EurAC Memorandum for the
German Presidency of the
European Union
1st Semester 2007
December 2006
For further information : Rue des Tanneurs, 165 - B - 1000 Brussels, Belgium
Tel : +32 (0)2 213 04 00
E-mail: secretariat@EurAC-network.org
www.eurac-network.org
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I. INTRODUCTION
EurAC is the European network of active NGOs in Central Africa, comprising 46 member
organisations from 12 European countries. Members of the EurAC network support local civil
society organisations in Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in their
efforts to promote peace and development in these countries.
Because of the regional nature of the problems faced and solutions required by this area, EurAC
members decided to adopt a resolutely regional approach to their work. EurAC members are
actively involved with local populations and civil society in the sub-region in a variety of fields such
as development, human rights and humanitarian assistance in response to certain emergency
situations.
As European associations, EurAC members share a common vision and objective, namely of
achieving greater coherence by the European Union and its member states in their policies towards
Central Africa, and for them to be more responsive to the needs and aspirations of the region's
populations, especially the most vulnerable and marginalized.
Furthermore, EurAC members all share the same concept of development and partnership. They
want to challenge the structural causes of underdevelopment of populations and support and
complement local initiatives. The identification, implementation and evaluation of development
initiatives stem principally from EurAC partners and local populations that they represent.
After more than ten years of conflict, Rwanda, the DRC, and Burundi are amongst the most
underdeveloped countries in the world. Although the electoral process went ahead successfully in
Burundi and in the DRC has seen the establishment of new institutions following the summer 2005
elections, as well as the formal conclusion of the democratic transition in Rwanda in 2003, the
peace process remains fragile and should be consolidated in each of these countries.
EurAC objective in presenting this document to the future presidency of the EU as well as to the
European Commission and to the European Parliament is to urge the EU to:



Establish a regional strategy in their Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to
promote peace and governance in the region.
Support the underpinning of non state actors as crucial partners to the development of the
Great Lakes region countries.
Employ more precise benchmarking criteria in their aid relations with each country on a
regional scale, to promote cooperation towards a real peace and the satisfaction of the
needs of the regional populations.
The aim of this document is to encourage the European Presidency, and through it the EU member
states, to take advantage of the turning point that the Great Lakes region will be going through in
the first semester of 2007, so that they can revitalize their chances for a lasting peace in this
troubled area, and to position Europe as a major political presence as well as a privileged donor.
Our recommendations therefore highlight 5 key issues that must feature in the political dialogue
with the governments of these countries over the next six months:

Consolidating peace

Supporting good governance

Benchmarking to aid development

Decentralisation

Reinforcement of non state actors as a counterbalance.
Within this framework the German Presidency can really make a difference!
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II. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS WITHIN THE CENTRAL
AFRICAN COUNTRIES
Burundi

Hardening of the government and leading political party, the CNDD-FDD
After a year in office the Burundian government has wasted much of the confidence placed in it
following a positively perceived election process and has shattered many of the hopes placed upon
it. Indeed, apart from a few early advances, the current situation is worrying. There is a veritable
power struggle currently being played out at the head of the CNDD-FDD, which is seen as the real
seat of power.
Their electoral legitimacy is used as justification for any governmental action, in order to be non
accountable to anyone, neither political opposition, nor civil society, or worse still not even to the
Burundian people, the greatest victims in this situation.
This argument centres on an attempted coup d’état, which allowed the government to incarcerate,
and in some cases torture, several military and political officials, including the former president Mr
D. Ndayizeye, without providing irrefutable proof of their guilt.
The battle against corruption has barely begun and is pursued in an incoherent manner. It has
even been supplanted by a return to political clientelism as well as political and ethnic preference.
This dramatic situation led the second Vice-President, A. Nzomukunda, to tender her resignation.
The only positive development in recent months is the signature of a peace agreement between the
government and FNL rebels on 7 September. Unfortunately this event has had little effect and
several necessary conditions for the accomplishment of the agreement are lacking, notably relating
to the release of political prisoners and disarmament.

