UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY The acquisition of front rounded and nasalized vowels of French by native speakers of English By Jenna Meers A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONOURS DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS MAY 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: Introduction…………………………………………………………...2 CHAPTER TWO: Vowel Perception………………………………………………….....3 2.1 Front Rounded and Back Rounded Vowel Perception………………………..4 2.2 Nasal Vowels……………………………………………………………….....7 CHAPTER THREE: Learning…………………………………………………………....9 3.1 Second Language Learning…………………………………………………..10 3.2 Generalization of Learning…………………………………………………..11 CHAPTER FOUR: Experiment…………………………………………………………15 4.1 Basis for Research……………………………………………………………15 4.2 Predictions……………………………………………………………………17 4.3 Methods………………………………………………………………………19 4.3.1 Participants…………………………………………………………19 4.3.1.1 Speakers………………………………………………….19 4.3.1.2 Learners…………………………………………………..19 4.3.2 Stimuli……………………………………………………………...20 4.3.3 Procedure…………………………………………………………..22 CHAPTER FIVE: Results and Discussion……………………………………………...28 5.1 Results………………………………………………………………………..28 5.1.1 Learning……………………………………………………………28 5.1.2 Generalization……………………………………………………...31 5.2 Discussion……………………………………………………………………37 5.2.1 Learning……………………………………………………………37 5.2.2 Generalization……………………………………………………...40 5.2.3 Confusions…………………………………………………………41 CHAPTER SIX: Conclusion……………………………………………………………43 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………..46 APPENDIX A: Speaker word lists……………………………………………………...48 APPENIDX B: Confusion matrices for all learners at all sessions……………………..52 1 CHAPTER ONE Introduction As the world grows smaller, more and more individuals are learning multiple languages in order to communicate with others from many different regions, countries and continents. For an adult, this can prove to be a difficult task and it is one which has piqued the interest of many researchers. The meaningful sounds of a foreign language may differ from those of an individual’s native tongue in many respects. The effect of these differences on the perceptual learning of a new language will be investigated in the present study. The specific task of second language acquisition addressed here is the learning of French vowels by native speakers of English. There are two types of vowels that are found in French, but not in English: front rounded vowels and nasal vowels. This study will investigate whether one of these vowel types is easier for Anglophones to acquire than the other. It will also shed some light on the effect that training in the identification of one or the other of these two vowel categories might have on the ability of English speakers to generalize learning to other new categories. Through a series of vowel identification training sessions, the speed at which English speakers acquire the front rounded vowels of French was compared with their acquisition of French nasal vowels. A final generalization task is performed by the participants in order to determine whether learning one or the other type of vowel leads to a better ability to generalize their acquired identification skills to the remainder of the French vowel inventory. 2 CHAPTER TWO Vowel Perception Despite the fact that both vowels and consonants are parts of natural human language, it is not clear that the two may be treated in the same way when it comes to perception. Polka (1994) points out that although both are processed using categorical and auditory coding, the brevity and small spectral change of consonants favour the former and the length and large spectral change of vowels favour the latter. The perception of vowels is also a complex phenomenon to study due to the fact that vowels are distinguished based on these auditory and acoustic cues and more loosely on articulatory phenomenon. This allows for the quality of a vowel to be greatly determined by the consonants surrounding it in natural speech, meaning that one token of a vowel may sound very different from another depending on the context in which it is found. For instance, a vowel may become nasalized between two nasal consonants, as in English ‘man’, which phonemically is [mæn], but is almost always pronounced [mæ̃n]. Listeners are aware of this type of effect and may make perceptual errors by attributing certain features they hear to the conditioning environment when they in fact are characteristic of the intended vowel itself. In natural speech, for example, [u] is often somewhat fronted when found between alveolar consonants, sounding more like [y], but listeners are able to ‘factor out’ this fronting, attributing it to the context of the vowel, and perceive the intended [u]. This could potentially lead to the mistake of taking an intended [y] in alveolar context to be a [u] that has simply moved forward. Ohala (1981) demonstrated this by having listeners identify synthesized high vowels on a continuum from back to 3 front as either [u] or [i] (which is acoustically very similar to [y]). In one condition, the vowels were in bilabial context – [fVp] – and in the other condition they were in alveolar context – [sVt]. The study found that those listeners in the alveolar condition identified vowels much further forward as [u], compared to those in the bilabial condition. Presumably, this is because the former individuals are ‘blaming’ the fronting of the vowels on the effect of the anterior consonants surrounding them. Phenomena such as this demonstrate the intricacies involved in the processing of vowel sounds in general. The discussion that follows addresses some more peculiar cases of vowel perception that are relevant to the present study. 2.1 Front Rounded and Back Rounded Vowel Perception If the story of vowel perception were not already complicated enough, the feat of attempting to master a non-native vowel system adds another dimension of complexity. Logically, an individual’s ability to discriminate between sounds increases with experience, but L2 learners do continue to struggle with the influence of their native phoneme categories on their perception of non-native phonemes. It is evident that one’s native language shapes the way in which speech sounds are perceived. This is a phenomenon that has been widely studied by researchers interested in speech perception and second language acquisition. The present study benefits greatly from this previous research, as many experiments have sought to compare the perception of front rounded vowels and back rounded vowels by individuals whose native languages do not contain front rounded vowels. 4 Many of these studies comparing the perception of front rounded and back rounded vowels were inspired by research of the likes of an investigation of labelling patterns performed by Rochet (1995). This study is interesting because it demonstrates that an individual's native phoneme categories not only influence their ability to identify non-native sounds, but also the category into which these novel sounds will be assimilated. In the experiment in question, a continuum of synthetic vowels were presented to native speakers of Canadian English, Brazilian Portuguese and Standard French, who were asked to identify them as one of the high vowels of their language ([i] or [u] for English and Portuguese, [i], [y] or [u] for French). Rochet's finding was that the English speakers most often identified as [u] those vowels that the French speakers labelled [y], while the Portuguese speakers took them to be [i]. This finding suggested that the perceptual boundary between [i] and [u] differs between Brazilian Portuguese and Canadian English, being further back in the former. One study that drew on the findings of Rochet (1995) was performed by Strange et al. (2004) found that American English (AE)-speaking listeners assimilated North German (NG) front-rounded vowels, produced in citation-form hVp syllables embedded in a carrier sentence, to their native back-rounded categories instead of recognizing them as foreign sounds. They concluded that this was due to the variability within the AE categories, which is characterised in particular by fronting of back vowels in alveolar contexts. This is quite interesting as front-rounded vowels like [y], [ø] and [œ] are in fact more spectrally similar to their front-unrounded counterparts [i], [e] and [ɛ] than to the back-rounded vowels [u], [o] and [ɔ]. 