Tuomas Tammisto
Central Themes in Anthropology
012643866
In my essay I discuss very shortly the function of myths in oral societies according to the texts of
Paul Radin and Keith Basso. I will summarize both texts shortly before discussing my argument.
In the sixth (Right and Wrong) and seventh (The Ideal Man) chapter of his book ”Primitive man as
a philosopher” Paul Radin talks about the ethical principles of the Winnebago indians. In the
chapter ”Right and Wrong” Radin wants to correct the incorrect assumption, that sc. primitive
people are not capable of abstract ethical thinking. He shows by quoting Winnebago myths, that
there is a “fairly well elaborated system of conduct” (p.67) among the Winnebago and that unlike in
societies influenced by Christian theology virtuous actions are not done for there own sake, but
have always a reference in the practical human life. Radin emphasizes that among the Winnebago
ethics is based on behavior. In the chapter “The Ideal Man” Radin concentrates on the ethical ideals
of the Winnebago. Individual freedom, seriousness of intention, self control and not harming the
others with one’s own actions are important themes in the Winnebago’s ethical system.
Keith Basso talks about the significance of Apache place names in his essay “Speaking with
Names”. He points out, that place names are social constructions and that they can be used for
communicative ends among the Apache. Events are in the Apache cosmology always bound to
places. Therefore certain place names can stand for myths or stories, which are being said to have
happened in these places. Place names can evoke images in the minds of the listeners and make
them think of events connected to these place names. This is called “speaking with names” among
the Apache. “Speaking with names” has various social functions at the same time, for example
reminding of ancestral wisdom giving, practical advice etc. (p. 170). Basso illustrates this through
an example, where “speaking with names” is used to talk around an awkward situation and make a
concerned person feel better.
Among other things Radin wanted to show, that sc. primitive people are just as reflective, logical
and capable of abstract thinking, as the sc. civilized people. They reflect upon their behavior and
upon their culture, but it is done in another way and with a different logic. Essential to Radin was,
that the Winnebago were not “prelogical”. Reflective and abstract thinking occurs through myths
and stories. In the beginning of chapter six (Right and Wrong) Radin quotes passages from
Winnebago texts (pp. 65-66). Some of these seem to be merely practical folk wisdom, since they
are descriptions of specific cases.
This however does not mean, that there is no abstract thinking among the Winnebago. Some of
these passages are, like Radin says, very abstract and have no practical implications. For example:
“It is always good to do good.” (p.70). We should keep in mind when analyzing these ethical rules
or principles, that among the Winnebago virtues were always linked to action. Unlike in Christian
theology there are no virtues as such, but one must live up to them. (It is in my opinion very
interesting, that this resembles much the Aristotelian view on virtue.) Actions, virtues and all
human feelings as such are of no value. In Radin’s words: “The Winnebago moralist would insist,
that we have no right to preach an ideal of love or to claim that we love, unless we have lived up to
its practical implications (p.72). Radin states very credibly, that this shows the objectivity of the
Winnebago ethical system (p.75).
In the end of the seventh chapter (The Ideal Man) Radin shows how myths (or stories) clarify
ethical ideals. This is often done in a symbolic manner, like in the two myths quoted by Radin.
Especially the illustration of the “Journey of Life”, which teaches the highest ideals, is very
symbolic. He points out, that the ideals preached in myths are of course not always lived up to by
all, but it would be unjust to dismiss their practical value to the Winnebago (p. 89). But myths are
not only ideals to analyze one’s own behavior. They are also mental tools for reflecting upon other
parts of the culture as well. In my opinion the myths operate on (at least) two levels: a) they give the
individual ideals and ways to analyze his behavior and b) they are “tools” with which the
individuals can reflect upon the system itself. The myths are also a kind of “meta-language”. ( p.90)
I think this is what also Keith Basso wants to show in his essay “Speaking with Names”. Like
already said, places and place names are very crucial in the Apache cosmology. Events that have no
reference to places are impossibilities, just like virtues with no reference to action among the
Winnebago. Place names have two forms: a compact one used in everyday language and a longer
version to which a suffix “at this very place” (p. 159) is often added. The longer version is used to
trigger “mental pictures” in the minds of the listeners. Although the Apache place names are fairly
accurate descriptions of landscape, it is considered untactful to describe “too much “ and thus
holding the listener’s mind down (p.154).
Some places are connected to myths and stories about ancestors. When spoken in the “full” version,
these place names can remind the listeners of the stories linked to these places. This is exactly, what
was done in the conversation quoted by Basso.. One of the persons involved decided to talk around
the situation by “speaking with names”. She and person involved referred to places, which were
linked to stories about young people acting foolishly, but surviving. Basso shows, that these stories
had various social functions. They were used to talk around an awkward situation, to comfort the
concerned person by reminding of ancestral wisdom etc. On page 170 Basso quotes 8 different
functions (or ends) achieved by the place name.
The place names (connected to ancestral stories) provide the listeners with conceptual tools for
reflection. These myths help to reflect on one’s own behavior, accomplish social functions (for
example comfort) and “affirm” the value of ancestral wisdom. I assume that these myths allow
beside the “normal” discourse a “meta-discourse” with which also cultural aspects can be analyzed.
Basso showed how “speaking with names” operates on multiple levels to accomplish different
functions. In my opinion this was also the case in the Winnebago myths, although Radin didn’t
explicitly show all the levels they operate on the two chapters quoted.
According to these texts, in my opinion, myths provide sc. mental tools to analyze different things
in oral cultures. Abstract reflection is done (probably partly) through myths and stories, which are
linked to ancestors. These myths are probably not rigid and fixed stories, but I think they allow
individuals to accomplish different tasks. Especially in Basso’s text the “interactional” aspect of the
myths was evident. With fixed and written texts this would probably not have been possible.
Both texts show how abstract and reflective thinking is done in societies with very different
conceptions of ethics and history than those known to us. The methods applied are also very
different from our own. Radin wanted to emphasize, that this didn’t mean that oral societies didn’t
reflect on their lives. Radin was writing in the first decades of the 20th century, but also Basso,
writing much later, still had to correct wrong assumptions concerning the Apache concept of
history.