Relationship Security and Outcomes 1 Running head: RELATIONSHIPS PREDICTING STEPCHILD’S ADJUSTMENT OUTCOMES Children’s Adjustment Outcomes as Predicted by Relationship Security: An Examination of Emotional Security Theory and Attachment Theory within Stepfamily Relationships Lauren Jeffress Arizona State University Mentor: William Fabricius Relationship Security and Outcomes 2 Abstract Protection, safety, and security are among the most prominent goals in the human hierarchy (Bowlby 1973 as cited in Cummings and Davies 2006), especially within a child’s development. Attachment theory and emotional security theory address the relationships surrounding a child in his or her family and how the quality of these relationships affects the child’s adjustment. Previous studies have examined these theories either within the context of intact families or without controlling for the influences of other relationships on each particular dyad and how it may be associated with the child’s behavior. This thesis examined how parent – child relationship quality and interparental relationship quality independently predicted a child’s behavioral outcomes in stepfather families. Data corresponding to 175 stepfamily participants were provided by the PAYS dataset, a five year, three-wave, two-site study. The present study found that child’s relationships are arranged in a hierarchical manner where parent – child relationships significantly predict a child’s behavioral outcomes over and above what interparental relationships predict of child’s behavioral outcomes. The study also found that within parent-child relationships each dyad contributes in an additive manner to behavioral outcomes with each dyad adding something over and above what the other dyads are contributing to the child. Further findings are analyzed by each reporter and discussed along with implications for future research. Relationship Security and Outcomes 3 Children’s Adjustment Outcomes as Predicted by Relationship Security: An Examination of Emotional Security Theory and Attachment Theory within Stepfamily Relationships Attachment Theory John Bowlby began his pioneering work on attachment theory and uncovered many of the underlying ties between a caregiver and infant. These attachment mechanisms emerged as a result of evolutionary pressures for the infant’s survival (Cassidy 1999). The attachment system operates within the context of the infant’s set goal: a state of security that is maintained within set limits of proximity with the caregiver (Sroufe and Waters 1977; Bowlby, 1969/1982). Bowlby argued that a set of diverse behaviors was enacted by the child to signal the caregiver when information reached the infant that the distance threshold between infant and caregiver had been breached (Sroufe and Waters 1977). Genetic selection favored specific attachment behaviors from the child because they helped maintain caregiver-child proximity, which increased the likelihood of the infant’s survival (Cassidy 1999). Because of the biological function of these behaviors, Bowlby suggested that infants became genetically predisposed to seek their caregivers in times of distress (Cassidy 1999). Thus, attachment is a normal, healthy characteristic in humans (Cassidy 1999). The attachment system is analogous to a thermostat (Cassidy 1999) in that the system is continually activated for the purpose of monitoring the infant’s set goal. If that goal is disrupted, then the system is activated to initiate behaviors that bring the caregiver closer to the infant. It is through the caregiver’s continued responsiveness that the infant creates and maintains an expectation that, in times of distress or uncertainty, the caregiver is a secure and available base. If the infant’s behaviors are not responded to appropriately by the caregiver, then the baby does not learn a feeling of security and a positive attachment is not established between caregiver and child. This attachment bond is best described as not one between two people but rather a bond one individual has on another individual who is perceived as stronger and wiser (Cassidy 1999). Relationship Security and Outcomes 4 Attachment theory can be expanded to include the child’s attachments beyond infancy. Both infants and adults exhibit comfort and ease in the presence of the attachment figure, whereas the unexplained absence of the attachment figure engenders discomfort and anxiety (Chapman 1991). Sroufe and Waters (1977) propose that even as a child’s behaviors adapt to both developmental and contextual changes across his or her lifespan, the goals for security still remain. As the attachment model continues through childhood, adolescence and adulthood and into other relationships, the underlying factor in the system is the behavior of the attachment figure (Cassidy 1999). Developmentally, the behaviors a child relies on in infancy to cue the response of the caregiver may not necessarily be those they rely on in preadolescence. A baby’s cry, for example, is used to signal the mother in infancy, but will hopefully articulate in adolescence to more mature verbal cues. These may include, for example, a teenager calling his or her parent to ask for money. The attachment systems model can, thus, be applied outside the infancy stage. It can continue into childhood, preadolescence, adolescence, and adulthood as the behaviors for assuring the set goal adapt to the individual’s growth. Contextually, Sroufe and Waters suggested that a child may select certain behaviors to restore an internally set goal depending on their effectiveness in the current environment (1977). The variety of behaviors as learned by the infant can all be exercised to preserve the sense of security with the caregiver, but will vary as the functions of the attachment figure become elaborated and extend with the development of the infant. From an attachment perspective, a significant feature of secure attachment as the child develops involves open communication between the parent and child (Bowlby, 1969/1982). Attachment theory can also be expanded so that, with the development of the child, more attachment figures are added beyond just the child’s attachment to the primary caregiver. For example, both Cassidy (1999) and Sroufe and Waters (1977) suggested the possibility of separate maternal and paternal systems. Kelly and Lamb (2000) affirmed that children are enriched by two Relationship Security and Outcomes 5 emotionally supportive parents and regardless of who had been the primary caregiver, both parents contribute to the child extensively. Therefore, the attachment theory can be applied to caregivers beyond the mother. The expansion of a child’s attachments presents the question of a hierarchy within those attachments. Ainsworth and Bowlby proposed that mothers become primary attachment figure before any other relationships are formed, thus suggesting a hierarchy of attachment figures (as cited in Lamb & Lewis 2005). Additionally, Lamb and Lewis (2005) suggest that, despite other attachments, mothers still remain the primary attachment. Through the child’s acquisition of multiple attachments Cassidy (1999) and Kelly and Lamb (2000) also suggests an “attachment hierarchy”. In other words, it is possible that not all additional attachment figures sustain the same level of security or responsiveness with the child. When a (pre)adolescent has already developed a working model of attachments with his or her parents, how is the hierarchy of attachments affected with the addition of a non-biological resident stepparent? I will be examining the possibility of a hierarchy model within a child’s attachment figures. If there is a hierarchy it could be that the mother is seen as the primary, stable attachment figure for the child since the biological father is non-residential and the stepfather is new to the household. If the attachments are additive it could be because the child is pre-disposed to forming secure attachments with all caregivers and not placing complete dependence on one primary figure. Emotional Security Theory Bowlby emphasized that the family as a whole needs to be considered in the understanding of a child or infant’s sense of security and distress (as cited in Cummings and Davies 2006). Building on this notion, Davies and Cummings developed their emotional security theory, which is a family-wide model wherein preserving emotional security is a set-goal that influences children’s reactions to marital conflict (Davies and Cummings 1998, Cummings, Schermerhorn, Davies, Relationship Security and Outcomes 6 Goeke-Morey, and Cummings 2006). Similar to Bowlby’s theory, emotional security theory focuses on the importance of emotional security provided to the child. However, attachment theory represents the relationships between child and each of his parental attachment figures (e.g., childfather). Emotional security theory, on the other hand, addresses the interparental relationships surrounding the child (e.g., mother-father) and their influences “in addition to parent-child attachment” (Cummings et al. 2006 p 133, italics in text). Just as physical distance violates the set goal from the evolutionary standpoint in attachment theory, marital conflict is the stressor that signals a disruption in the set goal of emotional security. Emotional security is the child’s appraisal that interparental bonds will remain positive and stable despite conflict (Cummings et al. 2006). Additionally, even with everyday stressors, like marital conflict, children expect their parents to remain responsive and emotionally available for them (Cummings et al. 2006). Children evaluate marital conflict in terms of preserving emotional security. The theory assumes that a child’s emotional security can be improved or weakened by the quality of family relationships (Cummings et al. 2006; Kelly et al 2000). Preserving a sense of security within those relationships organizes a child’s behavioral reactions to parental conflict (Cummings et al. 2006). Similar to attachment theory, a behavioral system is activated in the child if the emotional security is threatened (Cummings et al. 2006). For example, a child might proactively try to mediate an argument between parents, or may become avoidant and withdrawn during an argument. Thus, a child’s level of emotional security can be measured by the organization of behaviors that attempt to preserve the child’s goal of emotional security in the face of interparental conflict (Cummings et al. 2006). Similar to attachment theory, emotional security theory can be expanded beyond the infant stage. Cummings (1987) investigated children’s behavioral responses to parental conflict at ages two- to five-years old. Harold, Shelton, Goeke-Morey, and Cummings (2004) also studied Relationship Security and Outcomes 7 emotional security as related to child’s behavior and marital conflict in children ages 11- to 12-years old. Emotional security theory can apply to beyond children’s biological parents’ relationship. Therefore, marital conflict does not always imply biological parents within intact families. Kelly et al. (2000) confirm that factors like marital conflict and divorce can influence a child’s sense of security and stability within these bonds. In the context of stepfamilies, there could be conflict from the previous relationship between the biological parents and additional conflict between the resident parent and stepparent. This raises the issue of whether an attachment hierarchy also exists for interparental relationships. If so, then the question is whether one or more than one is more closely linked to the child’s sense of emotional security. If there is a hierarchy of these interparental relationships, then only one dyad would be important to the child’s sense of security and the rest of little significance. If it is an additive model, the child could consider security within all interparental dyads of equal importance. Studies of emotional security and the child’s behavioral adjustment to marital conflict have been conducted with intact families and thus cannot address the complexities within a stepfamily dynamic (see Harold et al 2004). Security and Adjustment Sroufe and Waters (1977) suggested attachment relationship quality and closeness can be linked to the child’s adjustment as measured by their behavior patterns. Fabricius (2003), Chapman (1991), and Kelly and Lamb (2000) suggested that, through attachment theory, the security in a parent-child bond will predict future social, cognitive, and emotional functioning and adjustment. Verschueren and Marcoen (1999) also reported that secure mother-child attachments had an effect on positive self-perceptions of 5 and 6-year olds, whereas attachments to the biological father best predicted behavior problems (as cited in Lamb and Lewis 2005). Additionally, Wolchik, Tein, Sandler, and Doyle (2002) confirmed that, as part of attachment theory, the child’s fear of being Relationship Security and Outcomes 8 abandoned by their primary caregiver could lead to adjustment problems. Children who have a secure relationship with both parents (whether they are married or not) are more likely to attain their full psychological potential; likewise, children who lack a meaningful