Paper Title: Recognising the contribution of Sacred Natural Sites for biodiversity
conservation.
Authors: Rob Soutter1, Yaa Ntiamoa-Baidu1, John Smith2 and Devendra Rana3,
Presented at the World Parks Congress in Durban, South Africa, September, 2003
Summary:
This paper draws on examples of the protection of sacred forests and groves in Africa to
explore the concept of sacred sites and their potential contribution to biodiversity
conservation and protected area management. The term sacred natural site is used to
describe a variety of contexts, including sacred rivers, lakes, mountains, marine areas and
forests. For the purposes of this paper, the term sacred natural site is limited only to
sacred forests and groves, with a particular focus on Africa. The paper describes the
involvement of WWF, the conservation organisation, and ARC (Alliance of Religions
and Conservation) in Sacred Natural Sites (SNS) and engagement with local communities
in the protection of their sites. The experiences gained in this work are discussed while
presenting an overall view that sacred natural sites and their impact on conservation
objectives have remained relatively understudied despite the apparent conservation
benefits they offer. The paper ends with a proposal for a region-wide initiative in Africa
for the promotion and support of Sacred Natural Sites in order that a) the concept and
mechanisms are better understood b) their conservation value is identified and c) they are
more readily considered by governments, donor agencies and conservation organisations
in their protected area work, especially when working in the larger conservation
landscape.
_____________________________________________________________________
1 WWF-International, Avenue du Mont Blanc, 1196 CH, Gland, Switzerland
2 ARC - Alliance for Religions and Conservation, 3 Wynnstay Grove, Fallowfield,
Manchester, M14 6XG, UK
3 Independent Consultant, PO Box 1635, Kathmandu, Nepal
Introduction
Sacred natural sites are found throughout the world, and among many world and
indigenous faiths. The term is used widely to describe a number of contexts, including
sacred rivers, lakes, mountains, marine areas and forests. For the purposes of this paper,
the term sacred natural site is limited to sacred forests and groves, and focuses
particularly on sacred forests and groves and their contribution to biodiversity
conservation in Africa.
The origins for this paper come out of a longstanding partnership beween WWF and the
Alliance of Religions and Conservation (ARC) dating back to the mid-1980s when the
leaders of five major faith traditions were brought together by WWF to discuss
conservation issues at Assisi, Italy. From this meeting came a number of initiatives -including the Assisi Declarations, where each faith made a statement on the environment
-- and led to the creation of ARC in 1995, at that time with nine, and more recently
eleven faiths as members. WWF and ARC now engage with faith communities across
the world on a range of environmental conservation programmes and projects, including
sustainable forest management, climate change and a broad programme on Sacred Sites.
There are two broad, overarching reasons for WWF and
ARC’s involvement in sacred forests and groves: the
importance of such areas for biodiversity conservation, and
for spiritual and cultural values.
This paper looks at sacred forests and groves because of:
 The link between protection of sacred groves and biodiversity conservation;
 The relevance of sacred forests and groves within larger scales of conservation
interventions, such as landscape-level forest protection and management;
 WWF and ARC’s wide experience of the variety of SNS practices - especially in
Africa, Asia and Europe;
It is difficult to give an all-encompassing definition of a sacred forest/grove as the
understanding of the concept varies between different belief systems, peoples and
communities. One study defines sacred groves as "clusters of forest vegetation that
honour a deity, provide sanctuary for spirits, remind present generations of ancestors or
protect a sanctified place from exploitation. They are treated as sacred by virtue of their
location, cultural meaning and history" (Lebbie and Freudenberger, 1996). In this paper
we use sacred groves or forests interchangeably to refer to specific areas recognised by
peoples and communities as having special spiritual, religious, cultural and historical
significance. Some common attributes include: access restricted by taboos and
management codes; restricted uses and activities that are highly regulated and maintained
by customs, and although less tangible but still important is a desire to maintain the status
quo (often referred to as balance) between humanity and the forest ecosystem as a
statement of the status of the belief system itself.