5 In a later study (Strange et al. 2005), the researchers again investigated the perceptual similarity of North German (NG) and American English (AE) vowels. This time, the consonantal context of the German vowels varied, as they were presented in bVp, bVt, dVt, gVk or gVt syllables occurring in a short carrier sentence produced by four native speakers of North German. The AE participants were asked to rate the vowels on goodness in terms of their native categories. It was found that NG frontrounded and back-rounded vowels were judged as equally good exemplars of AE backrounded vowels. This finding provides further evidence for the phenomenon of English speakers’ perception of front rounded vowels as back rounded vowels, as was occurring in the first study. A similar pattern was observed by Levy and Strange (2007) in the perception of French vowels by American English adults. In their study, native speakers of English with varying French experience were presented with short utterances spoken by a native Parisian French speaker containing a word that differed between trials by its second syllable. This syllable contained one of the 9 oral vowels of this dialect of French in either bilabial (bVp) or alveolar (dVt) context. The participants completed an AXB discrimination task, the results of which showed that, even with years of experience, such as those possessed by a French teacher, /u/ and /y/ are difficult for English speakers to distinguish. This was the pair that showed the most errors in the discrimination task, particularly in alveolar context where, as was noted above, English /u/ tends to be fronted. There was also some difficulty with /y/ and /i/ in bilabial context, indicating that when the context allows for native English vowels to remain back, /y/ may be perceived as more similar to /i/, to which its category is spectrally closer, than /u/. 6 2.2 Nasal Vowels The cases discussed above all involved vowels in which the velum is raised to block the nasal passage – oral vowels. However, a second type of vowel is of import to the present research due to its presence in the French vowel system. These are nasal vowels, whose properties are quite peculiar and warrant a closer look. One thing that is unique about nasal vowels as compared to oral vowels, as was observed by Wright (1980), is that in languages that contrast between both types of vowels, they never outnumber the oral vowels. This is seen in languages such as Portuguese, which has seven oral vowels, but only five nasal vowels, and Beembe, a language spoken in Congo, which has an equal number (five) of each. Wright suspected that this fact may be related to Lindblom's (1975) finding that pairs of nasalized vowels were acoustically closer than the corresponding oral pairs and sought to determine if the same pattern would hold in terms of perception. An experiment was carried out in which American English listeners judged the similarity of pairs of vowels, which had been carefully produced in an attempt to provide an ideal token of the vowels [i, e, ɛ, æ, o, ʊ, u] and their nasalized counterparts. The results showed that the participants' judgements were based on three "dimensions", which are roughly equivalent to vowel height, backness and nasality. The most interesting finding, however, was that the distance between a given pair of nasalized vowels in the three-dimensional space plotted was consistently smaller than that of the corresponding oral pair. In other words, the nasalized vowels were perceptually closer to each other than the oral vowels were. Some more insight into how nasal vowels differ perceptually from oral vowels comes from the work of Delvaux who, along with some colleagues, has extensively 7 studied the nasal vowels of French, especially the Belgian variety (Delvaux et al., 2002; 2004). One observation they make is that the F1 of nasal vowels is generally higher than that of oral vowels and the F2 is generally lower. In other words, nasal vowels tend to be lower and further back. In one experiment (Delveaux et al., 2002), [ɔ̃] was found to be the exception to this, being higher (having a lower F1) than the oral [ɔ]. Delvaux et al. (2004) also indicate that there is a decrease in energy from oral vowels to nasal vowels, particularly in the areas of F1 and F3. The most important finding, however, is that it is not just the lowering of the velum that causes a particular vowel to be perceived as nasal, but anything that leads to a lower F2, such as lip rounding and tongue retraction. These phenomena affecting the formants are referred to as compactness (the damping of energy) and graveness (the frequency of F2). Delvaux found that the co-variation of the articulations affecting compactness and graveness increases the perceptual distance between oral and nasal vowels, as the perception of one property influences the perception of the other. This was found to be true for Francophones, for whom nasal vowels are contrastive, as well as for Anglophones, for whom they are simply allophones. These findings on speech perception are of great importance to the present study as its focus is on how English speakers perceive French vowels. The other aspect of the investigation deals with changes in the perception of these vowels as their experience with them increases. The interaction of these perceptive phenomena with the process of language learning will therefore be discussed in the following chapter. 8 CHAPTER THREE Learning For the purposes of this study, there are two important areas under the broad heading of learning, which require a closer look. The first of these is the acquisition of a second language and, more specifically, how speech perception is at work in this process. Also of interest is the generalization of perceptually learned information to new and somewhat different categories. 3.1 Second Language Learning The process of acquiring a second language has been thoroughly investigated in the linguistic and psychological communities. Despite some apparent similarities in the progress of first and second language acquisition, they have been said to be fundamentally different processes. According to Bley-Vroman (1990), second language acquisition is in fact more closely related to general problem solving than to child language development. The majority of researchers acknowledge that differences in the ultimate attainment of learners, the path along which their knowledge develops, and their performance on specific tasks require a distinction to be made between first and second language acquisition (Carroll, 2008). Here, the two will not be compared, but rather some processes specific to adults acquiring a second language will be addressed. A description of previous studies on adult second language acquisition will demonstrate how the knowledge of a first language makes mastering a second language a rather unique task. 9 One common issue in adult language learning is that of foreign accent. This is an interesting phenomenon when we consider the fact that a learner may achieve native-like proficiency in other aspects of a second language, but continue to have difficulty with the non-native phonemes. In Rochet’s (1995) study of perception and production of L2 speech sounds, discussed in the previous chapter, it was found that individuals’ second language phonetic production errors correspond to their perception of the phonemes in question. Specifically, Brazilian Portuguese speakers who often perceived French [y] as their native [i] were also observed to frequently produce this form when attempting to produce the former vowel. English speakers, on the other hand, tend to perceive [u] when presented with the French [y] and consequently often produce [u] in their erroneous attempt at the front rounded vowel. What this demonstrates is that if a learner does not perceive a sound in a native-like fashion, they will have more difficulty producing them that way. This issue was addressed by Brown (2000), who investigated the difference in ability of speakers of various languages to acquire the English contrasting phonemes, with special interest in the variation between /l/ and /ɹ/. In particular, she was interested in Japanese speakers, who notoriously confuse these phonemes in production. The study in question takes up the idea that a learner’s native phonemic categories will influence their perception (and therefore production) of non-native sounds. Brown uses the theoretical framework of Feature Geometry to illustrate a possible reason for differences in categorical distribution and explain the problems speakers of certain languages encounter when learning new phonological systems. This theory suggests that all of the phonemes of the world’s languages can be represented on the basis of the relations 10 between their defining characteristics or features, meaning that differences in phonemic inventories will be due to the set of phonological features manipulated by each language. The set of features is determined by the contrastive phonemes in each language in the sense that only those which are sufficient to provide contrast between all of its sounds are present. If no phoneme pair makes use of a particular feature to distinguish between them, the language in question will not possess this feature. This is in accordance with the theory of Minimally Contrastive Underspecification, (Avery and Rice, 1989). The relevant example here is the difference in the features present in the Feature Geometries of Chinese and Japanese speakers which allows the former to acquire the English /l/ vs. /ɹ/ distinction, while the latter may never completely achieve this (Mann & Takagi, 1995). Brown observed that /l/ and /ɹ/ are distinguished based on the feature [coronal], which is used in Mandarin Chinese to differentiate between alveolar /s/ and retroflex /ʂ/, but is not present in Japanese as no native phonemes are contrastive based solely on this feature. Because of this lack of the [coronal] feature, Japanese speakers are not able to perceive the difference between English /l/ and /ɹ/. This makes learning to accurately produce the two forms nearly impossible, as they do not form a mental representation of them as distinct phonemes. Studies such as this demonstrate how the knowledge of a first language makes mastering a second language a rather unique task. Still, such difficulties are only one aspect of the learning process. If an individual is able to acquire new speech sounds, he or she is still faced with the challenge of applying this knowledge to contexts outside of that in which it was learned. This task is addressed in the following section. 