Commendable political intentions, but improvised measures responsible
for worsening social conditions
The unexpected measures taken by the Burundian government at the beginning of their term
regarding provision of free schooling and health services engendered hope and enthusiasm in a
population demoralised by 12 years of civil war. However, a lack of planning and poor provision of
human resources, materials and financing has led to a marked decline of the quality of teaching
and health care. The schools are now overcrowded and the care of patients has collapsed .

Erosion of the Human Rights situation
The situation regarding basic freedoms and human rights is worsening every day. One recent UN
report, published on 27 September, illustrates the extent of the problem caused by continued
impunity, the increased prevalence of light arms amongst civilians, widespread poverty and “near
total lack of human rights culture”. Arbitrary detentions are still common and with the police and
judicial authorities participating in the arrests, nothing seems to suggest that an effective and
much needed change is on the way.
The government has become increasingly hostile towards the media with public threats, absurd
legal proceedings. Harassment by the police and military becoming common occurrences. These
are not the actions of a supposedly democratic body and are in total violation of the Burundian
constitution and Arusha Agreement.

Relations between the government and the UN
The demand by the Burundian authorities at the end of August for the UN Special Representative of
the Secretary General be removed created a significant bone of contention between the
government and the organisation in charge of overseeing Burundian democratic transition. The UN
mission in Burundi has evolved considerably over recent months. ONUB forces should have
withdrawn from the country by 31 December 2006. Their mission is to be continued by the United
Nations Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) on 1 January 2007 and their mandate, lasting for a
minimum of one year, will be to coordinate the various UN actions in the country.
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
Refugees
Since the end of the war in 2002, advances in the peace process and the political transition have
allowed many Burundians that had left the country to return. Consequently, the number of
refugees returning to Burundi has increased to over 300,000 and the influx is continuing. These
massive migrations highlight a major problem currently facing Burundi: that of a small country with
a dense population where the distribution of farming land is crucial and potentially volatile.
There are still more than 7,000 Rwandan refugees in Burundi, whilst thousands of Burundians are
exiled in neighbouring countries, particularly in Tanzania and the DRC.
Rwanda

Tension between the government and the IPTR
The International Penal Tribunal for Rwanda (IPTR) discharged C. Gakwaya, the only Rwandan
working for the IPTR in Arusha, which is investigating the crimes committed in 1994. The mandate
of the tribunal concludes in 2008. Doubt has now been cast on the independence, effectiveness and
impartiality of the IPTR due to Rwandan insistence on the dismissal of Mr Gakwaya and the
impending 2008 deadline. In view of this, there is a risk that the crimes committed by the RPF will
never be tried by an international tribunal. However, this has led to some positive developments in
Rwanda, like the raising of a debate in parliament regarding the possibility of abolishing the death
penalty by the end of 2006. These abolition is a prerequisite condition for the handing over of
dossiers relating to the 1994 genocide from IPTR to the Rwandan judicial authorities.

Questions of development
Rwanda seems to be in the process of following a worrying and all too familiar path: that of forced
modernisation. Numerous recent measures taken by the Rwandan government, particularly over
the course of the summer, are openly authoritarian in nature. These measures concern the limiting
of motorcycle and taxi traffic in the capital, Kigali. They also affect agriculture, where the
replacement of the banana growing culture by those geared towards exports threatens to
impoverish and weaken the rural population in Rwanda. For them, the banana, as well as being a
source of income, plays an equally important role as a basic nutritional staple which the new
cultures of fruit and flowers cannot provide. There has been a resurgence in Rwandan coffee
exports, bringing in almost €18 million per year, which makes it the largest provider of foreign
currency into the country.
Rwanda is showing signs of a relatively healthy economy, such as its rate of economic growth.
However, this must be interpreted cautiously as it is not reflected at a microeconomic level and
many Rwandans are continuing to grow poorer. It is these poorest sections of the population that
are paying the consequences for decisions taken without their backing. Their resistance is certainly
explained by the prevalent position of the banana in the culture, farming and economy of each
household. This could be also perceived as the rejection of a modernising vision without
consultation of those affected.
Land and property reforms have begun and are raising concerns amongst Rwandans who feel
discriminated against in a country where a lack of alternatives to agriculture as a means of
providing subsistence is real.
The situation within the educational system is also worrying. Teachers feel that they have largely
been overlooked by reforms and salary adjustments undertaken by the government.