Trees, forests, wild animal species and spirituality
The vast majority, if not all, faiths and belief systems have a close and intimate link with
the natural world. Testimony to these spiritual links is found in the writings of the major
faiths – Bible (Christianity), Bhagavad Gita (Hinduism), Qu’ran (Islam) and
Torah/Talmud (Judaism) as well as in their practices and rituals along with indigenous
and non-literal faith traditions. The spiritual link is illustrated most graphically by the
presence of sacred trees, groves and forests in the landscapes of faith communities around
the world. Many African people and communities have spiritual, religious and cultural
associations with wildlife. Certain plant and animal species are revered; in some cases
these may not be touched, destroyed or eaten. An example of this is the tradition of totem
animals in the traditions of the Akan people in Ghana, where several clans have a wild
animal or plant species, ranging from the raffia palm Raffia hookeri, to the leopard
Panthera leo as their totem (Ntiamoa-Baidu, 2002). Traditionally, such species were
protected by members of the clan. It is also common in many rural African communities
to find small patches of forests set aside as sacred and accorded strict protection under
customary laws. Reasons for this status vary, ranging from forests which constitute the
royal burial grounds and forests along the banks of major rivers supplying water to a
village community, to forests with historical significance in the culture of a group of
people, or patches of forest that support totem species.
Other examples include: the ancient Yew trees Taxus baccata found throughout the
churchyards of Britain and whose presence often refers to earlier pre-Christian religious
belief and practises but whose significance has carried on to the present day; the Bo trees
Ficus religiosa that are revered throughout Asia as the tree under which Lord Buddha
gained enlightenment; the Kapok tree Ceiba pentandra that the Huarorani tribe of the
Amazon basin consider as their creation tree; the trees around Shinto temples in Japan,
which are now often the only surviving ancient trees in the lowlands; and the sacred
burial groves of the Dayak people in Borneo. In terms of forests and groves, examples
include: the Holy Hills revered by the Dai people of Yunnan Province, China; small
religious forests dharmic ban are scattered throughout the mid-Hills of Nepal; and the
Karanga people of southern Zimbabwe hold particular trees and woodland areas as sacred
due to their association with ancestral spirits.
Such sites have three important characteristics. First, the sacredness of particular trees or
groves often crosses religious and temporal divides. The yew trees in English
churchyards, mentioned above, link back to pre-Christian beliefs (and the oldest yew
trees are thought to have been planted before the arrival of Christianity). Christianity in
Africa has also not noticeably reduced interest in sacred groves. In Ethiopia, as
elsewhere, sacred forests and waters remain a potent symbol of present day spirituality as
they have done for centuries. In other countries, as new faiths have emigrated into other
areas they have often adopted the customs of the existing faith practices. In Turkey, the
worship of sacred trees was not affected by the arrival of Islam (Akcicek and Ozturk,
1997). Similarly, the protection of sacred groves in Tamil Nadu, India, probably predates
the arrival of Hinduism. Once trees or forests assume spiritual importance for
communities this significance is often not noticeably affected by the belief framework
within which it exists.
Secondly, sacredness does not necessarily imply that such trees or forests have no
mundane uses and indeed in some examples the products of the forests have been an
essential part of the spirituality that has developed around them. In Orissa the production
of the chariots which carried Lord Jaganeth from the forest to the temple were of a
longstanding and particular construction formula, with each tree species of the forest
supplying a prescribed part of the chariot. In part this ensured no single species was
overexploited and in part recognised the importance of every species. Most sacred groves
also have practical day-to-day benefits, such as providing sources of food, or fuel. The
tembawang groves of the dayak people in Kalimantan, Borneo are simultaneously burial
sites and fruit gardens (and now incidentally the richest repositories of biodiversity in
many areas where forests have been cleared for rice, oil palm and Acacia). The kaya
forests of Kenya, described below, are recognised and valued sources of food as well as
being of spiritual importance.