11 3.2 Generalization of Learning A significant aspect of learning is the ability to generalize what has been learned to new contexts. This is true of all areas in which learning is at play. If we take for example the process of second language acquisition addressed above, individuals often take courses to learn a new language, meaning that the vast majority of the input they receive comes from one individual, their instructor, in a structured classroom setting. The challenge for such learners is accessing and applying what they have been taught about the language when interacting with other speakers outside of the classroom. In terms of perception, this involves processing sounds from unfamiliar speakers, whose production may be drastically different from that of their instructor in terms of such things as pitch range, accent, gender, age, dialect, style, etc. and identifying them as tokens of the second language phonemes they have learned. In the same vein, the learner must also respond to utterances and partake in conversations that may not have arisen in the structured interactions of their language class. The importance of being able to generalize learning when it comes to language is clear when we acknowledge the enormous amount of variability involved at all levels of these complex systems. Greenspan, Nusbaum and Pisoni (1988) were interested in the first part of this language learning challenge - perceptual learning - and set out an experiment in which an individual's ability to generalize to novel stimuli was taken as an indication of how well they had learned a particular linguistic system. Two groups of English speakers were trained to identify words generated by a synthetic speech system whose acoustic-phonetic structure was designed to be systematically related to that of English. Since this synthetic speech is not characterized by the rich, context-conditioned variability that is present in 12 natural speech, the subjects were forced to relate this limited sound inventory to their native phoneme categories and lexical representations, much like a second-language learner would. The first group of subjects was trained with 10 stimuli, which were repeated 20 times over the course of the experiment, while the second group was presented with 200 novel stimuli. After five days of training, both groups were tested with novel stimuli on the sixth day to determine how well each of them had learned the synthetic speech system. What they found was that the second group, who had a much greater variety of stimuli in training, had more difficulty in their initial learning, but was better able to generalize to the novel stimuli of the test. They correctly identified more synthetically generated words in this task than the first group who had been trained with repeated stimuli. Greenspan et al. concluded that this was because the second group was able to get a more complete picture of the entire system they were attempting to learn from the variety of stimuli they were exposed to. Another study addressing the question of generalization of learning was performed by Clopper and Pisoni (2004), who investigated perceptual learning of regional dialects of American English. Two groups of English listeners were trained to identify unfamiliar speakers as belonging to one of eight dialect regions. One speaker from each region was used to train the first group, while the second group was trained with three different speakers from each region. Once training was completed, both groups were given a generalization task in which speakers novel to both groups were categorized according to dialect region. While the second group was less accurate than the first group in identifying dialects in the training sessions, their performance was significantly better on the generalization task. These findings mirror those of Greenspan 13 et al. in that the group whose training was characterized by more variability was better able to generalize what they had learned to novel stimuli, a phenomenon known as the high variability training paradigm. From evidence such as this, it is safe to conclude that, at least in the case of perceptual learning, although a fixed small set of stimuli assists in initial learning, variability in the learning material will lead to a greater ability to apply what has been learned to new contexts in which the entire system of interest is at play. There are general patterns that can be observed in the factors at play in perceptual learning and the subsequent generalization challenges related to it. However, the details of these patterns vary depending on each specific learning task. It is this variation that provides motivation for experiments such as the present one, to be described in the chapter that follows, in which English speakers take on the task of learning French vowels. 14 CHAPTER FOUR Experiment The present study intends to address the perceptual learning of a second language in a manner that draws on ideas, and in some cases apparent gaps, in the research discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. Specifically, the acquisition of the Quebec French vowel system by Canadian English speakers will be investigated. 4.1 Basis for Research The French language was chosen as the target system due to the presence of several vowels not found in English, namely front rounded vowels and nasal vowels. These two vowel types differ from those of the English inventory in distinct ways, allowing for a meaningful comparison of the way in which each is learned and how this acquisition affects the learning of the French vowel system as a whole. Front rounded vowels are contrasted among themselves based on height, and from other vowels based on front/back and rounding distinctions. These characteristics are familiar to English speakers since they are used to differentiate between their native vowels. For example, [i] is distinguished from [e] based on height, while rounding and backness contrast [u] with [i]. These facts indicate that the front rounded vowels of French fill a void in the English vowel space, as shown in the diagram below, where the circled vowels are those belonging to French. 15 Figure 1: Oral vowels of English Front High Central Back i y u ɪ Mid-High ʊ e ø o ә Mid-Low ɛ ʌ œ ɔ æ Low a ɑ Where symbols appear in pairs, the one to the right represents a rounded vowel Nasal vowels, on the other hand, add an entirely new dimension along which vowels may be differentiated, as indicated by Wright (1980). This phonological dimension, nasality, is contrastive in French, giving pairs such as [lɑ] 'there' vs. [lɑ̃] 'slow', but is simply a product of the environment in English, where productions such as [mæn] and [mæ̃n] are both tokens of 'man'. The first question upon which this study will attempt to shine some light is as follows: (1) Is it more difficult for native English speakers to acquire distinctions between novel nasal vowels and their oral counterparts than between novel oral vowels? This question is posed in light of findings such as those of Brown (2000), where Japanese speakers were required to learn a new feature in order to make distinctions between English liquids. Here, it is the nasal vowels of French which require the acquisition of an extra dimension of differentiation. The role that this additional dimension might play in 16 the high variability paradigm used by Greenspan et al. (1988) and Clopper and Pisoni (2004) led to the investigation of a second query: (2) Is it easier to generalize learning of a new vowel system if the distinction requiring the acquisition of an extra dimension is learned first? In order to address these questions, native speakers of English will be trained over several sessions to identify either nasal vowels or front rounded vowels of French. After this training, the learners will complete a generalization task which will require them to identify vowels from the entire French inventory. 