Some improvements in a Human Rights situation of continuing concern
Despite limited progress concerning freedom of speech, the Human Rights situation remains a
matter for concern. The debate that has been opened concerning the abolition of the death penalty
by the end of 2006 is another example of the limited, but real progress seen in Rwanda. The
external opposition, whether civil or military, and the Rwandan government are struggling to find
common ground. The most regrettable is that repeated signs of goodwill have been seen over
recent months, but these cannot take shape until the government is willing to be more “inclusive”.
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The Gacaca courts are beginning to spread across Rwanda. These are the result of an original
intention to try perpetrators of genocide and to begin the journey towards reconciliation. They
have, however, had difficulty at times preventing violent arrests, false accusations motivated by
jealousy, absence of the presumption of innocence and an increase in the feeling of vulnerability
due to the increased number of suspects. Some Rwandans have even gone into exile because of
the courts. Almost 750,000 Rwandans are accused and 170,000 judges elected, of whom almost
45,000 were replaced as they were accused of genocide.
The situation of non governmental actors is fragile. They are often divided facing the attitude of the
government regarding the exercise of freedom of association. Many of them resigned themselves
to following the governmental point of view without detailed analysis.
DR Congo

Hope and fragility of newly elected institutions
The electoral process in the DRC was a considerable civic success due to the Congolese people.
Participation levels were high in the great majority of provinces for the presidential, legislative and
provincial elections, despite some notable areas in the East still being troubled by militia who are
opposed to the transition process launched in 2002. Indeed, troops belonging to L. Nkunda
prevented many Congolese from exercising their right to vote in the various elections held in the
Masisi territory.
This process is therefore primarily a cause for hope. Hope because the Congolese voted en masse
in the first pluralist elections in their country; they acted as politically committed and responsible
citizens. Hope again because the election of representatives directly by the Congolese people is a
significant step towards peace and reconciliation in a country ravaged by a conflict that caused the
death of nearly 4 million human beings.
Nevertheless, fragility remains. These institutions are only in their starting phase and mistakes will
be made. However, these will be overcome through pertinent action from vigilant and powerful non
governmental actors, allowing the DRC to advance. On 19 September 2006 the National Assembly
took office. It is dominated politically by an alliance formed round President Kabila. The President
of the 3rd Republic took oath on 6 December 2006 and will be followed by the establishment of the
Provincial Assemblies on 20 December 2006.
The situation remains tense and there is always the risk of slipping back into war. Conflict between
the forces of the two candidates, Bemba and Kabila, at the end of August made one fear the worst,
but brought a more positive consequence; it highlighted the effectiveness and significance of
EUFOR presence. Both men have subsequently made declarations of good will for the future.

Attacks increase as instability continues
The number of Congolese still living in fear is considerable, despite wide reaching progress
achieved since the formation of the transitory institutions. The situation has improved and is more
peaceful in Equateur, Haut-Congo and Kivu etc, but the number of displaced people and people
prevented from returning to their homes for fear of guerrilla forces and members of FARDC is still
estimated to be around 1.66 million. 1,200 Congolese people die each day due to the disastrous
humanitarian conditions in certain areas.
The World Food Programme (WFP) has planned and resumed food aid in the East of the country,
principally for 125,000 people in Kivu. This action symbolises the problems and progress in today’s
DRC since aid is reaching the people who have been cruelly deprived of it in recent years, yet WFP
still has not received any financial contributions for 2007, which heralds further difficulties.

Governance and control of natural resources
Controlling the exploitation of natural resources and the redistribution of their wealth has been a
delicate topic since the independence of the DRC. The candidates for the second round of
presidential elections are committed to regaining control of all the contracts signed in this domain
in recent years. Good governance is a term being used more and more often by the new political
leaders in DRC. This new era in the DRC of the democratic functioning of the elected institutions
5
brings the hope of seeing better control and due governance in this area, which is so important to
the Congolese.
The international community and particularly the EU have an opportunity to promote the idea of
good governance by pursuing existing dialogues and cooperation with the Congolese officials who
have from now on a democratic legitimacy. This dialogue and cooperation should, in view of the
new Congolese democracy, be consistent with the expectations of the population of the DRC.