Third, many groves are actively managed to maintain their values – where “manage” may
in some cases be a decision to leave well alone. Monks in Thailand decorate trees and
have used this as a way of protecting important forests. Shinto temples, Hindu priests,
Lutheran ministers and baka tribespeople all make active efforts to manage the forests
that they care about. The Boabeng Fiema-Monkey sanctuary in Ghana, provides an
example of a sacred grove that has not only been protected by customary law, but also by
modern legislature under District Council by-laws and is managed as a wildlife
sanctuary. The grove is considered sacred because it supports populations of black and
white colobus monkey Colobus vellerosus and Mona monkey Cercopithecus mona, both
of which are revered and strictly protected as sons of the gods of the people of Boabeng
and Fiema villages (Akowual et al 1975, Ntiamoa-Baidu, 1987; Fargey 1991). So strong
is the belief surrounding these monkeys that in the past, when a monkey died, the corpse
was given the same respect and funeral rites as would be accorded to a human being.
Because of the effectiveness of the protection, this small forest (ca 196 ha) supports the
highest density of the two species of monkeys anywhere in Ghana (163 black and white,
347 Mona according to a 1997 census; Kankam, 1997).
A possible fourth characteristic is that these activities show few signs of diminishing. The
Baltic state of Estonia has around three hundred sacred trees, where people hung prayers
written on scraps of paper – a practice that re-emerged almost as soon as the Soviet
Union collapsed. At Vientiane airport in Laos, one grove of trees remains on the site
amidst rigorously cleared grassland – because it has spiritual importance to some of the
local people. Even in countries struggling to present a modernist image, the importance
of sacred forests remains remarkably intact.
The close and intimate link between spirituality and nature impacts on biodiversity
conservation in the context of sacred areas in a number of ways.
In particular, there is the value and integration into practical management responses of
the spiritual dimension of peoples' interaction with nature. For example, in maintaining a
faith community’s predominant rights of access to sacred areas, the use of such areas and
the resources they hold have generally meant that, traditionally, resource use has been
minimised rather than maximised. Further, that the nature, character and atmosphere of
the site have deliberately been left largely intact over long periods of time.
Building on this, it can be argued that conservation agencies need to think ‘beyond their
normal boundaries’ by integrating conservation needs with people’s beliefs, in much the
same way it is recognised to be both essential and routine to integrate peoples' needs with
management regimes that conserve biodiversity and support livelihoods.
Such considerations are already being consciously reflected by many protected area
authorities, themselves under pressure from their own indigenous communities. In New
Zealand, sacred Maori mountains are protected within national parks and are off-limits
for casual visitors. Similar restrictions apply in protected areas in parts of Australia
where aboriginal sacred sites remain. IUCN category III protected areas, covering natural
monuments, perhaps provides a tailor-made form of protection that could, with some
additional effort and interpretation, be an ideal vehicle for linking sacred sites and formal
protected areas.
However, it may be noted that sacred sites can be categorised in terms of degree of
access, use of the area and purpose similar to IUCN PA categories. Thus, for example, a
sacred site that is accessible only to a limited number of people, usually priests, and
where there is no consumptive use, and the area is left alone, would correspond with
IUCN category 1a: scientific reserve.
Case studies from Africa
This paper provides three short case studies from the experiences of WWF and ARC in
promoting sacred forest conservation in the Africa region.
Tandroy and Mahafaly sacred forests, South-West
Madagascar
Madagascar has lost at least 80% of its original forest cover, and deforestation continues
at an estimated rate of 200,000ha annually. Agricultural practice such as slash and burn is
one of the chief causes, along with the need for firewood and charcoal by the island’s
expanding population. Despite long-term, intensive support from conservation
organisations and donors the country’s biodiversity continues to be threatened.
Nonetheless, due to local traditions and customs sacred forests continue to survive in one
of the world’s biologically richest drylands – the Spiny Forest ecoregion of Madagascar.
The Mahafaly people of south-west Madagascar recognise nine categories of sacred
forests with varying degrees of importance. These possess different management regimes,
as well as sanctions. The most important category is the forest with a tomb of a king or a
great dignitary called Havilasy. Customary law dictates that only specified persons usually designated members of the royal family - are allowed to enter this forest, collect
products or make fire. Sanctions for ignoring this law range from sacrificing eight zebus
for burning, to one zebu for entering. Species such as tortoises and lemurs are protected
by local taboos. These local traditions and customs have long prevented the wholesale
destruction of such sacred forests (Andriamiarisoa, 2003, Hamilton, 2003, Rebara, 2003).