4.2 Predictions In regards to the first research question, it is predicted that the English speakers will have more difficulty learning to distinguish the nasal vowels of French than the front rounded vowels. The logic of this is evident when the two types of vowels are compared in terms of the features used to distinguish them from others. As has been stated, nasal vowels are contrasted along a dimension of nasality in addition to the height, backness and rounding contrasts of oral vowels. This in itself would be expected to slow the acquisition of nasal vowels. An additional obstacle arises when the individuals attempting to learn these distinctions are native speakers of English, due to the nature of the vowel inventory of this language. It was mentioned in section 4.1 above that English does not possess contrastive nasal vowels. If this were to be stated in terms of the Feature Geometry account of second language perception presented by Brown (2000), it would mean that English does not have the feature [nasal] required to contrast, for 17 example, [ɛ] from [ɛ̃].1 Therefore, just as Japanese speakers have difficulty learning to discriminate between English /l/ and /ɹ/ (Mann and Tagaki, 1995; Brown, 2000), English speakers will struggle with distinctions between oral and nasal vowels. Wright’s (1980) finding that there is less perceptual space between nasal vowels than there is between oral vowels would also lead us to expect that it would be difficult to distinguish among the nasal vowels themselves. The second prediction made is that learning the vowels of the French system which are characterized by an extra dimension in comparison to the others will lead to better generalization of learning to the entire vowel inventory. In other words, if a speaker of English acquires novel nasal vowels first, they will learn the rest of the French system, including front rounded vowels, more quickly than if the front rounded vowels were learned first. This prediction is based on the ‘high variability training paradigm’ demonstrated by Greenspan et al. (1988) and Clopper and Pisoni (2004). Recall that these studies found that individuals involved in perceptual learning tasks were better able to generalize what they had learned when their training consisted of more variable stimuli. This variability was provided by including many novel elements in the training material as opposed to using a fixed set of stimuli. In the present study the variability is of a somewhat different nature. Due to the extra dimension of nasality that characterizes nasal vowels, they may be considered to be inherently more variable than oral vowels in terms of the features that must be learned in order to be able to distinguish them. If an English speaker were to learn the front rounded vowels of French without learning the 1 English does possess a [nasal] feature used to contrast among consonants such as the nasal [m] and the stop [b]. It was asserted in the second chapter, however, that vowels and consonants cannot necessarily be treated in the same manner. Clements (1985) attempts to do this in his proposed model of feature geometry, but his discussion is not restricted to contrastive phonemes as Brown’s (2000) and this one are. 18 nasals, they would be missing a feature that is necessary to the accurate perception of the complete system. For this reason, the acquisition of the nasal vowels should allow learners to pick up the rest of the French vowel inventory relatively easily, having access to all of the features necessary to distinguish among them. 4.3 Methods 4.3.1 Participants 4.3.1.1 Speakers Two native speakers of Quebec French between 40 and 50 years of age produced the recordings used to create the stimuli for the experiment. One speaker was male, the other female. Both were born in Quebec and moved to Calgary in adulthood, where they continue to speak French on a regular basis with family and friends. 4.3.1.2 Learners Six adult native speakers of Canadian English participated in the learning experiment. Three of the participants were male and three were female. In a questionnaire filled out by the participants prior to testing, they were asked to rate their proficiency in languages other than English in terms of speaking, reading and writing on a scale of 1 to 5. The ratings given for French are presented in the table below. 19 Table 1: French Knowledge Participant Round 1 Round 2 Round 3 Nasal 1 Nasal 2 Nasal 3 Speaking 1 1 1 2 2 1 Writing 2 1 1 2 2 2 Reading 3 1 3 2 2 3 Three participants also indicated some knowledge of Spanish and one had intermediate knowledge of German, which had been learned in adulthood. 4.3.2 Stimuli The stimuli to be used in the experiment were produced by the two native French speakers in a sound-attenuate recording room in the phonetics lab at the University of Calgary. The speakers were recorded speaking into a microphone at a sample rate of 48000 Hz using Adobe Audition 2.0 on the lab’s computer, while the experimenter, a bilingual speaker of English and French, listened through headphones to ensure the quality of the recordings. Each speaker read 13 lists of 26 monosyllabic French words (or bisyllabic when a sufficient number of appropriate words was unavailable), representing the 13 contrastive vowels of Quebec French (see Appendix A for complete word lists). These vowels are shown in the chart below. 20 Figure 2: French Vowel Inventory Front High Central Back i y Mid-High u e ø o ɛ Mid-Low œ ɛ̃ ɔ̃ Low ɔ ɑ̃ a From each list, the 25 best recordings were used to create the stimuli, usually meaning an exclusion of the final word due to the creaking and drop in pitch that is characteristic of individuals’ voice quality when reaching the end of a recited list. From these recorded words, the vowels of interest were manually extracted using Praat (Boersma and Weenink,2007) software and saved as individual .aiff files (totalling 650). These vowel sounds removed from the consonantal context would serve as the stimuli presented to the learners. A training task was created using SuperCard software in which these sounds were associated with an arbitrarily assigned symbol, according to the vowel category to which each token belonged. These symbols are shown in the table below with the vowels they represented. Table 2: Symbols Representing French Vowels i y e ø ɛ œ ɛ̃ a ɑ̃ u o ɔ ɔ̃ 21 4.3.3 Procedure The six English speaking participants were divided into two groups of three. The first of these, referred to as the Round Group, would be trained to identify the front rounded vowels of French and their unrounded counter parts, as are shown in the following chart. Figure 3: Round Group Training Vowels Front High i y Mid-High e ø Mid-Low ɛ œ The other group, referred to as the Nasal Group, would learn to identify the three nasal vowels and the corresponding oral vowels as presented below. Figure 4: Nasal Group Training Vowels Front Mid-Low Low Central ɛ Back ɛ̃ ɔ̃ a ɔ ɑ̃ Each of the groups participated in three training sessions occurring on three different days. On a fourth day, the participants were given a generalization task. The time 22 between sessions varied among the participants and these values are shown in Tables 3 and 4. Table 3: Days Between Round Group Experimental Sessions Participant 1 2 3 Session 1-2 Session 2-3 4 12 7 Session 3-4 1 2 2 2 5 12 Table 4: Days Between Nasal Group Experimental Sessions Participant 1 2 3 Session 1-2 Session 2-3 15 6 2 Session 3-4 5 6 5 1 2 2 During these sessions, the learners sat in front of computer wearing Beyerdynamic DT-660 headphones through which the stimuli were presented. The first three visits the participants made to the phonetics lab were training sessions consisting of a familiarization phase, during which they were presented with examples of the six vowels being learned, and a practice phase during which they which they completed an identification task. The fourth session consisted of a generalization exercise which was also characterized by a familiarization phase and an identification task. At the beginning of the training sessions, the participants were presented with two tokens of each vowel produced by the male speaker and two produced by the female speaker to familiarize them with the speech sounds that they would be learning. As these were played, the symbol representing the vowel category to which they belonged was 23 shown on the screen. After the participants had heard all six vowels, they were given the opportunity to review them by clicking on buttons next to these symbols as are seen in the images below. Figure 5: Nasal Group Review Screen Figure 6: Round Group Review Screen Once the learners reviewed the vowels as much as they deemed necessary, they began the process of learning how to identify them. The participants clicked a button to hear a vowel and then were presented with one of the screens shown below, depending on the 24 group they belonged to, on which they were asked to click the button beside the symbol corresponding to the sound they heard. Figure 7: Nasal Group Response Screen Figure 8: Round Group Response Screen Upon each response, they were provided with feedback as to which was the correct vowel by hearing the stimulus again over the headphones while the correct vowel label was presented on the screen. An example of such a screen is seen in Figure 9. 