The peace process
The process, which began in Sun City, has already led to important and historic changes in the DRC
for the good of the Congolese population. The elections and the installation of representative
institutions are the direct consequence of the Inter-Congolese dialogue, and the disarmament of
the principal agents of the civil war. Nevertheless, the process is still plagued by major problems.
The arms embargo decreed by the UN, and extended to July 2007 is ignored in the east of the
country. Illegal arms continue to circulate in this area and munitions arrive there from bordering
countries. The process of Disarmament, Demobilisation, Repatriation, Reintegration, and
Resettlement (DDRRR) of the armed rebel groups have led to major changes; however, these are
still only partial changes. The situation still presents cause for concern as almost 30,000 children as
well as 36,000 soldiers belong to the forces still active in the east of the country who are opposed
to the peace process, such as Laurent Nkunda’s forces.
The Congolese are losing hope in the possibility of achieving a national reconciliation due to the
continued violence that they witness and are subjected to. Sexual violence remains a reality for
thousands of women and men even though the peace process should ensure their safety. Almost
25,000 rapes were reported last year in the eastern region of the DRC alone. The arrest and
proposed trial by the CPI of T. Lubanga is a powerful symbol of the fight against impunity.
However, several war chiefs, who have entered the national army in exchange of immunity, have
maintained their influence in an institution that is supposed to be a pillar of the new Republic.
III. THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE GREAT LAKES
REGION

Security and coordination of European action
On 30 November the mandate of the European mission EUFOR as a supporting force to MONUC
ended as foreseen in resolution 1671 of the UN Security Council, dated 2006 April 25, and the Joint
Action of the EU Council of the 27th of April 2006. The departure of the troops and the equipment
started on the 1st of December and most of the soldiers will have left DRC on the 15 th of December.
There is a significant risk that the EU force would not be present at the most important moment.
EUFOR acted to reassure the Congolese as well as the different organisations present in the DRC.
Originally disputed, the European mission justified its existence with its intervention in the armed
conflicts between Kabila’s and Bemba’s forces, which took place in Kinshasa in August, when both
men declared themselves victor of the first round of presidential elections.
The European forces were seen from the start as a backup force to aid the 17,000 MONUC troops
during the electoral campaign and during the elections. It is clear that the presence of EUFOR and
its aforementioned intervention demonstrated its effectiveness and gained it the widespread
confidence of the Congolese people.
It is indisputable that withdrawing before the new institutions have been completely established is
misunderstood and perceived by the Congolese people as a hasty abandonment. It should be noted
that the EU let two training forces on ground EUSEC for the army and EUPOL for the police.

European strategy for the Great Lakes region
The communication from the Commission on the " EU Strategy for Africa: Towards a EuroAfrican pact to accelerate Africa’s development (October, 2005) " and the definition of a
framework for strategic partnership between the EU and Africa by the Council (December, 2005),
have set out a strategy for the improvement of the situation in Africa in general, and consequently
the Great Lake area, but without defining any specific regional policies.
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With the publication of their strategy for 2007, the Commission has declared their desire to
improve their ability to take action in international crises whilst collaborating with the Council. The
Commission wants the Union to improve its ability to respond quickly to prevent conflicts, manage
crises and oversee processes of peace consolidation. Once again these elements are very general
but their content implicitly concerns the Great Lakes region.
The Commission wants to improve the effectiveness of European aid in 2007 by employing a
common strategy, showing its intention to improve the contribution of the EU’s interior policies to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It is also guaranteeing greater cohesion and
coordination of development policies led by different European institutions in addtion to those of
the member states.
The EU is the biggest provider of development aid to the Great lakes region. It has, to the best of
its abilities, shown a strong commitment to finding peaceful solutions to the conflicts affecting
these three African states and in attempting to promote a greater regional integration. In addition,
the EU has shown its support, via various official channels, for the rapid organisation of the second
international conference for the Great Lakes region. Furthermore, the EU provided almost 60 % of
the funding for the electoral process in the DRC, estimated to total $430 million.
The EU is more and more politically committed regarding Africa since the signing of the Cotonou
Agreement in 2000. Nevertheless, it seems clear that the EU must develop a specific regional
policy for the Great lakes region of Africa for the mid and long term. The current report shows that
the EU is strongly committed to the region, that it has provided significant financial, material and
human resources. However, aside from the aid sent to the region, the EUFOR forces and support in
the electoral processes etc,. the EU lacks a European strategic vision for the region. The Great
Lakes region of Africa presents a considerable opportunity for the EU to demonstrate the relevance
of its actions on the international scene and demonstrate the European conception of a multipolar
world on the path to peace and development via regional cooperation.