relationship with one parent are at a greater risk (Kelly et al. 2000). However, not all adults are equally reliable in pacifying the fear of abandonment, so infants differ with respect to amount of trust they feel and, thus, the way they behave (Lamb & Lewis 2005). Therefore, Cassidy (1999) raised a situation in which a child is faced with “conflicting models” of attachment within the family system and how they affect the child’s functioning. Ultimately, the question is whether one secure relationship is sufficient for the child’s positive adjustment, or whether two or more are better. For example, if a child has formed a secure attachment with the mother, does an additional secure relationship with the nonresidential father or the residential stepfather make a significant, independent difference to the child’s outcomes? Does an insecure relationship with one parent influence the child’s behavioral outcome despite a secure relationship with another parent? Verschueren and Marcoen (1999) found that the positive effects of a secure attachment to one parent “partially offsets” the negative effects of an insecure attachment to another (as cited in Lamb & Lewis 2005). Additionally, Vandewater and Lansford (1998) found that a good relationship with at least one parent or caregiver could be a protective factor during parental conflict. Davies and Cummings’ (1998) work provides support for the idea of emotional security as a principle mediating variable between interparental discord and the child’s maladjustment. It is a resource that helps children cope with stress and makes them less vulnerable to anxiety and depression (Davies & Cummings, 1994). If these separate interparental dyads are important predictors for adjustment, are they arranged in a structure based on hierarchy or equality? We will test this by examining their independent contributions towards predicting adjustment. If all dyads Relationship Security and Outcomes 9 are significantly independent predictors of adjustment then they will be contributing in an additive model; however, if only one dyad is independently able to predict adjustment outcomes then a hierarchical model is suggested. In order to answer the above questions about the hierarchical versus additive nature of both systems, it is important to investigate stepfamilies because they provide three dyads relevant to each attachment system. Integration of Attachment Theory and Emotional Security Theory I will address the question whether attachment security, though the child’s individual relationships, and emotional security, through interparental relationships, significantly predict child’s adjustment outcomes, independent of one another. Sobolewski and Amato (2007) report that much research links the quality of parent-parent relationships to the quality of parent-child relationships. For example, when parents have a negative marital relationship, the parent – child relationship most likely suffers from spill-over effects (and vice versa) (Sobolewski et al 2007). Therefore, it is important to statistically control for each type of relationship to see their effects on the child, without one type of relationship confounding the other. Davies, Harold, Goeke-Morey, and Cummings (2002) found support that both marital conflict (interparental) and attachment (parent-child) relationships independently influence child behavioral adjustment in intact families (as cited in Cummings et al. 2006). By looking at these relationships independently as they predict adjustment, we are able to assess if outcomes are due solely to a specific relationship (e.g. a parentchild attachment) or if the other attachment system (e.g. an interparental attachment) contributes additional, independent changes over and above the specific relationship. However, most studies measuring the interaction of parent – child and interparental relationships with each other and their influence on child outcomes were conducted with intact families and focused on one particular parent-child relationship (Sobolewski et al. 2007). Current study Relationship Security and Outcomes 10 These two theories of attachment and emotional security tend to address relationships within intact, biological families. I seek to better understand how they apply to more complex dynamics within the realm of stepfamilies. Previous studies have often failed to test both types of relationships (parent-child, and parent-parent) in one study and their independent contributions to adjustment. Therefore, I want to use these theories on security as bases to test relationships and attachments within stepfamilies, specifically those with the biological mother and stepfather and nonresident biological father. Sobolewski et al (2007) reports that postdivorce families may provide an important perspective for unequal parent-child relationships. Thus it will be interesting to see how this unfolds in remarried families (ie. how the presence of a stepfather changes relationships). It has also been noted by Hetherington (1993) that early adolescence, the age-group of the present study, is a time of greatest difficulty to remarriage adaptations. Using the framework of attachment and emotional security theories, I first plan to measure each relationship (interparental and parent-child) and if they independently, significantly predict child behavioral outcomes. Secondly, I plan to measure each dyad within the two relationships and determine if there is a hierarchy of attachments that independently predict the child’s outcomes. If so, which specific attachment relationship provides the most impact, whether positive or negative to the child’s outcomes. By doing this, I will be able to assess if one secure dyad in the hierarchy is enough for predicting positive adjustment outcomes, or if all dyads are equally important for child outcomes. The answers to these questions of attachment relationships and outcomes can be addressed within two hypotheses. Thus, I predict that within a stepfamily: 1) The child-parent relationships and the interparental relationships will each predict the child’s behavioral outcomes independently Relationship Security and Outcomes 11 2) The separate dyads within each relationship (e.g. mother-child, stepfather-biological father, etc) will predict child behavioral outcomes independently. Previous research Because of the novelty of stepfamilies in research, uncovering processes of specific dyads has been purely a-theoretical. Therefore, it is important to test the specific aspects of the stepfamily relationships and how previous literature lends support. Many questions are still left unanswered concerning stepfamilies, despite pervasive numbers in the US. The US has the highest rate of divorce and remarriage in the world (Ganong and Coleman 2004) with about one-third of children living in a remarried or cohabitating step-family before they reach age 18 (Coleman and Ganong 2000). Such a population speaks to the necessity of understanding the dynamics within the stepfamily. However, because of its diverse nature, it has been difficult for researchers to delineate or organize links and causal associations across the stepfamily dynamics. Divorce and remarriage create many stressors and disruptions that are attributable to postdivorce relations and child adjustment such as the quality of resident parent/child relation, conflict expressed between parents, and child’s contact amount and quality of relationship with nonresidential parent (Emery 1999; Ganong and Coleman 2004; Wolchik et al 2002; Fabricius & Luecken 2007; Fabricius 2003; Kelly et al 2000; Amato 1987). These disruptions, in turn, are likely to create concerns within the child’s attachment system about the ability or willingness of their family to continue to care for them (Wolchik et al 2002). Coleman et al. (2000) additionally affirmed that conflicts between divorced parents and between stepparents were significant causes of stress to stepchildren’s emotional security and contributed to poorer behavior and psychological outcomes than children living with both biological parents. However, these stressors of divorce do not have uniform psychological and emotional effects on the involved children and adults (Ganong Relationship Security and Outcomes 12 Coleman 2004). These diverse effects of divorce and remarriage affect all family members and their relationships in a changing and adaptive dynamic over time. Measuring a child’s outcome behaviors as predicted by their quality of relationships with parents and the parents’ quality of relationships with each other has been a large focus of researchers’ work. Theoretically, behavior problems may arise from the disruptions in family dynamics and the consequential negative impact on the child’s sense of attachment and security within familial relationships. Research has found that children growing up in a stepfamily seem to exhibit more internal and external problems and are at least two times more at risk for maladjustment than those in nuclear families ( Amato 1987; Hetherington 1999; Cherlin 1994; Ganong and Coleman 2004; Coleman 2000). Adolescents show slightly higher levels of depression and anxiety in remarried families, and their levels of externalizing behaviors (i.e. antisocial behavior, school behavior problems) is highest in stepfamilies, as compared to single mother or intact families (Chapman 1991; Amato & Keith 1991; Bray, 1999; Kelly & Emery 2003; Hetherington 1992). Additionally the risk of teenage pregnancy and early sexual behavior is doubled (Kelly & Emery 2003; Amato & Keith 1991; Chapman 1991). Children in stepfamily homes are twice as likely to have psychological, behavioral, social, and academic problems than are children in nondivorced families (Bray, 1999; Kelly & Emery 2003; Hetherington 1993). These problem behaviors seem to be prevalent for all family types (ie. intact, divorced and remarried) when the child is in early adolescence, but they are especially evident in remarried families (Hetherington 1993). For the majority of the time the new marital relationship consists of a mother and stepfather since 90% of post-divorce children end up living with their mothers and having some type of access to their nonresidential fathers (Bray and Depner 1993; Fabricius et al. 2007; Kelly et al. 2000). In Relationship Security and Outcomes 13 our current study we address this common type of family dynamic with mother, resident stepfather, nonresident biological father, and child. Resident Stepfather and Child Dyad The step-parent/stepchild relationship may be the most important relationship in predicting overall stepfamily happiness, and could also be the most problematic, stressful, and variable relationship in the new stepfamily (Chapman 1991; Clingempeel, Brand, & Ievoli, 1984; Clingempeel & Segal, 1986). Researchers have tried to determine how stepchildren and stepparents view each other. One influential factor stemming from attachment theory may be the quality of the relationship the child has with the nonresidential parent (Chapman 1991; Amato 1987); another factor, in line with emotional security theory, may be the quality of relationship between the stepparent and the biological parent in the household (Cherlin 1994; Amato 1987). For a long time, the widespread perspective on stepfamilies was that living with a stepparent had a negative impact on children (Coleman et al. 2000). Unfortunately, there has been little published research on the positive interpersonal relationships of stepfamilies (Ganong and Coleman 1994); for example, the positive influence a step-parent could have on step-children. Amato (1987) cites two studies in particular that did find close stepparent-child relationships and subsequent positive effects for the child (Wallerstein and Kelly 1980 and White, Brinkerhoff, and Booth 1985). Hetherington (1993) stated that children, especially boys, may have more to gain and nothing to lose in forming a relationship with a stepfather. Most stepchildren view their relationship with their stepparent as positive, although typically more distant than with their biological parents (Amato 1999; Chapman 1991). Adolescents report feeling less closeness with stepparents than with biological parents (Furstenberg, 1987, as cited in Chapman 1991). Children’s acceptance of an additional parental figure in the household is determined by the level of security established within their relationship. Children were less likely to connect in a Relationship Security and Outcomes 14 positive relationship with the stepparent and be accepting of their authority position in the family if the stepparent immediately assumed a parenting role without a warm emotionally available relationship being first established (Fine, Coleman, and Ganong 1998; Ganong and Coleman 1999). Without a stable sense of the stepparent’s physical availability and emotional responsiveness, the child is less likely to be receptive to any of their parenting attempts. The children’s level of security in the new relationship can be measured by their behaviors towards the stepparent. A troubled residential stepparent-child relationship is linked to children’s externalizing and internalizing behavior problems (Emery 1999; Hetherington 1992). Children