.
For the Tandroy people of the deep south of Madagascar, sacred forests shelter genii,
spirits, occult powers and mythical animals which dwell there as absolute owners of the
land. The protection and the benevolence of those hosts must be secured as a great many
forest resources belong to them. Those beliefs have long prevented problems of
overexploitation of forest resources. Nowadays, such customs and values are softening.
The growing needs of villagers lead them to progressively encroach on once forbidden
forests and show less and less respect towards ancestral beliefs.
In recognition of the strength of local traditions and customs to maintain such sites,
WWF undertook an inventory and reconnaissance of all sacred forests in the Spiny Forest
ecoregion (these cover a total area of 63,000 ha in the ecoregion). Several of the
traditional faith leaders approached by WWF expressed growing concern for the
conservation of their sacred forests, especially in the face of increasing migration and
their weakening traditional authority on younger generations. WWF thus started to work
with both the local communities and the Ministry of the Environment, Water and Forests
to identify means of strengthening local cultural norms and beliefs in favour of
conservation. This resulted in the handover of the sacred Sakoantovo forest to a local
management committee from the neighbouring Mahafaly community. This type of
transfer requires that communities organize themselves through a management structure
and a dina (customary law or convention) regulating the use of forest resources. The legal
transfer provides local communities with the necessary authority to control access to their
sacred forests and other ancestral lands apply and enforce sustainable management
measures on natural resources.
WWF and the local Water and Forests service are now working with the communities to
develop a management plan for the Sakoantovo sacred forest. The true challenge is to
ensure that these local communities will have the capacity to effectively manage these
resources and the sacred forests for the long term, in a modernising world and increasing
human needs. Long term mentoring will be necessary to ensure that such capacity
effectively develops.
In similar fashion the sacred Vohimasio forest was handed over to the Tandroy
community. WWF anticipates that such legal recognition of sacred forests will strengthen
spiritual beliefs and local traditions of conservation and inspire other communities to
conserve Madagascar’s unique biodiversity.
Kaya forests of Kenya
The Kaya forests are relict forest patches situated in the coastal plains and hills of Kenya
that are regarded as sacred by the coastal Mijikenda community. These forests constitute
some of the few patches of undisturbed vegetation in an increasingly densely populated
landscape, representing what is left of the once extensive and diverse lowland forest of
Eastern Africa. The Kenyan Coastal forests, like the rest of the Eastern African coastal
forests and woodlands, have undergone significant fragmentation. Only two indigenous
forest vegetation blocks (Arabuko Sokoke and the Shimba Hills System) cover a greater
area than 6000 hectares. The rest of the forest patches range from 1500 ha to less than 10
hectares. Over two thirds of these are Kaya forests. The Kaya forests are small in size,
ranging from 10 to 400 ha in area. To date, over 50 have been identified in the contiguous
districts of Kwale, Mombasa, Kilifi and Malindi.
The Kaya forests owe their existence directly to the beliefs, culture and history of the
Mijikenda people, consisting of nine ethnic groups who speak nine closely related Bantu
languages. According to local traditions, the forests historically sheltered small, fortified
villages of the various groups when they first arrived in the region three or more centuries
ago from their northern homeland. The word 'Kaya' means homestead in many Bantu
languages. It is presumed that as conditions became more secure, especially since the late
1800s, the communities left their forest refuges and began to clear and cultivate away
from them. However the sites of the original settlements, often marked by forest
clearings, were maintained by the groups as burial grounds and places of worship. The
secret protective magic of each community was hidden deep in these forests. Community
elders acted as the guardians of the sacred sites and cutting of trees or destruction of
vegetation around them was prohibited. (Nyamweru, 1998; Githitho and Luke, 2001).