25 Figure 9: Feedback Screen The sound was only played once upon each trial and the participant was encouraged to proceed at his or her own pace. This process continued for 120 trials by the end of which they had heard and attempted to identify 10 tokens of each vowel produced by each of the two speakers. The second and third training sessions proceeded in the same way, except that the familiarization period at the beginning contained only one token of each vowel from each speaker. Every session introduced the participants to a new series of tokens of the six vowels they were learning. The fourth session began as the previous two did, but following the initial six vowels, the participants underwent the familiarization procedure with the seven remaining vowels from the French inventory. This meant that those who had learned the front rounded vowels were now presented with the nasal vowels, along with [a], [ɔ], [u] and [o], while those who had been trained on the nasal vowels now heard the front rounded vowels and [i], [e], [u] and [o]. The screen presented to the learners in order to review all of the vowels is seen in Figure 10 below. Three tokens of each of the new vowels were played. The participants then worked through the same identification task 26 they had performed, this time making use of all 13 vowels. After each session, the participants’ responses were recorded in a text file along with the correct vowel. Figure 10: Generalization Review Screen 27 CHAPTER FIVE Results and Discussion 5.1 Results Analysis of the results was conducted in terms of correct responses over each of the three training sessions and the generalization task. When a learner’s symbol choice matched that corresponding to the stimulus that was played, a correct response was recorded. Confusion matrices for the individual vowels compiled for each participant in each of the four sessions may be seen in Appendix B. In order to compare and contrast these raw scores, they were converted into percentages of correct identifications. Participants’ confusions were also tracked by recording which symbol was chosen for incorrect responses. The results across the three training sessions are given in section 5.1, while section 5.2 presents data regarding the learners’ performance on the generalization task of the fourth session. 5.1.1 Learning Figure 10 below shows the percent of correct responses obtained by the three participants in the group that was trained to distinguish between front rounded and unrounded vowels. There is a general pattern of slight improvement over time, although the first participant actually scored 1.67% lower in the third session than in the second session and the third participant had the same percent correct in sessions 2 and 3. 28 Figure 11 The improvement over the three sessions is more pronounced for the group that was trained to distinguish among nasal vowels and the corresponding oral vowels. This is shown in Figure 12. Again, there is one participant whose correct percentage dropped from session 2 to session 3 (58.33% to 57.50%). Participant 2 also shows a different pattern than the rest of the participants, performing at a lower level in the second training session than was achieved in the first or the third. This is particularly in contrast with Participants 1 and 3 of the Nasal Group, whose correct percentages increased by 44.17 and 27.50, respectively, from session 1 to session 2. 29 Figure 12 When the average scores of each group are compared as in Figure 13, it is observed that while the Nasal Group recorded fewer correct responses in the first session, their improvement was greater than that of the Round Group and they in fact have a higher overall percentage of correct responses in both the second and third sessions. 30 Figure 13 5.1.2 Generalization In order to compare the generalization abilities of the two learning groups after training, the percent of correct responses on the task completed on the fourth day of participation was calculated for all six learners. These are shown in Table 5 below. Overall, the Round Group had slightly lower scores. Again, Participant 2 of the Nasal Group has a noticeably different score than the other members of the same group, who both performed at close to 50% on this task. Table 5: Generalization Scores (Percent Correct) Group Round Nasal 1 30.00 50.77 Participant # 2 36.15 36.15 3 Average 39.23 35.13 51.54 46.15 31 A comparison of the scores of each group on the vowels of interest in this study show the effect of training in identification of each type of vowel on their ability to distinguish familiar foreign vowels amongst novel ones as well as on their ability to generalize learning to these new stimuli. This data is represented in Figure 14, which indicates that the Round Group’s performance on the generalization task was nearly identical for both vowel types, while the Nasal Group identified the vowel on which they were trained much more accurately. Figure 14 The generalization scores of each group on the vowels of their training were compared to their scores from the final training session in order to determine the effect of 32 the increase in the number of options for identification from training to the final task. This data is shown in Figure 15, demonstrating that the Round Group correctly identified a higher percentage of front rounded vowels when only 6 identity options were available. The Nasal Group, on the other hand, was more accurate in identification of nasal vowels in the generalization task than the third training session. Figure 15 Perhaps more importantly, the percentage of correct responses given by each of the groups during the session in which they were first exposed to the eleven vowels used in both training conditions were also compared. This allows for observations to be made in regards to the effect that training on one type of vowel had on the learners’ ability to identify the other type, which had not previously been heard. Figure 16 displays the Round Group’s scores in the first training session and the Nasal Group’s scores on the 33 generalization task scores for five of the front vowels of French. Here, the Nasal Group has completed training on nasal/oral distinctions, but has not previously been exposed to the front vowels shown. The Round Group, however, had not yet heard any of the stimuli and therefore did not have the benefit of any training. The opposite is true of Figure 17, in which first exposure scores are represented for both groups on five of the vowels used in the Nasal Group’s training. The front unrounded vowel [ɛ] has been omitted from this data as it was part of the training in both conditions. Figure 16 34 Figure 17 On average, both groups had more difficulty with the nasal vs. oral vowel distinctions when they first heard these stimuli than they did with the front vowel distinctions. At first exposure, the Round Group correctly identified the five front vowels 44.33% of the time, while the Nasal Group did so 32.67% of the time. On the nasal and oral vowels, the Round Group got 20.00% correct and the Nasal Group scored 21.67%. There were also two vowels, [u] and [o], which neither group had heard before the generalization task. The Nasal Group correctly identified both of these at 50%, but the Round Group achieved a much higher score of 83.33% for [o] and slightly lower (40%) for [u]. With these two vowels taken into account, the Round Group was able to correctly discriminate 31.90% of the vowels that were novel to them on the generalization task and the Nasal Group did slightly better at 37.62%. 