Governance as a key to development
Within the framework of the European Consensus on Development, which has the objective of
synchronising the development policies of Parliament, the Council and the Commission, the
Commission released a communication on 30 August 2006 on the role of governance. Governance,
taken in its broadest terms is “like a long term process of change. It is based on the objectives,
commonly agreed principles and shared aspirations that should be applied the main functions of
government as well as to the interaction between public institutions and citizens. Democratic
governance brings the rights of all citizens, men and women, to the forefront and cannot simply be
confined to a battle against corruption”1. €2.7 billion should be made available as an incentive in
the “Governance for the ACP countries and for Africa” initiative.
The spirit of the European consensus is to highlight the measures taken by the African states
towards good democratic and economic governance. The Commission wants decisions in favour of
concrete improvements in governance to be at the heart of the process of political dialogue
between the EU, the ACP countries and European donors. It also aims to support the adoption of
these reforms by continental mechanisms as with the adoption of the MARP and by direct dialogue
with the African states. However, some contradictions can be noticed between the Commission and
the Council2, which is rather using “good governance” than “democratic governance”.

10th European Development Fund (EDF) 2008-2013
The grant of the 10th EDF represents only 0.028% of the gross GDP of the member states. The
European Council has reduced the 10th EDF by €2 billion compared to the current EDF. These
figures bear witness to the incoherence between the actions and the declarations of greater
commitment by the European institutions towards the achievement of the MDGs.
The schedule for the 10th EDF is still being worked out. Since July 2006 the propositions of the
Country Strategic Papers have begun to arrive at the European Commission’s HQ. A meeting of
teams from the destination countries has been arranged in Brussels for November 2006. In
December screening by the Interservices Quality Support Group would take place and be validated
by Commissioner L. Michel. Between March and May 2007, the Commission would make its
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www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/91351.pdf
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decisions. In April 2007 the EDF Committee would begin its decision making process. Finally,
between April and June 2007 the Country Strategic Papers would be signed.
The Commission’s consultations have been formal and have had little involvement with non
governmental actors. An EU delegation for the region has even put off consultation until the month
of February 2007. Furthermore, it is regrettable to note there is no place for reports evaluating the
use of the 9th EDF with regards to the development of the new EDF.
IV. EURAC RECOMMANDATIONS
The social and political situations require special attention. The EU and the authorities of the Great
Lakes region should adopt a long term regional strategy. The European strategy must be adapted
for each country and take into account their particular circumstances. Civil Society, with NGOs at
the helm, have an important role as experts and to act as a watchdog.
1) Consolidating peace
 To the EU institutions
Planning of a combined European strategy between the EU institutions and the member
states for the mid and long term to increase effectiveness and clarity with regard to the
consolidation of peace in the Great Lakes region;
Action and support by the EU and its delegation in the DRC through the Program for
Support of Justice to combat impunity effectively and restore the judicial services of the
Congolese state;
Pressure to be put on the Burundian government and the FNL rebels by the EU Troika to
move the peace agreements forward. A climate of peace is essential to combat poverty,
which is a principal cause of war. Similarly, emphasis should be placed on the inclusion
of the Arusha Agreement and the Constitution;
Firm commitment by the EU to allow Burundi, Rwanda and the DRC to achieve
alimentary sovereignty.
 To the states of the DRC, Burundi and Rwanda
Respect their commitments and put into place the recommendations of the International
Conference for peace, security and development in the Great Lakes area, to include
governments, civil society and all the international agents: the EU, AU and UN;
Action by Rwanda, Burundi and the DRC to facilitate justice for war crimes and genocide
by cooperating with international tribunals or by setting up courts or independent
national commissions to this end;
Establishment by the Congolese authorities, with the cooperation of the neighbouring
states of a tangible fight against impunity by determining the truth with regard to
historical facts relating to the recent occupation of part of the country and to the civil
war so that a solid foundation can be laid for the reconciliation process and the peacebuilding.
2) Supporting good governance
 To the EU institutions
Creation of a common European strategy between the EU institutions and the member
states for the mid and long term to increase effectiveness and clarity with regard to the
support of good governance in the Great Lakes region;
Identifying key priorities which will allow the countries of the Great Lakes region to
benefit from the European Commissions funds of €2.7 billion for the governance
initiative by resolving the problems identified above;
Firm commitment by the European Commission for good governance in theory, but
especially in practice, namely by with the allocation of aid;
Awareness of the importance of financial support as essential to good governance by the
agents of the European Consensus for Development.