of both genders typically demonstrate negative behavioral responses with the introduction of a stepparent into the family (Vuchinich, Hetherington, Vuchinich, & Clingempeel 1991; Hetherington 1993). A supportive stepfather has been shown to decrease the behavior problems of boys, but not girls, who have actually have been shown to increase in behavior problems (Vuchinich et al 1991). There has also been research on the level of involvement of the stepparent with their stepchildren. Compared to the biological parent, a stepparent has invested little time with the family and is less sure of their role as a parent with the stepchildren. Thus, the stepparent might be more disengaged, less emotionally available, less affectionate, and provide less supervision than biological parent (Ganong and Coleman 2004; Amato 1999; Amato 1987; Hetherington 1992). Their attention is, thus, directed elsewhere and the stepparent/child relationship suffers (Coleman et al. 2000). Because the stepparent is significantly disengaged from the child, they are highly unlikely to respond to the child in times of distress. Moreover, the child may be less likely to expect the stepparent to be responsive in the first place and, thus, not even attempt to form any kind of attachment. Hetherington (1992) found that differences between (step)father-child relationships in remarried and nonremarried families were quite significant and the negativity between stepfather and child endured for over two years after remarriage Relationship Security and Outcomes 15 Mother and Child Dyad Generally, mother/child relationships within the stepfamily dynamic have received little attention from researchers (Coleman et al. 2000). The great majority of research concerning the impact of marital conflict on mother-child relationships has consisted of intact family samples. Lamb and Lewis (2005) stated that, across their review of studies, adolescents in the United States report being closer to their mothers than fathers. However, it was found that across samples of various family compositions, mother-child negativity was higher in families in which the resident father was not the biological father (Dunn, Davies, O’Connor, Sturgess 2000; Hetherington 1993). Therefore Dunn et al (2000) proposed that the mother-child relationship clearly “suffered” in stepfamilies. There has been mixed results on the impact divorce and stepfamilies have on the motherchild relationship. In one study using stepfamily samples, Hetherington and Chingempeel (1992) found that mother/preadolescent children relationships deteriorated after remarriage, but resumed within two years (as cited in Coleman et al 2000). Similarly, Hetherington (1992) found evidence to support that over time the mother-child relationship in remarried families became similar to those in intact families. However, Hetherington (1993) found that within samples of early adolescent children in stepfamilies, the mother-child interactions were less positive and noncommunicative. Dunn, Cheng, O’Connor, and Bridges (2004) found that positivity in a child’s adjustment was linked to the quality of the relationship with the mother. Similar associations were found in Wolchik et al (2002) where custodial parent–child relationship quality was significantly linked with postdivorce adjustment problems. Warm and affectionate mother–child relationships may affirm the stability of the relationship over time, which would reduce children’s fears of abandonment and impact of internalizing and externalizing problems (Wolchik et al 2002). Additionally, in a study of children from divorce it was also found that children had positive adjustment when the parent-child Relationship Security and Outcomes 16 relationship was “very good”, but this relationship had to be with the mother (Hetherington et al 1979, as cited in Emery 1982). Nonresidential Biological Parent and Child Dyad The nonresidential parent-child relationship is the most variable across families (Braver, Wolchick, Sandler, and Sheets 1993) and could be a major contributor to children’s individual differences in adjustment outcomes (Dunn et al. 2004; Amato & Gilbreth 1999; Kelly et al 2000). The overwhelming question in the research concerns the factors that predict and influence a sustained quality relationship between nonresidential parent and child. The nonresidential parentchild relationship has proven to be a very important and influential bond; therefore, it is an important dyad to investigate because a disruption could have major implications for the child concerning attachment and emotional security. An emotionally distant or absent nonresidential parent-child relationship has shown to have direct detrimental effects to the child’s well-being, social adjustment, and academic performance (Braver et al. 1993; Amato and Gilbreth 1999; Kelly et al 2000; Clingempeel and Segal 1986). Similarly, Sturgess et al. (2001) found that children’s perceptions of their relationships with fathers and externalizing problems were significantly related. It seems, then, that despite the increased physical distance, the relationship still has a strong impact on the child’s security and behavioral outcomes. As Ainsworth suggested, the attachment bond can continue even with intermittent, unpredictable contact (as cited in Lamb and Lewis 2005). So, it could be that if the nonresidential parent still remains emotionally responsive, physical distance might not as vital an issue. Likewise, research was mixed regarding whether or not remarriage affects nonresidential parent-child interaction (Coleman et al. 2000; Lamb & Lewis 2005). Clingempeel et al (1986) state that although there is a positive relation between regular nonresident father-child contact and adjustment, the research is still unclear which this holds true after remarriage. In the context of Relationship Security and Outcomes 17 stepfamilies, Sturgess, et al. (2001) found that many young children did not feel close to their stepfathers, but rather the biological link between children and their fathers was significantly associated with felt closeness in the father-child relationship. Therefore, because of this biologically-linked attachment to parents, it seems only natural that the large majority of children would want a continued relationship with both parents post-divorce. Sadly, the nonresidential fathers may gradually “disappear” (Thompson and Amato 1999). Data from Fabricius (2003) reveals that the quality of the relationships in the long term between biological dad – and child depended on the amount of contact they had with each other after the divorce; unfortunately many had little contact (Fabricius 2003). Additionally, Braver & O’Connell (1998) found that fewer than twenty percent of nonresidential fathers had no contact with their children, as reported from surveys in the late 1980’s to early 1990’s. However, the disengagement of a nonresidential parent can become even more pronounced with reinstatement of other household members, typically the stepparent (Bray and Depner 1993; Bray and Berger 1993). This impacts the child’s sense of stability, especially in the context of other immediate familial disruptions in the child’s attachment relationships. Still, it is being revealed more and more in the research that it is the nature of the relationship rather than increased contact that is related to child outcome. Kelly and Lamb (2000) agree that time spent interacting is not the only factor in development of attachments. Research by Sturgess et al (2001), Amato and Gilbreth (1999), and Kelly and Emery (2003) confirm a significant link between the quality of nonresidential parent-child relationships, rather than frequency of visits, and children’s internalizing and externalizing problems. Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch (1996) found positive associations between adolescents' feelings of closeness to their noncustodial fathers and their psychological and behavioral adjustment (as cited in Amato and Gilbreth 1999). Lamb (1999) and Marsiglio, Amato, Day, and Lamb (2000) additionally suggest that an active Relationship Security and Outcomes 18 relationship with the nonresidential fathers was shown to enhance the child’s well-being, demonstrating the importance of maximizing the quality involvement rather than simple frequency of visitation. In other words, according to emotional security theory, the child will have a better sense of well-being and secure adjustment if they know their nonresidential biological parent is emotionally available to them. Even according to attachment theory, if the quality of the relationship is stably secure and responsive despite any physical disruptions, the child may be even more positively adjusted. Thus, Amato and Gilbreth (1999) suggested future research should concentrate on measures of relationship closeness than frequency of contact. Three studies in particular focused on the quality or closeness of the relationship and its relationship to the child’s adjustment outcomes. According to Bray and Berger (1993) one longitudinal study found that: 1) contact with nonresidential father decreased over time but the quality remained constant for girls; 2) boys had the same amount of contact and felt improved in their relationship with their nonresidential father over time. Interestingly, they also found that more contact and better relationship with the nonresidential father and son was predictive of mother’s ratings of more internalizing problems for boys (Bray and Berger 1993). Also, higher self-esteem was related to less contact between nonresidential father and son (Bray and Berger 1993). Future research was suggested in order to examine other relationships within the family that could influence adjustment and possibly explain these processes within the father-child dyad. Lamb (1999) concluded that frequent, quality contacts with nonresidential parent leads to better adjustment in children, but only when interparental conflict is low. Results like these support our hypothesis of an additional relationship (e.g. within interparental relationships) contributing influences on child adjustment, whether positive or negative, that are over and above those measured by another relationship (e.g. within a parent-child relationship). Additionally, Sturgess et al (2001) found that prosocial behavior was related to closeness with both mother and father. Even Relationship Security and Outcomes 19 though his research was across families of diverse structures, these findings speak to the importance of examining the additive effects of the separate parent-child dyads’ correlations with children’s outcomes . Resident Stepfather and Mother Dyad As in other relationships within stepfamilies, research shows discrepancy in the new marital relationship. Some show that over time there is a decrease in differences between remarried and non-remarried groups. For example, Hetherington (1992) found that remarried couples’ responses in regards to marital satisfaction became similar to the non-remarried couples. Amato (1987) also reports that the quality of stepfamily marital relations is just as good as intact families. However, the newly remarried couple does suffer significant conflict due to the many stressors and overall added complexity within a stepfamily. For example, Hetherington (1993) reports that after an intital “honeymoon” period for the newly remarried couple, they begin to exhibit less cohesiveness and more conflict than first-married families. Bray and Berger’s (1993) also report that 60% of remarriages have an average length of five years before the couple divorces. This fact has significant impact if the remarriage involves children since the higher rates of re-divorce are within families with stepchildren (White and Booth 1985). Spouses with stepchildren report significantly less satisfaction with family life than those with biological children, thus signaling more strain within stepfamilies than biological families (White and Booth 1985; Hetherington 1992). Spouses report increased problems with their children, less satisfaction with partner’s relationship with their children, and thoughts of the marriage’s negative effects on the children (White et al1985). As children move into adolescence, there is a decline in marital satisfaction, especially within remarried families, where there is more reported negativity within the new marital interactions (Hetherington 1993). Relationship Security and Outcomes 20 According to emotional security theory, interparental conflict threatens the intactness of the family and is especially likely to undermine the child’s sense of security because it signifies the possibility of family dissolution (Davies 2002; Davies et al 1998). Re-divorce can rupture newly formed or rebuilt attachment relationships in the stepfamily and too many indications of instability within the marital relationship of a stepfamily could threaten the child’s sense of security. There is potential for the effects of marital conflict having a “spillover” effect into the parent-child interactions (Davies et al 2002; Hetherington 1992). Cooperation between resident parent and stepparent in raising the children may be just as important as stepparent