claim to go unregulated under the auspices that
content may not properly be considered.
Such considerations apply with added force where the municipality does not seek to
prevent the conduct proposed, but simply proposes to protect against the consequences of
such activity. The insurance ordinance at issue here merely attempts to provide this
protection. The Village should not be required to ignore the dangers that are presented by
plaintiffs' conduct. We noted at the outset that the Supreme Court has recently recognized
that "(e)ven within the area of protected speech, a difference in content may require a
different governmental response." Young v. American Mini Theatres, Inc., 427 U.S. 50,
66, 96 S.Ct. 2440, 2450, 49 L.Ed.2d 310 (1977). In my opinion the response of the
Village of Skokie in *1219 enacting the insurance ordinance was constitutionally
permissible.
For the reasons discussed above, I would reverse the decision of the district court
declaring the insurance requirement of the ordinance unconstitutional.
C.A.Ill.,1978.
Collin v. Smith
578 F.2d 1197, 3 Media L. Rep. 2490
END OF DOCUMENT