-
To the EU and the states of Burundi, Rwanda and the DRC
Establishment of support programs and political dialogue between the Council, the
Commission and the governments of Burundi, Rwanda and the DRC with the aim of
building concrete institutions;
8
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Firm support by the European institutions, and firstly among them the European
Commission, in the fight for better governance of natural resources especially in the
DRC.

-
To the states of the DRC, Burundi and Rwanda
Firm commitment from the three states of the region regarding governance. They are
ultimately responsible for establishing good practices.
3) Benchmarking for development aid
EurAC wants to highlight the initial enthusiasm by which the European Commission and the
European Council welcomed our proposals3, presents the legitimacy of our benchmarks for peace,
security, democracy, justice, human rights and good economic governance.

-
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
-
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To the EU institutions
Inclusion of benchmarks into the creation of a common European strategy for the EU
institutions and member states for the mid to long term to increase effectiveness and
clarity with regard to the support of good governance in the Great Lakes region;
Concrete precision of the content of the benchmarks by the EU and notably by the
Commission targeting specifically the Great Lakes region of Africa and within the
framework of establishing benchmarks for already started political dialogue with
committed European donors;
Precision and strict definitions of the benchmarks by the EU and notably by the
Commission without lacking the flexibility to adapt them to any situation in each country
in the Great Lakes region and to short term objectives;
Urgent empowerment of the Commission as a coordinator of the 27 member states and
the EU institutions to become more efficient and raise its visibility in the region.
To the EU and the states of Burundi, Rwanda and the DRC
Inscription of improvements towards freedom of expression, particularly of the press,
and to the security of Human Rights activists by the Commission and the 3 African states
as particularly effective short term benchmarks;
Consideration by the European Troika and the 3 Great Lake states of collaboration with
non state actors as a necessary step in this process.
4) Decentralisation

-
-

-
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To the EU institutions
Creation of a common European strategy between the EU institutions and the member
states for the mid to long term to increase effectiveness and clarity with regard to the
process of decentralisation in the Great Lakes region;
EU support, through the Troika and European delegations in the three African countries,
to local authorities, central governments as well as to non state actors in applying these
reforms.
To the central and local authorities of the DRC, Burundi and Rwanda
Implement the reforms for decentralisation, strengthening of local authorities and
distribution of state services and fiscal resources on a local level throughout Burundi,
Rwanda and the DRC These reforms are key to improving governance, democracy,
development and efficiency;
Recognition and strengthening of non state actors on a local level to facilitate their
inclusion in governance, local decision making processes by central and local authorities
in the Central African countries concerned. This is essential to the success of
decentralisation.
5) Strengthening of non governmental actors