The Kaya sites have remained as forest patches while the surrounding areas were
gradually converted to farmland as a result of the traditional beliefs and respect attached
to them by Mijikenda people.
For many Mijikenda, the Kaya forests are still a source of cultural identity and strength,
and are essential to the lives of the Mijikenda people, especially the local communities
living near them. They serve as a source of many forest products including firewood and
poles as well as non-timber products such as herbal medicine, wild fruits, vegetables and
fibre. Ponds and springs within the Kaya forests are often the only accessible source of
clean water for neighbouring communities.
WWF and the National Museums of Kenya have collaborated in undertaking surveys of
the Kaya forests. These surveys included a review of species data, listed known Kaya,
their locations and status of conservation noted and assessed local people's attitudes
towards them as well as a compilation of a checklist of all known vascular plants of the
coastal districts. The data resulting from these surveys showed that the Kaya forests are
botanically diverse and have a high conservation value despite their comparatively small
collective area. Using a measure of relative conservation value developed by the survey
which combined the known geographic range and rarity values, 7 out of the 20 coastal
sites with the highest value were Kaya forests despite the fact that the total area covered
by the Kayas is only ca. 3 % of the total coastal forest of Kenya (Githitho and Luke;
2001). More than half of Kenya's rare plants are found in the coast region, and many of
these are endemic to the Kaya forests. To date, over 3,000 plant taxa have been recorded
in the Kaya forests, 30 of which are new to science and some 74 are new to Kenya. Four
Kaya forests qualified as globally important bird areas based on the bird communities
they support.
Over the past three or four decades, there has been a progressive decline in local
knowledge and respect for the traditional values of the Mijikenda. This is the result of
the rapid socio- economic and cultural changes occurring in Kenyan society, like many
other places in Africa, which has affected the values and cohesiveness of local
communities. The erosion of traditional values, especially among the youth, has rendered
the Kaya forests vulnerable to encroachment, overexploitation and desecration. This
coupled with growing human needs for forest products and land for agriculture, mining
and tourism has led to the illegal appropriation and destruction of many Kaya forests and
groves, resulting in decline and in some cases complete disappearance of some Kaya
forests.
The disappearance and loss of the Kaya forests was a source of great concern to Kaya
Elders and local leaders who raised the issue at various forums. The increasing protest by
conservationists and by the community elders led the Government of Kenya to place
these forests under the Antiquities and Monuments Act in 1990, with the gazettement of
23 Kaya forests as National Monuments in 1992 (Githitho and Luke; 2001). The work
done under the WWF and the National Museums of Kenya provided vital impetus to this
process. Gazettement as National Monuments mandates the National Museums of Kenya
to oversee the protection and conservation of these sites as valuable components of the
country's natural and cultural heritage.
However, inherent weaknesses in the Act still render the Kayas vulnerable to certain
types of misuse, and Kaya forests continue to be degraded or lost. The current legislative
framework is inadequate as the Courts have questioned the validity of gazettment of
Kayas and their protected area status. This shortcoming -- combined with conflicts within
communities, declining respect for traditions, and financially lucrative incentives for
expropriation and conversion -- mean that the forces on the side of conservation continue
to lose the battle to save the Kaya forests.
Sacred forests of the Orthodox Church and monasteries in Ethiopia.
In the landscapes of northern and central Ethiopia, the woodland vegetation of steep
slopes or on the hills surrounding a monastery or within and immediately around the
churchyards are the remnants of the once extensive forests of Ethiopia. Wherever
possible most lands that are not settled are taken over for crop production and/or for
livestock grazing resulting in severe forest degradation. Within this landscape the
Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church, whose foundations date to the 4th Century CE, has
maintained a long tradition of forest conservation. The reasons for this are spiritual
(symbolism of the presence of angels guarding each church; the appearance of God to
Abraham under a tree) and material (source of fuel wood for church services; as shade for
the clergy and the laity during mass and religious festivals) (Bekele et al, 2001; Binggeli,
2001; Teklehaimanot et al., ud). Juniper, Juniperus sps. are the favoured woods for the
church’s artefacts. It is more resilient to infestation and rot than most other timbers, was
relatively widespread and thus available for such purposes. Its decline, as a result of land
clearance, therefore increases the demand on other timber while also increasing the
division between traditional and respected practices. It is regarded by many as a sacred
tree and is often the preferred plant in church and monastic areas.