involvement (Ganong and Coleman 2004). According to emotional security theory as a family-wide model, this relationship may prove to be a very decisive factor because the child might draw a better sense of security, and thus have better adjustment, if they see a more cohesive bond between resident parents in attending to the child’s needs. However, Vuchinich et al (1991) found that closer motherstepfather relationships are associated with more behavioral problems. Additionally, Hetherington (1993) found that a close marital relationship between mother and stepfather is associated with high levels of negative behavior in preadolescent children. It may be that the child feels threatened by another household member. This illustrates the importance of looking at these dyads independently because, in this specific example, an insecure parent-child relationship might explain this negative child outcome, despite the secure interparental relationship. Nonresident Biological Father and Mother Dyad It is important in stepfamily research to analyze the pre-divorce family context by assessing the conflict and cooperation dynamics within the biological parents’ relationship In analyzing research across biological families and stepfamilies, Lamb (1999) suggested that at least some of the increase risk found between children of divorced families and first marriage families is attributable to the pre-divorce family environment. Amato (1999) notes, in his review of the Relationship Security and Outcomes 21 literature that the children who were the more securely adjusted and had the best well-being were those raised by cooperative two parent biological household. Therefore, cooperation between the biological parents is strongly emphasized as one of the most important predictors of children’s positive adjustment (Thompson and Amato 1999). However, twenty to thirty percent of divorced couples’ interaction would be described as highly conflictive (Ganong and Coleman 2004). The relation between pervasive parental conflict and child’s adjustment problems continues several years after the divorce process (Bray and Berger 1993 Although Kelly and Emery (2003) and Sobolewski et al (2007) claim that findings of postdivorce conflict and children’s adjustment have been mixed, the majority of the research supports that conflict between custodial parent and nonresidential parent is highly detrimental to children’s well-being (Bray and Berger 1993; Vandewater & Lansford, 1998; Emery 1982; Fabricius & Luecken 2007; Kelly et al 2000; Sobolewski & Amato 2007). Grych and Fincham (1990) found in a sample of divorced couples that marital conflict before and after divorce was associated to a variety of negative child behavioral outcomes. Further, these negative outcomes have been suggested to lower the age at which the adolescent becomes sexually active and weaken intergenerational ties (especially between child and father) (Amato 1999). Altogether, these findings indicate the importance of lessening the interparental and marital conflicts in order to work towards cooperation and agreement for the sake of the child. Nonresident Biological Father and Resident Stepfather Dyad Of all the relationships within the stepfamily dyad, resident stepfather and nonresident biological father’s relationship has been rarely analyzed; however, in accordance with Bowlby’s and Davies’ theories, this uninvestigated relationship could be highly influential. The unique aspect of my study will be in investigating correlations between this relationship and its affect on child’s outcomes. It is possible that how children decide to react to the stepparent’s relationship-building efforts is Relationship Security and Outcomes 22 guided by how they define the relationship between their nonresidential parent and stepparent. The additive model suggests that both men have significantly important roles for the child’s outcome (Ganong and Coleman 2004). If we assume that 1) by attachment theory, the child has maintained a secure relationship with the biological father and 2) by emotional security theory, the child maintains security through a stable mother-stepfather marital relationship, then it may be appropriate to hypothesize that the quality of the father-stepfather relationship has impact on the child’s attachment outcomes. Methods Participants Participant data for the current study come from an existing data set, provided by the Parent and Youth Study (PAYS). Participants were part of a five-year, three-wave, two-site (Phoenix, AZ and Riverside, CA) longitudinal investigation of the role of fathers in adolescent development. Data for the present study were collected during the first wave of the project. Approximately equal numbers of participants came from each location, and included 392 (48% boys) self-identified European American (n = 199) and Mexican American (n = 193) adolescents, ages 11 to 14 years (M =12.93 years), and their resident parents. Data were collected in the Spring (n = 200) and Fall (n = 192) semesters of children’s 7th grade school year. Approximately less than half of the participants (n = 175) from the overall study were in step-father families. For the purposes of the current study, only these participants’ data will be analyzed. Step-father families were defined as families in which the target child’s biological mother had been living for at least the past year with a man who was not the child’s biological father, and in which the target child lived with the mother more than half time. Recruitment of families. Recruitment strategies varied between sites due to differing laws and school district policies. In Arizona, adolescents were recruited from eight ethnically diverse Relationship Security and Outcomes 23 schools in the Phoenix metropolitan area. Seventh grade teachers administered a short survey to all their students, asking about their ethnic background and family composition. The schools were given a small donation of equipment (scanner, fax machines) for their participation. A total of 2,459 families appeared eligible. A staff member at each school was employed by the research project to telephone families according to a random selection scheme to ascertain eligibility, explain the project, and ask for consent to have research staff call the family. A total of 640 families were contacted. Research staff then called families to explain the details of the project, offer a monetary reward for participation, and obtain consent. In Arizona, 204 families were both eligible and initially agreed to participate. In California, families were recruited from two school districts. School staff used emergency contact cards and enrollment data to determine families that appeared eligible. They then contacted these families to explain the project and screen for eligibility. If the families agreed to participate and met eligibility requirements, research staff called families to explain the details of the project, offer a monetary reward for participation, and obtain consent as per university Institutional Review Board procedures. In California, a total of 540 families were contacted, and of these 192 were both eligible and initially agreed to participate. Recruitment of teachers. Children were asked to provide the names of two teachers that research staff could contact. At both sites, a letter describing the project and a copy of the written consent from the parents were mailed to each teacher requesting that he or she complete the enclosed questionnaire about the adolescent’s behavior. In Arizona, an incentive of $5 cash, and a pre-paid envelope were enclosed along with the letter. In Arizona, 387 (97%) were completed by teachers; 197 (98%) adolescents had a questionnaire from at least one teacher, and 190 (95%) had questionnaires from both teachers. The procedure in California was similar, except a non-monetary Relationship Security and Outcomes 24 incentive was used. In California 261 (68%) were completed by teachers; 169 (88%) adolescents had a questionnaire from at least one teacher, and 92 (48%) had questionnaires from both teachers. Procedures All three family members (mother, stepfather, and child) were interviewed in the home by a team of interviewers. Interviews were conducted concurrently in separate rooms to maintain privacy. Similar interviewing procedures were done for both Arizona and California. The interviews lasted about two and a half hours and followed surveys created by the PAYS project team. Interviewers presented all the measurers analyzed verbally to family members, except the delinquent behavior items which were presented to adolescents in a self-administered, paper-andpencil questionnaire mid-way through the interview (see Appendix D). Only data collected in the first wave (i.e. when the children were in seventh grade) were used in the current study. Measures Relationships. Mother, Stepfather, and child were asked two questions pertaining to the quality of all the relationships including the stepfamily and the nonresidential father. First they were asked “How well does ___ get along with ___?” with responses ranging from 1) extremely well to 5) not well at all; second, “What kind of relationship does ___ have with ___?” with responses of 1) the worst to 7) the best. Mothers and Stepfathers reported on all questions pertaining to parent-child and interparental dyads. Children reported all parent-child dyads. Parents were able to skip the relationship questions about the biological father if they reported him as deceased; they also had the option at each question to say whether they did not know about the relationship or had no contact with him. However, children were not given the option of “don’t know” or “no contact” at each relationship question concerning the biological father. Scores were calculated using standardized values due to differences in the range of possible values for the answers to the two questions. Higher scores reflect better relationships. See Appendix A Relationship Security and Outcomes 25 Externalizing Outcomes. Adolescents were asked to report on the negative behaviors that they had displayed within the last three months on a 12-item scale with answers ranging from 1 (not true) 2 (somewhat true) to 3 (very true). For example, the child was asked to respond to questions like “In the past month you argued a lot” and “In the past month you got in many fights.” Mothers and resident fathers also completed a similar 20-item subscale pertaining to the child’s externalizing problems within the last three months; responses ranged from 1 (often true) to 3 (never true). Teachers were asked to report externalizing problems using a similar 18-item externalizing problems subscale, modified for teacher report. Scores were standardized to account for differences in the range of possible answers for the different measures. Higher scores reflect higher behavioral problems. See Appendix B Internalizing Outcomes. Parents reported on adolescents’ internalizing behaviors within the prior three months of being interviewed. There are 10 items and parents responded to a three-point likert-scale ranging from 1=often true; 2=sometimes true; 3=never true. Examples of items include; “(He/she) had sudden changes in mood or feeling” and “(He/she) was too fearful or anxious.” Teachers also reported on adolescents’ internalizing behaviors on a similar 10-item scale, modified to fit teacher reports. As with the other measures, scores were standardized to account for differences in the range of possible answers for the various measures. Children reported on internalizing behaviors using a different, 15-item scale. The scores were calculated by compositing the standardized scores for depression and anxiety scales, then computing the mean of the standardized values. Higher scores reflect higher behavior problems. See Appendix C Delinquent Behaviors. A composite score to measure delinquent behavior was formed from four sets of items assessing the child’s self-reported smoking, alcohol use, illicit drug use, and sexual behavior. For this portion of the interview, a paper-and-pencil questionnaire was administered to the child so as to avoid embarrassing the child and to encourage honest responses. Relationship Security and Outcomes 26 For each substance, the questionnaire asked about age of onset of use, and use within the last 30 days. For example, the child was asked “If you have ever tried marijuana (pot, weed, grass, hash, etc.), how old were you when you tried it for the first time?” and was given a scale ranging from “I have never tried marijuana” to “13 or 14 years old”. In the section sexual behavior adolescents were first asked, “Have you ever had sexual intercourse (made love, gone all the way)?” If they answered “yes”, questions about the age of first intercourse, number of partners, use of contraceptives, and pregnancy followed. Scores for each of the four scales were standardized due to the range of possible responses for each of the questions. Higher scores on this scale reflect having had sexual intercourse, having had it at a younger age, with more partners, and with riskier contraceptive behavior. See Appendix D Results Preliminary Analysis I formed two measures of behavioral outcomes to be used