35 Finally, the confusions between each of the different types of vowels are shown in Tables 2 and 3, where the numbers represent the percentage of times each type of vowel was incorrectly identified as another. For example, in Table 2 the Round Group misidentified front rounded vowels as back rounded vowels 30% of the time. There is no recorded percentage for the central unrounded category because there is only one such vowel ([a]). Table 2: Round Group Confusions in Generalization Task (%) Correct Front Rounded [y] [ø] [œ] Front Unrounded [i] [e] [ɛ] Back Rounded [u] [o] [ɔ] Central Unrounded [a] Nasal [ɛ̃] [ɑ̃] [ɔ̃] Front Rounded Front Unrounded Errors Back Rounded Central Unrounded Nasal 32.22 14.44 13.33 30.00 3.33 6.67 40.00 13.33 22.22 10.00 3.33 11.11 51.11 23.33 1.11 6.67 5.56 12.22 3.33 40.00 10.00 30.00 -- 16.67 25.56 3.33 12.22 14.44 1.11 43.33 36 Table 3: Nasal Group Confusions in Generalization Task (%) Correct Front Rounded [y] [ø] [œ] Front Unrounded [i] [e] [ɛ] Back Rounded [u] [o] [ɔ] Central Unrounded [a] Nasal [ɛ̃] [ɑ̃] [ɔ̃] Front Rounded Front Unrounded Errors Back Rounded Central Unrounded Nasal 22.22 26.67 13.33 25.56 6.67 5.56 47.78 18.89 17.78 5.56 6.67 3.33 45.56 22.22 5.56 13.33 2.22 11.11 60.00 10.00 20.00 6.67 -- 3.33 64.44 2.22 11.11 6.67 1.11 14.44 5.2 Discussion 5.2.1 Learning The data presented above do not support the hypothesis that English speakers would have more difficulty learning to distinguish among French nasal vowels than between oral vowels. In fact, participants trained to make these distinctions improved a greater amount over time than those who learned to differentiate among the front vowels of French. Interestingly though, the Nasal Group had more difficulty in the first training session than the Round Group, suggesting that distinctions between nasal vowles and their oral counterparts are more difficult at first exposure. It is possible that in the very early stages of learning, English speakers are able to acquire the new dimension of nasality and subsequent learning progresses at a faster rate. In any case, this pattern is not what would be expected if ease of acquisition were based primarily on knowledge of the features used to contrast among vowels. As was 37 mentioned in section 2.2, nasal vowels are contrasted from other in terms of nasality in addition to the height, front/back and rounding distinctions of oral vowels. It would be logical to predict that learning foreign vowels that are more complex in this way would be a more difficult process than learning vowels that are only differentiated along three dimensions. Additionally, since English does not make use of a contrast in nasality in its vowel system, the [nasal] feature would be novel to the participants, meaning they would have to acquire this as they learn the nasal/oral contrasts of French. The height, backness and rounding dimensions, on the other hand, are readily available to them due to the nature of the English vowel inventory, so differentiating among front vowels, which are contrasted in terms of height and rounding, should be a relatively easy ability to acquire. The present results, however, do not coincide with these predictions. What these results indicate is that the number and novelty of features differentiating between the vowels of a foreign system do not determine the ease with which a speaker will be able to acquire them. This finding is apparently at odds with the conclusions made by Brown (2000) in regards to the acquisition of /l/ vs. /ɹ/ by Japanese and Chinese speakers, which suggested that if the native language of a learner does not possess the phonetic feature necessary to make a distinction between two non-native phonemes, it will be very difficult for them to learn to do so. It is possible, however, that other factors are at play in the present study. For example, the presence of the consonantal [nasal] feature in English may have allowed the learners to quickly pick up on the contrastiveness of vowels differing in terms of the vocalic version of this feature in French. This could explain how the Nasal Group was able to overcome identification difficulties after just one training session. 38 Another potential explanation for the difficulty that learners had with distinguishing the front vowels of French is that there is in fact less perceptual space between these front vowels than there is between the nasal vowels. Although Wright (1980) found nasal vowels to be perceptually closer to each other than the corresponding oral vowels, the nasal vowels of Canadian French are quite different from each other despite sharing the property of nasality. [ɔ̃] and [ɛ̃] are both mid-high vowels, described by Wright as having low perceived F1 values, but [ɔ̃] is at the back of the perceptual space and [ɛ̃] is at the front (having a higher perceived F2). [ɑ̃], on the other hand, is a relatively low vowel and although it is also quite far back in the perceptual space, it is differentiated from [ɔ̃] in terms of rounding as well. In contrast, the front rounded vowels of French are distinguished entirely based on height differences. Therefore, they may in fact be perceptually closer to each other than was the case for the nasal vowels. There may also be factors which account for the ease with which the participants were able to learn to differentiate between the oral and nasal vowels used in training in comparison with those who learned to discriminate between front rounded and unrounded vowels. For instance, the nature of the stimuli presented to the participants may have been such that nasality was a more salient feature of the sounds than rounding was. Since the vowels were extracted from naturally produced words, the articulations of the phonemes were not especially careful, despite the speakers’ efforts to be clear. This means that the rounding of the lips may not have been as extreme as it would be in an “ideal” rounded vowel. The oral vowel stimuli were also generally shorter than the nasal vowels due to the contexts from which they were extracted. It is therefore possible that the Nasal Group was picking up on length differences between the oral and nasal vowels 39 in their training; a cue that was not available to the Round Group. Finally, some of the nasal stimuli were characterized by audible nasal stops following the vowel. These consonantal cues would clearly indicate nasality, particularly to an English speaker whose vowels would be nasalized in this context in the native language as well. 5.2.2 Generalization At first glance, the above results appear to support the prediction that learning to differentiate between oral and nasal vowels will lead to a better ability to generalize to novel French vowels of the same system than learning front vowel distinctions. The Nasal Group did indeed perform better on the generalization task than the Round Group overall. Beyond these basic scores, however, the story is somewhat more complicated. In the generalization task, the Round Group correctly identified nasal vowels and front rounded vowels at nearly the same level of accuracy, while the Nasal Group had noticeably lower scores for front rounded vowel identification and higher scores on nasal vowel identification. This coincides with the finding that the Nasal Group seems to contradict the stated hypothesis. However, it only addresses three of the seven novel vowels to which the participants were required to apply the knowledge of the French vowel system they had acquired through training. When the other four are taken into account, the Nasal Group’s identification scores on this task were slightly higher than those of the Round Group, which suggests that having learned French nasal vowels and their corresponding oral vowels does lead to a greater ability to generalize learning to the remainder of the inventory. Further evidence for this comes from the first exposure data. Although both groups more accurately identified the front vowels during the session in 40 which they first heard them, the Nasal Group performed better on the vowels used to train the Round Group than the Round Group did on the vowels used to train the Nasal Group. It was predicted that this would be the case based on the fact that the Nasal Group would be exposed to more variability in the training stimuli in terms of the number of dimensions by which the vowels are differentiated. This may be true in the sense that the participants trained to make distinctions between nasal vowels were exposed to more variability, but perhaps it is not only the added dimension of nasality that made the stimuli more variable. It was pointed out in 5.2.1 above that the nasal vowels that were learned demonstrated differences in height, backness and rounding. Adding the corresponding oral vowels to this training meant that the Nasal Group was presented with vowels that were discriminated along all four dimensions proposed by Wright (1980). The Round Group, however, only learned to make height and rounding distinctions, which does not fully represent the system they were trying to acquire. Even if the dimension of nasality does not make nasal vowels inherently more variable than oral vowels, the Nasal Group was exposed to a more complete picture of the French vowel system than the Round Group. It is therefore not surprising that the former was better able to generalize their learning to novel stimuli. 5.2.3 Confusions Although this study did not set out to investigate the perceptual confusions experienced by English-speaking learners of French, the mistakes made by the participants do provide some information that may be helpful to the understanding of vowel perception and second language learning. 