The woodlands occupied by church and monastic communities are very important
repositories for both fauna and flora. In some cases they are important sanctuaries for
endangered plant and animal species. As a source of germplasm, and as indicator sites of
the original ecological landscape, they provide excellent starting points for the study and
practice of in situ forest conservation and restoration ecology.
ARC is involved a partnership with the University of Wales, the Ethiopian Wildlife and
Natural History Society and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church sponsored by the United
Kingdom’s Darwin Initiative to promote conservation and regeneration of these relict areas
of natural vegetation. The first activity under this partnership was to undertake a rapid
biodiversity assessment along with socio-economic surveys of representative sites
throughout the Ethiopian Highlands. The picture which emerged from both the ecological
and social surveys have shown that church woodlands are clearly regarded as sacred and
they are often the only remnants of forests in a locality. They are, however, under severe
threat and are declining in extent and quality in some areas. But overall in many places
with severe deforestation there was a strong desire for restoration of church and monastic
forests as a starting point for a wider landscape restoration initiative.
Another contributory factor to landscape degradation and loss of sacred forests appears to
be unclear tenure rights following the 1974 revolution that nationalised all church lands.
Although this is considered an important issue, maintenance of the forest has nevertheless
remained a high priority as longstanding traditions and beliefs have overshadowed most
recent changes in society. Finally where old non-Christian beliefs have a presence in the
locality these are often accompanied by the presence of sacred groves and where these lay
side by side the more common presence of the Orthodox Church it was generally
considered that this had a positive impact on forest conservation as little or no friction arose
between the communities and each respected the sacred beliefs, practices and sites of the
other.
Background to and rationale for WWF and ARC partnership on Sacred Sites
There are two broad, overarching reasons for WWF and
ARC’s involvement with the communities responsible for
sacred sites, and especially in sacred forests and groves:
the importance of such sites for biodiversity conservation in
the larger sense, and for their spiritual and cultural values.
Biodiversity conservation.
 Many sites have conserved important biodiversity, as for example the BoabengFiema Monkey Sanctuary in Ghana.
 Many are examples of relic floral and faunal communities and populations
previously present in the region. These have great value for historical ecological
reasons as reference or indicator sites, as for example the sacred Church and
Monastery groves in Ethiopian Highlands.
 They are also useful sources of genetic materials that can be used for
rehabilitating degraded environments, especially in degraded landscapes such as
are found in Ethiopia.
 They can act as ‘islands of biodiversity’ that by themselves may not be of high
biological value, but together and at a larger landscape or ecoregion level are of
great value. For instance, 40 sacred groves in Maharastra (India) as a whole,
account for most of the plant species found in the Western Ghats
 Their sheer number, and by implication, total area around the world is itself
important for conservation. For example, it is estimated that there are over 400
Holy Hills of the Dai people covering between 30 – 40,000 hectares in China.
Spiritual and cultural rights

Sacred forests are the bedrock for peoples' and communities' religious and
spiritual beliefs and cultural identity. Hence, it is morally unjustifiable to remove
the rights of peoples and communities to protect and manage such sites.

Sacred forests and groves have survived for many years and continue to this day
throughout the African region despite many pressures (displacement of
communities from traditional lands and resources, loss of tenure security,
alterations to community social structures, expropriation of community resources,
spread of cash cropping practices etc.). This shows the strength of spiritual values
for the creation and maintenance of a particular sacred space or species and is a
very powerful force for nature conservation.

Engagement with nature, for many people, cannot be just quantified by ‘a set of
resources or products’ or explained in scientific terms, but rather through these
needs and a mix of other intangible values – a source of pleasure, a creative force,
an awe-inspiring feeling and much more.