in the regression analyses. The composite BPI includes all reports of internalizing and externalizing behaviors from the child, teacher, and parent reports. The delinquency score consists of reports from the child about his or her alcohol use, drug use, smoking, and sexual behavior. The scores for each of these four delinquency scales were standardized across the whole PAYS sample which included both intact and stepfamilies; the delinquency score was the mean of these standardized scales. The descriptive analyses can be seen in Table 2. The composite BPI measure it shown first and is then followed by the internalizing and externalizing scores for each reporter (mother, stepfather, child, and teacher). I decided to present each reporter separately in order to illustrate the consistency across the reporters on the two BPI behavior outcomes. Children’s report involved a different scale and thus account for different means compared to parent and teacher report; therefore, their reports cannot be compared to the adult reports. However, similar means for the behavior outcomes can be seen Relationship Security and Outcomes 27 across parent and teacher reporters, which demonstrate that there was a consistent view of the child’s behaviors. However, teacher’s standard deviations are higher than parents’ which may indicate that children are more likely to exhibit various behaviors depending on their contexts (e.g. outside the home at school vs. home with parents) and may even differ in behavior depending on specific teachers and classes. Alphas are also presented for each of the reporters in internalizing and externalizing outcomes. All the alphas are high, and thus verify that the items on the scales, as given to each reporter, were adequately reliable. The fact that the children in my stepfamily sample are above the standardized mean of 0 on the delinquency score demonstrates that stepchildren have more behavioral problems compared to children from intact families. However, overall, the delinquency scores for the children in my sample are low. . Table 3 shows there was a consistent number of reporters for each dyad, except for those involving the biological father. The child’s report of the biological dad –child (N=135) was missing a total of 40 reporters. The main reason why there were missing reports was mainly due to children answering “No” or “Don’t know” to the question “Is your biological dad living?” (n=32); the remaining 8 missing reports were children who skipped the relationship questions, although they had reported their dad was alive. The parents’ reports (N=116 and N=110) for the biological dad – child dyad are missing more reporters because parents’ response scale for relationship questions included the options “no contact” or “don’t know” (see Appendix A) as opposed to the child’s response scale which did not include either of those options. The same can be seen for any of the interparental dyads involving the biological dad, where parents’ response scale included response options of “no contact” or “don’t know”1. Table 3 also shows that alphas were fairly strong except for mother’s report of biological dad-stepfather dyad (α = .54). Table 4 shows all bivariate correlations between reporters for each Parent – Child dyad and outcomes. As seen in Table 4, the delinquency outcome is only correlated with the child’s report of Relationship Security and Outcomes 28 the mother- child dyad (which also appears to be the only significant report in the delinquency regression as seen later in Table 9). However, the composite BPI is highly correlated for reports of the mother – child and stepfather – child dyads across all three reporters. Biological dad – child is only correlated with BPI for stepfather’s report. The table also shows the reporters agree moderately well with each other, with all but one correlations ranging from r= .72 to .41. The biological dad – child dyad shows the strongest correlations among all three of the reporters. The stepfather – child dyad also shows strong correlations among its three reporters. Mother – child dyad shows weaker, yet significant, correlations among reporters. However, the weakest correlation was between the child’s report and stepfather’s report about the mother- child dyad (r=.08). Therefore, when entering the dyads into the regression I kept reporters responses disaggregated from one another, rather than averaging responses2. Table 5 shows the correlations between reporters for each interparental dyad and BPI and delinquency. The mother - stepfather dyad was the only one significantly correlated with both outcome variables; however, each reporter was correlated with a different outcome: mother’s report was significant for BPI and stepfather’s report for significant for delinquency. Table 5 also illustrates that both reporters strongly agreed with each other in their responses across the three dyads. Planned Analysis Figure 1 shows the model I tested by using hierarchical multiple regressions. My first hypothesis was that each relationship (Interparental and Parent-Child) would individually predict the composite BPI and delinquency outcomes. I simultaneously entered each set of dyads as two blocks into the regression analysis with the BPI composite, as seen in Table 6, and with the delinquency composite, as seen in Table 7. This allowed for a test of the independent contributions of the two relationships to the adjustment outcomes. Table 6 shows that when the two types of Relationship Security and Outcomes 29 relationships were entered into the regression for the BPI outcome, only the block for Parent-Child relationships was significant, regardless of whether it was the first or second step in the regression. Table 7 shows that neither of the relationships were significant, regardless of the order in which each step was entered for the delinquency outcome. For my second hypothesis, I examined whether each of the relationships was composed of a hierarchical or additive organization of the dyads. To test this, each dyad was entered separately into the regression to see their independent contributions. If they were hierarchical, only one dyad would make a significant, independent contribution to the outcomes, and the other dyads within the relationship would not significantly affect the outcomes. If additive, I expected each dyad to make a significant, independent contribution to adjustment outcomes. Table 8 shows each parent-child dyad made a significant contribution to composite BPI when added to the regression. This indicates an additive organization of dyads within the parentchild relationships because all relationships contributed independently of each other for predicting a child’s behavioral outcomes. Note that within the mother – child dyad, the mother’s report was the only significant report. Also, for the biological dad – child dyad, both residential parents’ reports were significant, but the mother’s report was in the opposite direction than predicted. Depending on the order in which I entered the dyads into the regression, all three parent – child dyads had independent significance as long as the mother – child dyad was not first into the regression. If mother- child was entered first, the mother – child dyad and biological dad – child dyad were independently significant but the stepfather – child dyad was not. This is likely due to the fact that the mother – child and stepfather – child dyads were highly correlated with each other (r=.44, Table 10), compared to the biological dad – child dyad which was less correlated with mother – child and stepfather – child (r=.16 and r= -.04 respectively, Table 10). As long as the stepfather – child was entered into the regression before the mother – child dyad, all three dyads were significant. Relationship Security and Outcomes 30 Table 9 shows that none of the separate dyads contributing independently to the delinquency outcome in the regression, regardless of the order in which the dyads were entered into the regression. However, note that the child’s report of the mother - child dyad was significant for delinquency, although the step itself was not significant in the regression. Discussion This study was conducted to look at the independent contributions of parent-child and interparental relationships and how they predict the child’s outcome in stepfamilies. The purpose was to determine, by analyzing the quality of each dyad, whether each dyad contributed to the child’s scores of BPI and delinquency over and above what other dyads were contributing. Does each of the relationships between the child, custodial mother, stepfather, or biological father hold any predictive value towards the child’s behavior that is separate and distinct from the other relationships? In the present study, I expected, based on attachment theory and emotional security theory, both parent-child relationships and interparental relationships would independently predict the child’s behavioral outcomes. The results from Table 6 in the regression with BPI composite show a hierarchy in relation to the two types of relationships, in that the parent-child relationship independently predicts BPI; however, the interparental relationship was not significantly independent. Each of the parent-child dyads significantly predicted BPI over and above any of the contributions from other dyads (Table 8). Therefore, the independent contributions of each parentchild dyad towards child’s BPI composite represent an additive organization within the parent-child relationship. According to the attachment theory, if the primary caregiver maintains a healthy and secure attachment with the child, he or she can act as a secure base with which the child is able to explore and sustain additional secure relationships. As is shown in the present study, all parental figures in the child’s life have important impacts in relation to a child’s internalizing and Relationship Security and Outcomes 31 externalizing behaviors. The higher quality the relationship was, the less reported negative behaviors there were. Contrary to my expectations, the interparental relationships offered no significant associations with children’s behavioral outcomes that were independent of the parent-child relationships (Table 6). None of the separate interparental dyads was significant in the regression for predicting BPI composite (Table 8). This is contrary to the emotional security theory, which poses that the quality of relationship between the parents should effect how secure the child feels within the family setting. The child’s main goal is to preserve emotional security and a stressor such as marital conflict could disrupt that sense of security. Therefore, the child might react behaviorally when they feel that sense of security being threatened. It is possible that these interparental dyads were not independently significant because they are each so highly correlated with parent – child dyads (see Table 10). Therefore, they would not contribute anything that is not already provided for by the parent-child relationship or in a working combination with other factors. One unusual finding is that individual mother and stepfather reports for the biological dadchild dyad are significant in the regression with BPI composite, but appear in opposite directions (Table 8). The mother’s report seems to indicate that the better the relationship is between the child and nonresidential parent, the more behavior problems exist for the child. This finding seems consistent with Depner and Bray (1993) who found that more contact and a better relationship with the biological dad caused the mother to report more internalizing problems for the child. On the other hand, the stepfather’s report follows a pattern that is supported by the previous literature in that the better the relationship, the better the child’s behavior (or vise versa) (e.g. Depner and Bray 1993; Amato and Gilbreth 1999; Kelly et al 2000). This problem seems even more puzzling by the fact that the mother’s report of the biological dad-child dyad appears to not be correlated with BPI Relationship Security and Outcomes 32 composite at all (Table 4), but is significant in the regression when other reporters are partialled out (Table 8). The other unusual finding was that the stepfather-child dyad was only significant if it was entered before the mother-child dyad in the BPI composite regression (Table 8). This implies that the stepfather might provide important aspects in the relationship with the child that are unique to their interaction; some factors that make a good relationships between the stepfather and child could be independent of what is provided for the child in the relationships with the other parents. The stepfather’s relationship with the child might contribute to the child’s outcomes independently of other relationships because he is a new member of the household and adding a completely new dynamic to the previously single-parent home. For example, Coleman et al (2000) stated that the stepparent-child dyad might be the most important in predicting overall stepfamily wellbeing, as well as possibly being the most problematic relationship in the new stepfamily. If this dyad does have such an impact