41 The first important pattern demonstrated is that training on a particular type of vowel lead to less confusion among vowels of that type. This is shown by the lower number of misidentifications of nasal vowels as other nasal vowels by the nasal group and the similar phenomenon in terms of the front rounded vowels for the Round Group. Also, both groups misidentified nasal vowels as other nasal vowels more often than as any other vowel type, which suggests that it may be perceptually easy to discern nasal vowels from oral vowels, but the distinctions within the category are more difficult to make. This appears to be particularly true if these vowels are unfamiliar as is indicated by the Round Group having a very high (43.33%) confusion score within the nasal vowel type. This is in accordance with Wright’s (1980) proposal of a smaller perceptual vowel space for nasal vowels. A second interesting pattern within this data is the high rate of confusion among rounded vowels. The Round Group misidentified front rounded vowels as back rounded more often than as a different front rounded vowel and the Nasal Group had nearly equal numbers for both. Similarly, both groups incorrectly identified back rounded vowels as front rounded vowels more often than any other vowel type on the generalization task. This finding suggests that rounding is very important cue to vowel identity of English speakers. The large number of misidentifications of front rounded vowels as back rounded vowels also alludes to previous findings that English speakers perceive rounded vowels near the front of the vowel space as allophonic tokens of their native back rounded categories (Ohala, 1981; Strange et al., 2004, 2005; Levy and Strange, 2007; Rochet, 1995). 42 CHAPTER SIX Conclusion The goal of this study was to investigate English speakers’ perceptual learning of French vowels. Specifically, differences in learning and generalization abilities between French front rounded vowels and nasal vowels were addressed. It was found that, contrary to the first prediction, there was a trend of faster learning of differentiation of nasal vowels than of front rounded vowels. Supporting the second prediction, however, it was found that training on nasal vowel discriminations led to better generalization abilities than training on front rounded vowel discrimination. The parameters within which this study carried out, however, did not allow for the investigation to go into as much depth as would have been optimal, leaving many avenues for future research available. Certainly, the small number of participants did not allow for any valid statistical analyses to be performed, so it would be useful to realize an experiment of the same type with a much larger sample and see if the same trends appear. For instance, it would be helpful to compare the acoustic qualities of the stimuli presented to the participants. This way, it could be determined if the more spectrally similar vowels are those which were most often confused, or if, for example, the front rounded vowels were more similar to their unrounded counterparts, despite more often being identified as back rounded vowels, as has been found in previous studies. In addition to this, if the perceptual space for each learner were to be computed at each session, these could be compared with the acoustic space to see how English speakers’ perceptions of French vowels might be in discord with the physical properties of the 43 sounds. Such representations could also provide insight into the learning process undergone by the participants by observing changes in their perceptual vowel space from session to session. As the learners improve their ability to distinguish among the novel vowels, it would be expected that the perceptual space between them would increase. Another issue that was raised in the discussion above was the possibility that learners were using differences in the length of the stimulus to differentiate the nasal vowels from the oral vowels. It would be valuable to perform a similar studied in which the length of the stimuli was controlled in order to eliminate the effect of this variable. If the nasal vowels are still distinguished more easily than the front rounded vowels, then we will have more concrete evidence that nasality is a more salient clue to vowel identity than rounding, even in terms of unfamiliar sounds. Finally, it was suggested that the Nasal Group was better able to generalize what they had learned in training to novel stimuli because their training made use of more distinctions present in the complete French vowel system than that of the Round Group. The difference was not necessarily due to the presence of the nasality giving the stimuli more inherent variability. In order to confirm this, it would be interesting to train English speakers to differentiate among only the oral vowels of French, having some learn only front (or back) vowels and the others learn vowels at varying places within the vowel space. It is likely that the second group would demonstrate similar learning and generalization patterns to the Nasal Group in the present study. What has been learned from this project is that there is an apparent difference in the progression of perceptual learning of French front rounded vowels and nasal vowels by native English speakers. These findings indicate that there may be differences in the 44 acquisition of other types of speech sounds as well, which could have an important impact on the field of second language instruction. If it can be determined which types of sounds will be more difficult to learn, instructors could focus more time and attention on helping their students to learn these distinctions. It is also quite likely that, similarly to the French vowels investigated, the acquisition of certain types of sounds in other languages would lead to better generalization of learning to the rest of the system being acquired. Instructors could use this information to decide what sound contrasts should be taught first in order to maximize learning of the entire system. Although the present study simply showed general trends, it does demonstrate that there is more important research to be done on this topic. 45 References Avery, Peter & Rice, Keren. (1989). Segment Structure and Coronal Underspecification. Phonology 6 (2), 179-200. Bley-Vroman, Robert. (1990). The Logical Problem of Foreign Language Learning. Linguistic Analysis 20 (1-2), 3-49. Boersma, Paul & Weenink, David. (2009). Praat: doing phonetics by computer (Version 5.1.04) [Computer program]. Retrieved January 14, 2009, from: http://www.praat.org/. Brown, Cynthia. (2000). The interrelation between speech perception and phonological acquisition from infant to adult. In J. Archibald, ed. Second Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory. Blackwell, pp. 4-63. Carroll, Suzanne E. 2008. Personal Communication. Clements, G. N. (1985). The Geometry of Phonological Features. Phonology Yearbook 2, 225-252. Clopper, Cynthia G. & David B. Pisoni. (2004). Effects of Talker Variability on Perceptual Learning of Dialects. Language and Speech 47 (3), 207-239. Delvaux, Véronique, Thierry Metens, & Alain Soquet. (2002). French nasal vowels: acoustic and articulatory properties. Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on Spoken Language Processing, Denver, 1, 53-56. Delvaux, Véronique, Didier Demolin, Alain Soquet, & John Kingston. (2004). La perception des voyelles nasales du français. XXVèmes Journées d’étude sur la parole, Fès, 157-160. 46 Greenspan, Steven L., Howard C. Nusbaum & David B. Pisoni. (1988). Perceptual learning of synthetic speech produced by rule. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition 14 (3), 421-433. Lindblom, Bjorn. (1975). Experiments in sound structure. Plenary address. 8th ICPS, Leeds. Mann, V. & Takagi, N. (1995). The limits of extended naturalistic exposure on the perceptual mastery of English /r/ and /l/ by adult Japanese learners of English. Applied Psycholinguistics 16 (4), 379-405. Wright, James. (1980). The Behavior of Nasalized Vowels in the Perceptual Vowel Space. Report of the Phonology Laboratory 5 (Jan.): 127-163. 