Recognition of spiritual and cultural rights will ensure that the livelihoods and
cultures of indigenous and traditional peoples will not be severely disrupted in
pursuit of biodiversity conservation in the future. Respect for these rights will
minimise mistrust and conflict and could open up opportunities for the further
development and broadening of the protected areas concept.
Lessons learnt and issues raised by the case studies
Based on experiences from the three case studies, some of the key issues that need to be
addressed are outlined below:
How can spiritual and religious perspectives be integrated into conservation principles
and practices?
While the economic and biodiversity values of conservation are widely recognised and
accepted, intangible or non-material values which have long been of priority concern at
local community levels are only now becoming more generally recognised. At a global
scale we have yet to measure the importance to biodiversity of the practical outcomes of
spiritual relationships in landscape management. As we have seen from all the case
studies, the spiritual values of peoples and communities are the foundations of their
commitment to protect their natural heritage and of their motivation to actively engage in
the conservation of sacred forests and other natural sites. This has resulted in successful
long-term protection of sacred forests and groves throughout Africa and has stimulated
WWF and ARC to support peoples and communities to gain greater recognition of their
efforts. However it is difficult at present to generalise about the types of strategies or
practices required to ensure respect and support for sacred natural sites that fit easily with
the stance taken by most conservation bodies. We are still largely at a case by case
approach to the relationship between the faith communities and conservation bodies, and
a general recognition of the importance of sacred natural sites is still far from guaranteed.
Such recognition however, will encourage a greater depth of study and cooperation
between the two perspectives. In turn it may be that a case by case approach has to
remain as the most successful strategy but as we come to understand better it may also
mean that generalised guidelines, frameworks and templates can be drawn up to assist
conservation bodies at international, national and local level as well as help incorporate
the faith communities themselves into the centre of the discussions and thus contribute
and add to the direction and value of the processes.
WWF believes that integration of spiritual and religious perspectives can only come
about when there is better understanding of these perspectives – what are the belief
systems that underpin protection of certain sites or species? What is the management
system? What are the taboos? Who is responsible? Such an understanding will allow
conservationists to discuss the means (how, criteria, etc.) and efficacy (benefits) of
recognising such values within either or both the national land tenure systems and the
national protected areas systems. At the international level, and specifically, the WCPA
level, there is a need to focus discussions on the means of recognising spiritual and
religious perspectives/values within Guidelines for the system of IUCN protected areas
categories.
What are the crucial legislative and policy support/ recognition required for sacred
forests and groves?
From the above and numerous other examples, it is clear that the concept of SNS predates
the more formally defined protected areas. While they may not be managed strictly to
benefit the protection of biodiversity, they do offer a number of direct and indirect
benefits for conservation. From a policy perspective, it is important to note the longevity
of the management system underpinning sacred sites, and the strong support for such
sites from local communities.
Despite the conservation value of these sites and significant local level protection, the
potential value of sacred natural sites to biodiversity conservation suffers from a lack of
recognition by state agencies, conservation organisations, legislation and wider civil
society. The great majority of sacred forests and groves are governed by customary land
arrangements of collective entitlements, but many states often do not possess a legal
category for communal property. All the case studies have shown that a critical weakness
of sacred sites is the lack of legal recognition. For instance, a major underlying cause for
the loss of the sacred forests of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church was unclear tenure rights.
In Madagascar WWF worked with the Government to establish a legal framework for
community-based natural resource management (Gestion Locale Sécurisée and Gestion
Contractualisée des Forêts) so that sacred forests could be recognised. On the other hand,
legislation by itself is insufficient, as shown by the case of the Kaya forests in Kenya,
where the forests continue to be threatened despite being declared as National
Monuments legally protected under Kenyan law.
Clearly, the different interest groups would benefit from lessons sharing and learning on
legal and policy developments that could support sacred forests and groves in different
countries. There may be value in exploring the benefits (protocol, guidance, funds) of
linkages between national legislation for sacred forests and international conventions,
such as the newly revamped African Convention, and the Convention on Biological
Diversity (CBD) and frameworks such as poverty reduction strategies to more clearly
articulate the values of sacred forests.