on the new family, and specifically the child’s outcomes, it would explain the significance of the stepfather-child dyad in the regression. However, the fact that it was only predictive of child outcomes when it preceded the mother-child dyad could imply that a good relationship with the mother is able to provide the child with enough feelings of security in place of anything the stepfather may contribute. In other words, the mother’s relationship with the child might be sufficient despite any disruptions to the child’s outcomes caused by the presence of a stepfather in the family because the mother has already invested time with the child before the introduction of the stepfather. For example, most adolescents report having fairly positive relationships with their stepparents, although not as close or positive as their relationships with biological parents (Coleman et al 2000; Thompson and Amato 1999). The delinquency outcomes offer other findings that were contradictory to my expectations and previous research. For example, the stepfather’s report of mother-stepfather dyad was the only Relationship Security and Outcomes 33 one correlated with the delinquency outcome (Table 5). None of the other dyads correlated with delinquency outcome. This may suggest the presence of other important factors included in the mother-stepfather dyad, such as parenting roles and agreement with rules and behavior monitoring within the household (e.g. Ganong and Coleman 2004). However, although it correlated with delinquency, it did not significantly predict delinquent behaviors in the regression (Table 7). This could be because the mother-stepfather dyad by itself does not offer anything beyond what it shares with the stepfather-child and mother-child dyads (see Table 10). It could be, then, that once this interaction is teased apart, none of the dyads add anything independently to delinquent behaviors. Additionally, the only report to show up significant in the delinquency outcome regression was the child’s report of the mother-child dyad (Table 9). The fact that this report was significant, although the step itself was not, raises the question: what is distinct about the child’s view of his or her relationship with the mother that associates his or her view of the quality of the relationship to delinquency? Is the child thinking of relationship quality in different terms than how the parents perceive it? How does the child view the relationship with the mother so that it predicts his or her delinquency behaviors? According to Wolchik (2002), the mother-child dyad is of particular importance in that children who experience poorer mother–child relationship quality, and thus a lower sense of security, are at a particularly high risk that could benefit from interventions. Another interesting finding was the fact that the biological dad-child dyad was not correlated with either of the behavior outcomes (except for the stepfather’s report for BPI composite) (Table 4). This is contradictory to the research by Depner and Bray (1993) and Sturgess et al (2001) which states that children’s outcomes were associated with the quality of biological dad-child dyad. However, the present study found the biological dad-child dyad was significant in the regression with BPI composite (Table 8). This agrees with attachment theory in that a child still relies on the biological parent to care for him or her even though that parent is not living in the same household Relationship Security and Outcomes 34 as the child. This finding supports the idea that despite the physical distance, the attachment bond can still continue (e.g. Ainsworth 1978; Weiss 1982) and the relationship can still have a significant impact on child’s behavior that is distinct from the other parent-child dyads. Overall these findings indicate that the parent-child relationships are additive in the way they contribute to the child’s behavior. There are unique aspects that each parent-child relationship adds to the child’s outcomes that are over and above those provided by the other parents. According to attachment theory this could be the basis for the child in formation of other positive relationships and their overall sense of security of being cared for. Perhaps if the child feels that each of his or her parents is providing for the basic necessities and showing the child the appropriate level of warmth, responsiveness, compassion, etc. that constitutes a good relationship, then the child has a better sense of security regardless of the interparental relationships. Also, it could be that the interparental relationships do not add any independent or exceptional aspect that contributes to the child’s security over and above what the child already feels from the individual relationships he or she has with the parents. Limitations and Directions for Future Research There were some important limitations to the present study which lend themselves for possible directions in future research. First, the data in the present study are correlational and, therefore, cannot prove causality. The data tell us how individual parents contribute their own unique aspects to their relationship with the child, that are in addition to what other parents’ relationships provide and how those distinctive aspects are associated with child’s behavior. However it does not tell us the direction of causality. It could be that the child’s behavior problems cause the parent-child dyads to suffer rather than the parent-child dyads predicting the behavioral outcomes. There is also the possibility of a third variable that future studies could address through other models. One variable that might explain both good relationships and good behavioral Relationship Security and Outcomes 35 outcomes is the child’s physical attractiveness. Research has found that attractive children elicit more affection and interaction from parents and adults, which in turn positively increases their social and emotional outcomes (Siegler, Deloache, and Eisenberg 2006). Another variable that could later be investigated is the extent of parenting identity or parenting commitment of mothers, stepfather, and biological fathers within the stepfamily context. An additional variable that could interact with parent – child dyads and child’s outcomes could be the availability of the parent and its potential affect on the quality of relationship and subsequent child behaviors. Another example that would help to further understand the specific influence of the stepfather on the child could involve future measurements of the importance of fathering goals by the mother and stepfather reporters. One other variable that future investigations could address is the religiosity factor and how it differs for parents’ relationships with their children and the children’s subsequent outcomes. The measurement used for the independent variables in the present study included two questions that addressed how well two individuals got along and how they rated the overall relationship. Therefore, the answers may differ depending on what each reporter might consider a quality relationship to entail. This could explain the discrepancy between some of the dyads not correlating strongly with the behavior outcomes. There could be other factors, depending on the particular dyad, which would better predict or associate with a child’s behavior; the dynamics of each dyad might dictate what factors are truly important towards behavior and not necessarily if the relationship is an overall “good” relationship. Therefore, it is important for future research to analyze various factors that could act as components to a certain relationship. For example, there has been much debate on what determines the quality of a relationship with the biological dad and child and how it might affect the child’s outcomes (e.g. Dunn et al 2004; Thompson & Amato 1999; Amato & Gilbreth 1999). It could be some parents believe that the frequency of contact the child has with their biological dad is important to his or her relationship with the biological dad, but Relationship Security and Outcomes 36 doesn’t necessarily imply a quality relationship; thus, it would explain the weak correlations of reports of biological dad-child relationship and composite BPI and delinquency. Another aspect of this study that could be addressed in future research is to obtain the report of the child concerning the quality of interparental relationships. According to the emotional security hypothesis, it is the sense of security of continually being cared for by parental figures that the child is actively trying to maintain, predicted by the quality of the interparental relationships. Thus, it may be important to obtain the child’s views on how well he or she believes the parents are getting along. The present study only included the two residential parents’ reports on the interparental relationships and none of the relationships were significant in the regression. Perhaps getting the child’s sense of how well he or she perceives the parents’ relationships would hold significance in the regression in predicting the behavioral outcomes. The emotional security hypothesis describes parental conflict as being the major stressor for a child’s sense of emotional security. Therefore, future studies should investigate the degree to which people rate a relationship as being of good quality but still report high levels of conflict. Families or parents that report conflict in their relationship might not consider that to be an important factor in the quality of their relationship because of how the problems were discussed and whether or not they were later resolved. It could be that a lot of conflict existed and the child felt a sense of instability in their relationships within the home; however, the parents might report that their relationship is fine because conflict is a part of their communication and being able to discuss and resolve issues. The child, however, might not feel the same and be confused and uncertain of the security within the relationships at home. One methodological limitation is the fact the sample size is not very large, especially for the dyads including the biological dad. However, other aspects of the dataset offer certain strengths to the study, such as the diverse families within the dataset based on their various locations. Another Relationship Security and Outcomes 37 strength is the fact that the same measures for the relationship variable were used across all dyads and reporters. The study included data collection from multiple members who might have provided different perspectives into the relationships and the child’s behavior in various environments (e.g. the teacher’s report at school to the parent’s report at home and the child’s own perspective). Overall, this study adds to the literature by demonstrating the independent contributions of parent-child relationships and how important those relationships are to a child’s outcomes without the compounding effects of other relationships in a stepfamily dynamic. This study also included one dyad that other previous literature has not specifically addressed: the stepfather-biological dad dyad. From our results in the regression analyses in Tables 8 and 9, none of the interparental dyads added anything over and above what the other relationships were contributing to the child’s outcomes. This suggests that perhaps all interparental relationships have the same level of influence on the child and thus deserve the same amount of attention when it comes to interventions for children in particularly at-risk family environments. It may not just be one particular interparental relationship that has a stronger impact on the child’s sense of security and, subsequently, their outcomes. In interventions, perhaps more attention should focus on improvement in each of the parent- child dyads, rather than interparental dyads, since they appear to have a stronger and more distinct association with child outcomes. The present study’s results speak to the complexity of the stepfamily dynamics and the necessary care that is needed in real-life intervention applications to address each family. The fact that each parent-child dyad has its own separate contribution towards the child’s outcome demonstrates the importance of interventions addressing not only the family system as a whole, but each parent in the stepfamily dynamic – concentrating on how aspects specific to each parent-child dyad may be improved. Relationship Security and Outcomes 38 References Amato, P.R. (1987). Family processes in one-parent, stepparent, and intact families: The child’s point of view. Journal of Marriage and Family, 49, 327-336. Amato, P. R., & Gilbreth, J.G. (1999). Nonresident fathers and children’s well-being: A metaanalysis. Journal of Marriage and Family. 61, 3. Amato, P.R. & Keith, B. (1991). Parental divorce and well-being of children: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin. 53, 1. Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss: Retrospect and prospect. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. 52, 664-678. Bowlby, J. (1969). Disruption of affectional bonds and its effects on behavior. 