3
To the EU institutions
www.eurac-network.org/web/uploads/EUBenchmarkingForRegionalPeace.doc
9
-
-
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Creation of a common European strategy between the EU institutions and the member
states for the mid to long term to increase effectiveness and clarity with regard to the
strengthening of non governmental actors in the Great Lakes region;
Concrete political and financial support by the EU member states, the Commission and
their European delegations to the development of strong local non governmental actors
in each country of the region, where the situation is fragile and the freedom of
expression of thee organisations is jeopardized by the poor human rights situation. The
first step should be to consider all of their contributions to the planning and
implementation of the EDF;
In this regard, EurAC and its partners in the Great Lake region are stressing their
capacity to participate in the process of political planning with respect to the role of the
Civil Society Institutions, as social cohesion springs from this synergy.

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To the governments of Rwanda, Burundi and the DRC and the EU institutions
Political and financial support for the widening of the action capacities of the non state
actors active in these three countries by the countries’ government and by European
agents of the EU member states, the Commission and European delegations. The non
state actors play an important role in the fabric of post-conflict society. This is an
important condition of democracy and good governance as well as for development and
prosperity.

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To the official institutions of Burundi, Rwanda and the DRC
Respect by the Burundian government of the basic state rules of law as written in the
Constitution and, in particular, the separation of powers, freedom of expression and
other human rights;
Rapid and effective implementation by the newly elected institutions in the DRC of
measures to secure the situation for the non state actors;
Rapid and effective implementation by the Rwandan government of measures to secure
the situation for civil society.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. Introduction............................................................................................. 2
II. Recent developments within the Central African countries ............................ 3
Burundi ............................................................................................................................................. 3

Hardening of the government and leading political party, the CNDD-FDD

Commendable political intentions, but improvised measures responsible for
worsening social conditions

Erosion of the Human Rights situation
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Relations between the government and the UN

Refugees
Rwanda ............................................................................................................................................. 4
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Tension between the government and the IPTR

Questions of development
DR Congo ......................................................................................................................................... 5
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Hope and fragility of newly elected institutions

Attacks increase as instability continues

Governance and control of natural resources

The peace process
III.
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
IV.
The European Union and the Great Lakes Region ................................... 6
Security and coordination of European action
European strategy for the Great Lakes region
Governance as a key to development
10th European Development Fund (EDF) 2008-2013
EurAC recommandations .................................................................... 8
1) Consolidating peace .................................................................................................. 8
2) Supporting good governance ................................................................................ 8
3) Benchmarking for development aid.................................................................... 9
4) Decentralisation ......................................................................................................... 9
5) Strengthening of non governmental actors ..................................................... 9
Table of contents ....................................................................................... 11
V. List of signatory organisations ................................................................. 12
11
V. LIST OF SIGNATORY ORGANISATIONS
1. Agir ensemble pour les Droits de l’Homme (AEDH)
2. ATOL
France
Belgium
3. Broederlijk Delen
4. Brot für die Welt
Belgium
Germany
5. CAFOD
6. Christian Aid
United Kingdom
United Kingdom
7. Commission Justice et Paix/francophone
8. Comité catholique contre la Faim et pour le Développement (CCFD)
Belgium
France
9. CORDAID
10. COSI
Netherlands
France
11. CNCD/11.11.11
12. Dan Church Aid
Belgium
Denmark
13. Diakonia
14. Entraide et Fraternité
Sweden
Belgium
15. Fastenopfer/Action de Carême
16. Federación de Comités de Solidaridad con Africa Negra
Switzerland
Spain
17. Fondation Damien
18. GRET
Belgium
France
19. ICCO
20. Institut de la vie
Netherlands
Belgium
21. Institut Panos Paris
22. Louvain Développement
France
Belgium
23. Memisa
24. Misereor
Belgium
Germany
25. Pax Christi International
26. Pax Christi Wallonie-Bruxelles
Belgium
27. RéFAC
28. Rete Pace per il Congo
France
Italy
29. Secours Catholique - Caritas France
30. SOS Faim
France
Belgium
31. Wereldsolidariteit/Solidarité Mondiale (WSM)
32. 11.11.11
Belgium
Belgium
12