47 Appendix A French word lists [u] [y] [e] [ø] 1. toute 2. boue 3. roue 4. sou 5. trou 6. clou 7. coup 8. fou 9. loup 10. joue 11. nous 12. mou 13. doute 14. route 15. croûte 16. douze 17. foule 18. trouve 19. ouvre 20. outre 21. rouge 22. bouche 23. roule 24. poule 25. bouge 26. jour 27. groupe 28. soupe 1. tu 2. but 3. rue 4. plu 5. nu 6. su 7. cru 8. dû 9. lu 10. pu 11. flute 12. lune 13. une 14. vue 15. cure 16. jure 17. cruche 18. juste 19. juge 20. cube 21. tube 22. sûr 23. sud 24. jupe 25. fume 26. tu 1. dé 2. baie 3. clé 4. gré 5. et 6. né 7. ses 8. thé 9. blé 10. fée 11. bée 12. mes 13. les 14. chez 15. pré 16. crée 17. hé 18. nez 19. scier 20. gémir 21. détente 22. pédale 23. école 24. credit 25. régler 26. dé 1. peu 2. boeufs 3. oeufs 4. creux 5. voeux 6. deux 7. feu 8. jeux 9. ceux 10. bleu 11. feutre 12. creuse 13. veule 14. jeudi 15. jeûne 16. dieu 17. yeux 18. meule 19. meugle 20. neutre 21. freux 22. vieux 23. pleut 24. preux 25. queue 26. peu 48 [ɛ] [œ] [o] [a] 1. lait 2. près 3. mais 4. frais 5. fraîche 6. faite 7. craie 8. vrai 9. vais 10. jet 11. vert 12. maître 13. verse 14. treize 15. belle 16. mere 17. sèche 18. fleche 19. haine 20. gêne 21. reine 22. peigne 23. père 24. frère 25. air 26. messe 27. ferme 28. bête 1. soeur 2. peur 3. fleur 4. beurre 5. coeur 6. moeurs 7. pleure 8. heure 9. feuille 10. heure 11. veuf 12. veuve 13. oeuvre 14. oeuf 15. neuf 16. jeune 17. meurtre 18. meuble 19. preuve 20. leur 21. fleuve 22. neuve 23. heurte 24. people 25. seul 26. soeur 1. beau 2. trop 3. flot 4. pot 5. sceau 6. faute 7. haute 8. mot 9. faux 10. faune 11. côte 12. chaude 13. taupe 14. rose 15. jaune 16. role 17. fausse 18. hausse 19. paume 20. trône 21. pole 22. drôle 23. prône 24. baume 25. grosse 26. beau 1. ma 2. sa 3. la 4. ta 5. plate 6. gratte 7. panne 8. page 9. rage 10. cage 11. date 12. hache 13. rat 14. table 15. natte 16. nappe 17. frappe 18. parc 19. par 20. sacre 21. sage 22. plage 23. plaque 24. masque 25. dame 26. lame 49 [i] 1. prix 2. scie 3. pli 4. fie 5. tire 6. rire 7. cire 8. dire 9. pige 10. tige 11. rive 12. qui 13. riz 14. dîne 15. fil 16. cri 17. risque 18. disque 19. ski 20. quitte 21. tigre 22. tilde 23. pile 24. dit 25. digne 26. gris [ɔ] 1. flotte 2. frotte 3. grotte 4. sort 5. poste 6. folle 7. colle 8. molle 9. choc 10. bord 11. vol 12. sol 13. robe 14. roche 15. poche 16. mort 17. corde 18. forte 19. forme 20. cloche 21. bloc 22. croquet 23. croche 24. flore 25. score 26. flotte [ɛ̃] 1. plainte 2. crainte 3. grain 4. freins 5. seins 6. bain 7. train 8. gain 9. peintre 10. sainte 11. peindre 12. craindre 13. singe 14. grimpe 15. timbre 16. thym 17. pince 18. rince 19. pin 20. dinde 21. vin 22. Inde 23. cinq 24. cingle 25. mince 26. rein [ɑ̃] 1. gens 2. gant 3. plante 4. trente 5. fente 6. dent 7. cent 8. blanc(he) 9. banc 10. franc(he) 11. lent(e) 12. hante 13. fendre 14. cendre 15. change 16. mange 17. branche 18. plan 19. menthe 20. pln 21. menthe 22. langue 23. fente 24. pente 25. danse 26. chamber 27. membre 50 [ɔ̃] 1. honte 2. compte 3. front 4. plomb 5. son 6. tondre 7. fondre 8. vont 9. long 10. pont 11. monde 12. ronde 13. plonge 14. onze 15. songe 16. ronge 17. blonde 18. trompe 19. pompe 20. bronze 21. tronc 22. prompte 23. ton 24. mon 25. onde 26. non 51 Appendix B Confusion matrices for all six participants over three training sessions and generalization task (raw numbers) Round Group Participant 1 Session 1 e e eh eu i oe y eh 6 6 2 2 1 0 eu 5 2 1 3 3 1 i 3 5 7 2 4 4 oe y 4 4 0 10 1 1 1 1 0 1 9 0 1 2 10 2 2 14 Session 2 e e eh eu i oe y eh 4 5 1 4 1 1 eu 2 5 4 1 6 0 i 1 0 10 1 4 3 oe 6 7 0 13 0 0 y 7 3 0 1 7 0 0 0 5 0 2 16 Session 3 e e eh eu i oe y eh 7 3 1 7 1 1 eu 2 7 1 1 5 0 i 0 0 8 1 3 9 oe 6 8 0 10 0 0 y 5 2 0 1 11 0 0 0 10 0 0 10 52 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y e 0 0 6 1 3 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 eh 1 0 0 0 0 1 6 0 0 1 0 0 0 eu 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 i 1 0 2 3 1 5 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 oe 4 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 y 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 0 1 0 5 8 a 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 an 2 5 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 1 0 in 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 o 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 7 1 0 2 1 0 oh 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 on 0 5 0 0 0 0 4 3 0 1 3 0 0 u 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 Participant 2 Session 1 e e eh eu i oe y eh 3 0 1 2 2 3 eu 4 6 1 1 2 0 i 3 1 8 4 5 5 oe 1 3 1 4 1 1 y 5 10 1 2 9 0 4 0 8 7 1 11 Session 2 e e eh eu i oe y eh 10 2 0 9 2 0 eu 3 6 1 2 0 1 i 0 0 7 0 3 10 oe 4 1 0 5 2 0 y 3 11 1 2 9 1 0 0 11 2 4 8 53 Session 3 e eh e eh eu i oe y 5 2 0 7 0 0 eu 3 7 0 5 1 0 i 0 0 9 1 3 6 oe 3 2 0 5 0 0 y 9 9 0 1 11 0 0 0 11 1 5 14 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y e 0 0 5 0 0 7 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 eh 0 0 2 4 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 eu 1 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 i 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 oe 5 1 3 2 0 0 0 0 3 4 0 0 0 y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 5 a 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 an 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 in 0 1 0 0 0 2 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 2 2 0 oh 1 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 on 0 5 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 3 0 0 u 1 1 0 0 4 0 0 1 1 2 3 6 3 Participant 3 Session 1 e e eh eu i oe y eh 13 6 1 4 6 0 eu 0 6 2 0 6 0 i 1 2 7 0 1 7 oe 6 2 1 15 0 1 y 0 4 3 1 5 0 0 0 6 0 2 12 54 Session 2 e e eh eu i oe y eh 14 2 0 0 0 0 eu 3 8 3 1 2 0 i oe 0 2 8 1 1 11 3 1 1 16 2 0 y 0 7 1 0 14 0 0 0 7 2 1 9 Session 3 e e eh eu i oe y eh 12 0 0 10 0 0 eu 4 14 1 0 1 0 i oe 0 0 9 0 2 11 4 0 1 10 0 0 y 0 6 1 0 15 0 0 0 8 0 2 9 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y e 0 0 7 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 eh 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 eu 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 4 i 0 0 1 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 oe 2 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 y 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 a 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 2 1 0 0 0 an 1 7 0 0 0 1 3 0 0 1 2 0 0 in 2 0 1 2 0 0 4 0 1 0 3 0 1 o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 1 0 2 0 oh 5 0 0 2 1 1 0 0 3 1 1 1 0 on 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 3 0 0 u 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 2 0 1 4 4 55 Nasal Group Participant 1 Session 1 a a an eh in oh on an 4 3 5 0 5 4 eh 0 4 2 8 0 6 in 5 3 5 5 4 0 oh 3 0 0 3 2 4 on 7 6 4 2 9 1 1 4 4 2 0 5 Session 2 a a an eh in oh on an 16 1 2 1 3 0 eh 1 14 1 0 5 1 in 3 0 9 1 2 0 oh 0 0 5 17 0 0 on 0 2 2 1 10 2 0 3 1 0 0 17 Session 3 a a an eh in oh on an 9 0 3 0 4 3 eh 0 18 0 0 0 2 in 10 0 16 0 0 0 oh 0 0 0 20 0 0 on 1 1 1 0 16 1 0 1 0 0 0 14 56 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y a 7 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 an 1 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 3 1 0 0 eh 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 in 0 0 3 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 oh 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 on 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 7 0 0 e 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 eu 0 0 1 0 3 0 0 0 0 3 0 1 1 i 0 0 3 0 2 7 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 oe 2 1 0 0 2 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 y 0 1 0 0 2 2 0 1 2 1 0 0 1 o 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 7 1 0 2 1 0 u 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 4 Participant 2 Session 1 a a an eh in oh on an 3 3 2 4 2 4 eh 2 2 6 4 4 5 in 4 2 2 6 1 0 oh 4 1 4 2 4 4 on 5 6 3 2 4 5 2 6 3 2 5 2 Session 2 a a an eh in oh on an 2 1 3 4 3 3 eh 3 1 1 3 4 2 in 3 5 3 2 3 4 oh 2 6 4 2 6 4 on 8 7 6 7 3 5 2 0 3 2 1 2 57 Session 3 a an a an eh in oh on 5 1 2 3 2 1 eh 1 3 3 3 3 1 in 2 4 2 5 3 6 oh 3 3 4 0 2 1 on 6 6 6 5 4 6 3 3 3 4 6 5 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y a 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 an 0 7 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 eh 4 0 2 4 0 0 5 0 3 2 0 0 0 in 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 oh 2 1 0 0 0 3 1 0 1 4 1 3 1 on 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 6 0 0 e 0 0 3 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 eu 0 0 1 3 5 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 i 2 0 2 0 1 3 2 0 1 0 1 0 0 oe 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 4 y 0 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 2 1 0 1 0 o 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 7 0 1 1 1 1 u 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 5 2 Participant 3 Session 1 a a an eh in oh on an 9 3 8 1 5 0 eh 2 2 3 2 6 5 in 4 3 5 5 1 2 oh 1 3 0 8 0 3 on 3 0 2 2 6 3 1 9 2 2 2 7 58 Session 2 a an a an eh in oh on 13 0 8 1 3 0 eh 0 11 1 1 0 6 in 7 0 10 3 4 1 oh 0 0 0 13 0 1 on 0 0 0 0 13 2 0 9 1 2 0 10 Session 3 a a an eh in oh on an 14 0 18 4 0 0 eh 1 4 0 1 0 1 in 2 0 1 0 0 0 oh 0 6 1 15 0 4 on 2 0 0 0 20 0 1 10 0 0 0 15 Generalization a an e eh eu i in o oe oh on u y a 10 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 an 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 eh 0 1 1 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 in 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 2 0 0 oh 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 2 1 7 0 0 0 on 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 6 0 0 e 0 0 5 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 eu 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 5 6 i 0 1 2 0 0 8 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 oe 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 y 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 2 3 o 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 u 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 1 59