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Fear of adandonment as a mediator of the relations between divorce stressors and mother-child relationship quality and children’s adjustment problems. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 30, 4. Relationship Security and Outcomes 43 Footnotes 1 After running several descriptive analyses, there appeared to be no difference in behavioral outcomes between children who had been missing reporters and children who had all three reporters for any of the biological dad dyads. 2 I also averaged reporters for each dyad and ran those regression analyses as well, but obtained similar results as we did with disaggregated reporters. Relationship Security and Outcomes 44 Parent-Child Relationships MotherChild FatherChild StepfatherChild Internalizing/Externalizing Behaviors and Delinquency StepfatherMother FatherMother StepfatherFather Relationship Security and Outcomes 45 Table 1 The Three Dyads Within the Relationship Addressed by Each Theory, and the Persons Who Reported on Each Dyad Theory and Relationships Emotional Security Theory (EST) “Interparental Relationships” _______________________________________ Mother-Biological Father Dyad Reporters: Mother, Stepfather Mother-Stepfather Dyad Reporters: Mother, Stepfather Stepfather-Biological Father Dyad Reporters: Mother, Stepfather Attachment Theory “Parent-Child Relationships” __________________________________________ Child-Mother Dyad Reporters: Child, Mother, Stepfather Child-Biological Father Dyad Reporters: Child, Mother, Stepfather Child-Stepfather Dyad Reporters: Child, Mother, Stepfather Relationship Security and Outcomes 46 Table 2 Descriptives of Dependent Variables Variable N Alphas Min/Max 175 Mean (SD) 19.42(3.65) Composite BPI -- 12.97/30.92 Child Internalizing Mother report Stepfather report Child report Teacher report 175 174 174 160 14.98(3.37) 14.31(3.06) .32(1.91) 15.37(5.17) .74 .72 .79 .89 10.00/27.00 10.00/23.00 - 2.70/5.86 10.00/37.00 Child Externalizing Mother report Stepfather report Child report Teacher report 175 174 175 160 32.20(6.62) 31.04(6.66) 16.82(4.24) 30.71(11.78) .86 .88 .82 .96 20.00/51.00 20.00/51.00 12.00/31.00 18.00/74.00 174 .15 (2.27) -- - .67/19.11 Delinquency Relationship Security and Outcomes 47 Table 3 Descriptives of Independent Variables Variable N Mean (SD) Alphas Min/Max Mother-Child dyad Stepfather report Child report Mother report 175 174 174 .05(1.62) - .00(1.74) - .07(1.84) .85 .85 .85 -5.07/1.90 -6.25/1.55 -6.14/2.18 Stepfather-Child dyad Stepfather report Child report Mother report 175 175 175 - .50(1.89) - .35(1.91) - .28(1.88) .83 .83 .83 -6.96/2.22 -5.74/2.08 -8.90/2.35 Biodad-Child dyad Stepfather report Child report Mother report 116 135 110 -.37(1.66) .01(1.96) - .50(1.64) .78 .78 .78 -3.65/2.00 -3.87/1.76 -4.45/1.64 Mother-Stepfather dyad Mother report Stepfather report 175 172 .00(1.95) - .05(1.84) .89 .83 -9.29/2.04 -7.89/2.02 Mother-Biodad dyad Mother report Stepfather report 111 121 - .54(1.58) - .42(1.58) .83 .85 -4.07/2.36 -2.81/3.18 Biodad-Stepfather dyad Mother report Stepfather report 102 100 - .62(1.45) - .64(1.49) .54 .78 -3.90/2.35 -3.41/2.23 Relationship Security and Outcomes 48 Table 4 Correlations between Reporters for Parent-Child dyads and Dependent Variables BPI Delinquency Stepfather's report: Child and biological dad Child’s report: child and biological dad Mother's report: child and mother Stepfather's report: child and mother Mother's report: child and resident stepfather Child's report: child and resident stepfather BPI Delinquency -.22** -.40** -.25** -.14 .02 -.07 Child's report: child and biological dad -.12 -.04 .62** Mother's report: child and biological dad .03 -.01 .72** Stepfather's report: child and mother -.26** -.05 Child's report: child and mother -.28** -.19* -.27** -.10 -.29** -.08 Child's report: child and resident stepfather Stepfather's report: child and resident stepfather **significant at .01 level * significant at .05 level .59** .41** .28** .08 .47** .49** .52** Relationship Security and Outcomes 49 Table 5 Correlations between Reporters for Parent-Parent dyads and Dependent Variables BPI Delinquency Mother's report: mother and biological dad Mother's report: mother and resident stepfather Mother’s report: biological dad and resident stepfather BPI Delinquency Stepfather's report: mother and biological dad Stepfather’s report: mother and resident stepfather Stepfather's report: biological dad and resident stepfather **significant at .01 level * significant at .05 level -.16 .09 -.13 -.21** -.12 .16 .02 -.18* -.07 .07 -.04 .08 .55** .46** .60** Relationship Security and Outcomes 50 Table 6 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Stepfamily Relationship and Composite Behavior Outcomes Variable ∆ R2 Step 1 (Parent – Child Relationships) Stepfather’s report of Child - Stepfather Mother’s report of Child - Stepfather Child’s report of Child – Stepfather Stepfather’s report of Child – Mother Mother’s report of Child - Mother Child’s report of Child – Mother Stepfather’s report of Child – Biological dad Mother’s report of Child – Biological dad Child’s report of Child – Stepfather .34* Step 2 (Parent – Parent Relationships) Stepfather’s report of Mother - Stepfather Mother’s report of Mother - Stepfather Stepfather’s report of Mother – Biological dad Mother’s report of Mother – Biological dad Stepfather’s report of Stepfather - Biological dad Mother’s report of Stepfather – Biological dad .04 *p<.01 **p<.05 B SE B β -.34 .16 -.19 -.03 -.53 -.38 -.95 .96 -.16 .25 .24 .24 .26 .23 .23 .33 .32 .24 -.17 -.08 -.10 -.01 -.27** -.18 -.43* .43* -.09 .26 -.18 -.15 -.06 .73 -.40 .25 .27 .39 .39 .43 .43 .13 -.09 -.07 -.02 .30 -.16 Relationship Security and Outcomes 51 Table 7 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Stepfamily Relationship and Delinquency Outcome Variable ∆ R2 Step 1 (Parent – Child Relationships) Stepfather’s report of Child - Stepfather Mother’s report of Child - Stepfather Child’s report of Child – Stepfather Stepfather’s report of Child – Mother Mother’s report of Child - Mother Child’s report of Child – Mother Stepfather’s report of Child – Biological dad Mother’s report of Child – Biological dad Child’s report of Child – Stepfather .06 Step 2 (Parent – Parent Relationships) Stepfather’s report of Mother - Stepfather Mother’s report of Mother - Stepfather Stepfather’s report of Mother – Biological dad Mother’s report of Mother – Biological dad Stepfather’s report of Stepfather - Biological dad Mother’s report of Stepfather – Biological dad .08 *p<.05 β B SE B -.02 -.09 .01 -.09 .19 -.30 -.06 .08 -.05 .19 .18 .18 .19 .17 .17 .24 .24 .18 -.01 -.07 .01 -.07 .16 -.23 -.04 .06 -.04 -.22 .14 -.02 .10 .42 -.03 .19 .20 .28 .29 .32 .31 -.18 .12 -.02 .07 .27 -.02 Relationship Security and Outcomes 52 Table 8 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Stepfamily Relationships and Composite Behavior Outcomes Variable ∆ R2 Step1 (Overall relationship of child and stepfather) Stepfather’s report Mother’s report Child’s report Step 2 (Overall relationship of child and mother) Stepfather’s report Mother’s report Child’s report Step 3 (Overall relationship of child and biological dad) Stepfather’s report Mother’s report Child’s report Step 4 (Overall relationship of mother and stepfather) Dad’s report Mother’s report Step 5 (Overall relationship of mother and biological dad) Dad’s report Mother’s report Step 6 (Overall relationship of stepfather and biological dad) Dad’s report Mother’s report .11* *p<.05 **p<.01 B SE B β - .48 - .34 - .29 .36 .35 .35 - .18 - .11 - .13 - .18 - .86 - .39 .39 .35 .33 - .06 - .31* - .13 -1.35 1.37 - .23 .47 .46 .34 - .43** .43** - .09 .24 - .30 .35 .38 .09 - .11 .23 - .27 .48 .50 .07 - .08 1.04 - .56 .61 .61 .30 - .16 .12** .11** .01 .00 .03 Relationship Security and Outcomes 53 Table 9 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Stepfamily Relationships and Delinquency Outcome Variable ∆ R2 Step1 (Overall relationship of child and mother) Stepfather’s report Child’s report Mother’s report Step 2 (Overall relationship of child and stepfather) Stepfather’s report Child’s report Mother’s report Step 3 (Overall relationship of child and biological dad) Stepfather’s report Child’s report Mother’s report Step 4 (Overall relationship of mother and stepfather) Dad’s report Mother’s report Step 5 (Overall relationship of mother and biological dad) Dad’s report Mother’s report Step 6 (Overall relationship of stepfather and biological dad) Dad’s report Mother’s report .05 *p<.05 β B SE B - .11 - .29 .15 .17 .15 .15 - .08 - .22* .12 - .00 .02 - .10 .18 .17 .17 .00 .01 - .09 - .06 - .05 .08 .24 .18 .24 - .04 - .04 .06 - .29 .12 .18 .20 - .24 .12 .14 .11 .25 .26 .10 .08 .42 - .03 .32 .31 .27 - .02 .01 .00 .03 .01 .03 Relationship Security and Outcomes 54 Table 10 Correlations for Reporter Composite Dyads Child – Mom Child – Stepdad Child – Nonresident dad Mom – Stepdad Mom – Nonresident dad Nonresident dad – Stepdad ** p < .01 * p < .05 ChildMom ChildStepdad ChildNonresident dad Mom Stepdad Mom – Nonresident dad Nonresident dad - Stepdad BPI Delinquency - .44** .16* .35** .09 .24** -.45** -.10 - -.04 .52** .12 .19* -.33** -.10 - .11 .58** .51** -.13 .02 - .04 .16 -.18* -.15* - .63** -.09 .08 - -.09 .13 Relationship Security and Outcomes 55 Appendix A – Relationship Questions Resident Dad – parent child overall relationship 32. How well do you get along with (child)? Look at list 4 now. = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 33. What kind of relationship do you have with (child)? Look at list 5. = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best 124. Think about what you know about (child)'s relationship with (his/her) birth father. Use list 21 and tell me how well (child) gets along with (birthdad's name)? = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 125. Look at list 22 that has 7 numbers that go from the worst to the best. What kind of relationship does (child) have with (birthdad's name)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 188. How well does (child) get along with (wife/partner name)? Use list 25. = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all = Don’t know 189. What kind of relationship does (wife/partner name) have with (child)? Use list 26. = The worst = Very bad Relationship Security and Outcomes 56 = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = Don’t know Resident Dad – interparental overall relationship 218. How well do you get along with (wife/partner name)? Use list 28. [CARD 28] = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 219. What kind of relationship do you have with (wife/partner name)? Look at list 29. = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best 126. Think about what you know about (wife/partner)'s relationship with (child)'s birth father. How well does (wife/partner) get along with (birthdad's name)? Go back to list 21. = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well 127. a) Look at list 22 again. What kind of relationship does (wife/partner) have with (birthdad's name)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW b) LOOK AT LIST 21 ONCE MORE. Think about YOUR relationship with (child)'s birth father. How well do YOU get along with (birthdad's name)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best Relationship Security and Outcomes 57 = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 128. Look at list 22 one more time. What kind of relationship do YOU have with (birthdad's name)? [CARD 22] = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best =NA, NO CONTACT =DON'T KNOW MOM – interparental overall relationship 127. Think about what you know about (husband/partner)'s relationship with (child)'s birth father. How well does (husband/partner) get along with (birthdad's name)? Go back to list 22. = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 128. Look at list 23 again. What kind of relationship does (husband/partner) have with (birthdad's name)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 129. LOOK AT LIST 22 ONCE MORE. Think about YOUR relationship with (child)'s birth father. How well do you get along with (birthdad's name)? [CARD 22] = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 130. Look at list 23 one more time. What kind of relationship do YOU have with (birthdad's name)? [CARD 23] = The worst Relationship Security and Outcomes 58 = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 226. How well do you get along with (husband/partner)? Use list 30. [CARD 30] = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 227. What kind of relationship do you have with (husband/partner)? Look at list 31. = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW MOM – parent child overall relationship 37. How well do you get along with (child)? Look at list 6 now. [CARD 6] = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 38. What kind of relationship do you have with (child)? Look at list 7. [CARD 7] = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best 125. Think about what you know about (child's) relationship with (his/her) birth father. Use list 22 and tell me how well does (child) get along with (his/her) birth father? = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well Relationship Security and Outcomes 59 = Not well at all = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 126. Look at list 23 that has 7 numbers that go from the worst to the best. What kind of relationship does (child) have with (birthdad's name)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = NA, NO CONTACT = DON'T KNOW 196. How well does (child) get along with (husband/partner)? Use list 27. = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all = DK 197. What kind of relationship does (husband/partner) have with (child)? Use list 28. = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best = DK CHILD – overall parent child relationship 20. Now look at list 5. How well do you get along with your (dad/step-dad)? = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just Okay = Not too well = Not well at all 21. Look at list 6 and tell me what kind of relationship you have with your (dad/step-dad)? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best 279. How well do you get along with your mother? Look at list 42 now. = Extremely well Relationship Security and Outcomes 60 = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 280. What kind of relationship do you have with your mother? Use list 43. = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best 355. Look at list 54 now. How well do you get along with your birthdad? = Extremely well = Pretty well = Just okay = Not too well = Not well at all 356. Look at list 55 and tell me what kind of relationship you have with your birthdad? = The worst = Very bad = Not too good = Just okay = Good = Very good = The best Appendix B – Externalizing Outcomes Parent Reported Externalizing Outcomes Subject Instructions: I am going to read statements about behavior problems many children have. As I read each sentence, decide which best describes (child's) behavior over the LAST THREE MONTHS. (1=often true; 2=sometimes true; 3=never true) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. (He/she) cheated or told lies (He/she) was too fearful or anxious (He/she) bullied or was cruel or mean to others (He/she) clung to adults (He/she) was disobedient at school (He/she) had trouble getting along with teachers (He/she) had sudden changes in mood or feeling (He/she) was rather high strung, tense, nervous Relationship Security and Outcomes 61 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. (He/she) argued too much (He/she) was disobedient at home (He/she) was not liked by other children (He/she) had a very strong temper and lost it easily (He/she) was unhappy, sad, or depressed (He/she) had difficulty concentrating, could not pay attention for long (He/she) was easily confused, seemed to be in a fog (He/she) was impulsive, or acted without thinking (He/she) had a lot of difficulty getting (his/her) mind off certain thoughts (had obsessions) (He/she) was restless or overly active, could not sit still (He/she) had trouble getting along with other children (He/she) was stubborn, sullen or irritable Child Reported Externalizing Outcomes Subject Instructions: I am going to read statements about behavior problems many children have. As I read each sentence, decide which best describes (child)’s behavior over the LAST THREE MONTHS. Look at list 15 for these questions. (1=not true; 2=somewhat true; 3=very true) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. In the past month you argued a lot In the past month you were mean to others In the past month you destroyed things that belonged to you In the past month you destroyed things belonging to others In the past month you disobeyed at school In the past month you got in many fights In the past month you hung around with kids who got in trouble In the past month you lied or cheated In the past month you physically hurt other people In the past month you stole at home In the past month you stole from places other than home In the past month you had a hot temper or threw tantrum Teacher Reported Externalizing Outcomes Subject Instructions: I am going to read statements about behavior problems many children have. As I read each sentence, decide which best describes (child's) behavior over the LAST THREE MONTHS. (1=never; 2=rarely; 3=sometimes; 4=often; 5=very often) 1. Had changes in moods or feelings Relationship Security and Outcomes 62 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Was nervous, high-strung or tense Lied or cheated Argued a lot Could not concentrate, could not pay attention for long Was confused or seemed to be in a fog Was cruel, bullied or was mean to others Was disobedient at school Did not get along with other students Was impulsive or acted without thinking Was not liked by other students Could not get his/her mind off certain thoughts; had obsessions Could not sit still, was restless or hyperactive Was stubborn, sullen or irritable Had temper tantrums or a hot temper Was unhappy, sad or depressed Destroyed his/her own things or destroyed property belonging to others Had trouble getting along with teachers Appendix C – Internalizing Outcomes Parent Reported Internalizing Outcomes Subject Instructions: I am going to read statements about behavior problems many children have. As I read each sentence, decide which best describes (child's) behavior over the LAST THREE MONTHS. (1=often true; 2=sometimes true; 3=never true) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. (He/she) felt or complained that no one loved (him/her) (He/she) was too fearful or anxious (He/she) was easily confused, seemed to be in a fog (He/she) felt worthless or inferior (He/she) was unhappy, sad, or depressed (He/she) clung to adults (He/she) cried too much (He/she) demanded a lot of attention (He/she) was too dependent on others (He/she) was withdrawn, did not get involved with others Teacher Reported Internalizing Outcomes Subject Instructions: I am going to read statements about behavior problems many children have. As I read each sentence, decide which best describes (child's) behavior over the LAST THREE Relationship Security and Outcomes 63 MONTHS. (1=never; 2=rarely; 3=sometimes; 4=often; 5=very often) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Felt or complained that no one loves him/her There was very little he/she enjoyed Was confused or seemed to be in a fog Felt worthless or inferior Was unhappy, sad or depressed Was withdrawn, did not get involved with others Clung to adults or was too dependent Cried a lot Demanded a lot of attention Was too dependent on others Child Reported Internalizing Outcomes Depression Scale: Subject Instructions: I'd like you to think about the past month. Look at each list. I'll read you these statements and I want you to tell me which statement comes closest to how you have felt. Here's the first one. 269. Use card 34 first. In the past month... = Things bothered me all the time. = Things bothered me many times. = Things bothered me once in a while. 270. Look at card 35. In the past month... = I could not make up my mind about things. = It was hard to make up my mind about things. = I made up my mind about things easily. 271. Now use card 36. In the past month... = I looked OK. = There were some bad things about my looks. = I looked ugly. 272. Look at card 37. In the past month... = I had trouble sleeping every night. = I had trouble sleeping many nights. = I slept pretty well. 273. Look at card 38. In the past month... = I did not think about killing myself. = I thought about killing myself but would not do it. = I wanted to kill myself.* 274. Look at card 39. In the past month... = I did not feel alone. = I felt alone many times. = I felt alone all the time. Relationship Security and Outcomes 64 275. Look at card 40. In the past month... = My school work was alright. = My school work was not as good as before. = I did very badly in subjects I used to be good in. 276. Look at card 41. In the past month... = I could never be as good as other kids. = I could be just as good as other kids if I wanted to. = I was just as good as other kids. Anxiety Scale: Subject Instructions: We'd like to know how you have been feeling during the past month. Just tell me yes or no whether you have felt the way I describe. 250. In the past month you got mad easily. 251. In the past month you felt that others did not like the way you did things. 252. In the past month your feelings got hurt easily. 253. In the past month you felt tired a lot. 254. In the past month you worried about what was going to happen. 255. In the past month other peers were happier than you were. 256. In the past month you woke up scared some of the time. Appendix D – Child’s Self-Report on Delinquent Behaviors 9. If you have ever smoked more than one or two puffs of a cigarette, how old were you when you tried it for the first time? = I have never smoked more than one or two puffs of a cigarette. = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 10. During the past 30 days, on how many days did you smoke cigarettes? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days 11. During the past 30 days, on the days you smoked, how many cigarettes did you smoke per day? = I did not smoke cigarettes during the past 30 days = Less than 1 cigarette per day = 1 cigarette per day = 2 to 5 cigarettes per day Relationship Security and Outcomes 65 = 6 to 10 cigarettes per day = 11 to 20 cigarettes per day = More than 20 cigarettes per day 12. The next questions ask about drinking alcohol. This includes drinking beer, wine, wine coolers and liquor such as tequila, rum, gin, vodka, whiskey. For these questions, drinking alcohol does not include drinking a few sips of wine for religious purposes. If you have ever had more than a few sips of alcohol, how old were you when you first drank that much alcohol? = I have never had a drink of alcohol other than a few sips = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 13. During the past 30 days, on how many days did you have at least one drink of alcohol? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days 14. During the past 30 days, on how many days did you drink enough to feel drunk? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days 15. Do you have a problem with drinking too much alcohol? = No not at all = A little problem = Yes, it is a problem 16. If you have ever tried marijuana (pot, weed, grass, hash, etc.), how old were you when you tried it for the first time? = I have never tried marijuana = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 17. During the past 30 days, how many times did you use marijuana? = 0 times = 1 or 2 times = 3 to 9 times = 10 to 19 times = 20 to 39 times = 40 to 99 times Relationship Security and Outcomes 66 = 100 or more times 18. If you have ever tried any form of cocaine, including powder, crack, or freebase, how old were you when you tried it for the first time? = I have never tried cocaine = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 19. During the past 30 days, how many times did you use any form of cocaine, including powder, crack, or freebase? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days 20. If you have ever tried any form of inhalants (things you sniff, huff, or breathe to get high such as glue, paint, aerosol sprays, gasoline, poppers, gases) how old were you when you tried it for the first time? = I have never tried inhalants = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 21. During the past 30 days, how many times did you use any inhalants? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days 22. If you have ever used ANY OTHER TYPE OF ILLEGAL DRUG, such as LSD, PCP, ecstasy, mushrooms, speed, ice, heroin, or pills without a doctor's prescription, how old were you when you used them for the first time? = I have never tried other illegal drugs = Less than 9 years old = 9 or 10 years old = 11 or 12 years old = 13 or 14 years old 23. During the past 30 days, how many times did you use ANY OTHER TYPE OF ILLEGAL DRUG, SUCH AS LSD, PCP, ecstacy, mushrooms, speed, ice, heroin, or pills without a doctor's prescription? = 0 days = 1 or 2 days = 3 to 5 days = 6 to 9 days Relationship Security and Outcomes 67 = 10 to 19 days = 20 to 29 days = All 30 days Now we'd like you to answer these questions about your relationships with boyfriends or girlfriends. 24. Have you ever had sexual intercourse (made love, gone all the way)? = Yes = No [SKIP TO THE END] 25. If you and a partner HAVE ever had sexual intercourse (made love, gone all the way): How old were you when you first had sexual intercourse? = Before 10 = 10 years old = 11 years old = 12 years old = 13 years old = 14 years old = 15 years old = 16 years old 26. DURING THE PAST YEAR, how many different partners have you had sexual intercourse with? = None = 1 = 2 = 3 = 4 = 5 = 6 = 7 = 8 = 9 = 10 or more 27. If you and a partner HAVE ever had sexual intercourse (made love, gone all the way): DURING THE PAST YEAR, how often have you and/or your partner used some form of contraception (for example: condom/rubber; birth control pill...)? = Never = Seldom = Sometimes = Often = Always 28. If you and a partner HAVE ever had sexual intercourse (made love, gone all the way): Have you EVER BEEN PREGNANT (for girls) or GOTTEN SOMEONE PREGNANT (for boys)? = Yes = No