Relationship between sacred natural sites and
formally recognised protected areas
In light of the above, it is felt that there would be value in exploring a more deliberate
relationship between sacred natural sites and protected area systems. Such an initiative
might address questions such as possible cooperation between the communities involved
with sacred natural sites and the protected area authorities and the staff employed in
protected areas; and between the sacred sites themselves and protected areas. There may
be opportunities for assisting with management, biodiversity inventories, mapping etc. It
may be useful to look at the status of sacred sites where these occur within the boundaries
of protected areas, or are contiguous with the park, especially in the view of the
communities responsible for the sacred sites.
This may lead to broader questions such as whether it is possible to expand the size of a
sacred site and whether new sacred sites can be created. If so what are the mechanisms
and processes involved?
Using a landscape approach to landuse planning and management, there would be value
to map sacred natural sites together with protected areas, and other sites of environmental
significance, such as wetlands. This can be used to identify possibilities to link sacred
sites together with each other and with protected areas, for example by means of "green
corridors". Apart from better integrating formal conservation practices with the spiritual
and cultural values of neighbouring communities for whom the sites are sacred, this can
help improve the overall conservation value of the landscape, by enabling wildlife to
move between areas, and providing buffers against the expected impacts of climate
change, such as changes in rainfall patterns and the characteristics of formal protected
areas and sacred natural sites. This integrated approach may also be of assistance in
addressing other issues such as invasive alien species, and in better understanding and
responding to the environmental impacts of proposed developments such as dams, roads
and housing.
A way forward:
In partnership with the faith communities, WWF and ARC are committed to a long term
engagement on sacred natural sites. The partnership is currently in the planning stages for
the launch of a region-wide initiative for Africa - with the longer-term aim to explore this
concept further in other continents - and we would warmly welcome other collaborators.
WWF and ARC hope that this initiative will promote the recognition and role of cultural,
religious and spiritual values in biodiversity conservation through the maintenance of
sacred forests and groves, especially at the landscape level. This initiative would bring
together peoples who have been maintaining and supporting sacred forests and groves in
Africa to begin to:
 Improve understanding of different people’s spiritual and religious values of the
environment and its effect on forest conservation and management.
 Enhance understanding of institutions and norms that have protected sacred sites.
 Map and inventory sacred forests and groves in Africa.
 Better understand the biodiversity and conservation values of sacred forests and
groves, both as individual units and as part of a larger conservation landscape.
 Assist communities to gain greater statutory recognition of their sacred forests and
groves
 Engage with faiths for the better conservation management of their sacred forests.
 Provide a support network for practitioners working on sacred forests by linking this
initiative with other international initiatives.
 Test and adapt best practice guidelines proposed by the WCPA Non-Materials Value
Taskforce.
In view of the huge number and diversity of sacred sites in Africa, this initiative can only
begin the task of gathering information and mapping out the geographic presence of such
sites, the various values of such sites and ideas for ways in which these areas can be
validated as contributing to conservation, and supported.
Through the experiences of ARC and WWF with SNS, we recognise the huge potential
contribution to protected area targets, as identified in the recent World Parks Congress
held in Durban South Africa in September 2003, and as agreed in the Convention on
Biological Diversity (CBD), Malaysia, February 2004. These include, in addition to
biodiversity conservation, the maintenance of ecosystem services, the provision of
benefits to local communities, support for sustainable resource use, and as places which
have spiritual and/or cultural significance to one or more groups of people.
More importantly, this form of land use embodies the beliefs, understanding and support
of local communities that have been the de facto guardians of these sites. Further, this
protection has been in place for generations, if not centuries and longer. In some cases,
even after a change of government has forbidden the continued status of an area as
'sacred', this custom has remained, perhaps less overtly, and the depth of local respect for
the sanctity of the site has led to a rapid restoration of traditional management after the
government has, in its turn, changed. Such support, and respect, for what are often
ecologically important areas is priceless. Above all, the system sustains positive
perception of the linkages between man and nature, thereby encouraging community
support and participation in protected area management.
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