Scottish Wars of Independence Historiography Help Booklet
Contents
Section 1
Guardians between 1286 and 1291 p.2
General Relationship p.2
Great Cause p.3
Scottish resistance to England 1296 – 1304 p.3
Wallace’s Resistance p.5
King Edward I towards Scotland between 1298 and 1306 p.6
Section 2
Edward’s choice of Balliol as King p.7
Outbreak of war between England and Scotland in 1296 p.8
Section 3
On the Bruce family threat after 1286 p.9
Support for King Robert I during the Scottish Civil War 1306 and 1309 p. 10
King Robert I’s defeat of his Scottish enemies by 1309 p. 10
Robert I 1309 – 14 p. 10
Bannockburn p.11
King Robert I’s government of Scotland between 1314 and 1329 p. 11
King Robert’s skills in diplomacy and propaganda p.12
Scottish Church during the reign of Robert the Bruce (1306-1329) p.12
Why did it take so long for England and Scotland to make peace after the Battle of
Bannockburn
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Section 1 - Anglo-Scottish Relations
Guardians between 1286 and 1291
• Geoffrey Barrow: has written extensively about this period and sees the Guardians as
expressing a growing sense of ‘national’ identity. He describes their composition as
‘politically astute and constitutionally impeccable’, helping to preserve national unity.
• Alan Young: sees the Guardians as continuing Comyn dominance, at the expense of the
Bruces and thus increasing the risk of faction.
• Caroline Bingham: adheres to a more traditional view that sees the Guardians as weak in
the face of English pressure.
• Michael Penman: has argued that the main function of the Guardianship was to contain the
ambitions of the Bruces. He emphasises that divisions and lack of resolve amongst the
nobility played into the hands of Edward.
Anglo-Scottish Relations
Geoffrey Barrow
• argues that relations between England and Scotland were basically very good during the
reign of Alexander III. He sees the Treaty of Northampton as central to this stability,
though the removal of the issue of Northumbria would, in the long term strengthen
Scotland’s strategic position
• argues that the atmosphere in 1290 before the death of Margaret was ‘hopeful, even joyful’
following the Treaty of Birgham
• argues that Edward I’s involvement in Scotland following the death of Margaret was far
from benign and that he was intent on establishing his authority from the Process of
Norham in 1291.
Fiona Watson
• points out that even in the Treaty of Birgham Edward ‘reserved his rights’.
AAM Duncan
• has argued that English Kings really only wanted stability from their northern neighbour,
and that whilst Alexander III provided this then relations would be cordial. He notes
however, that the English claim to Scotland was never allowed to lapse.
Alan Young
• emphasises the crucial role of Henry III in supporting the Comyns and reducing faction in
the period.
Michael Prestwich
• has argued that Edward acted cautiously and with a sensible regard to his own position after
1290.
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Norman Reid
• praises Alexander III for his achievements in securing stability but warns that his reputation
has been exaggerated by medieval chroniclers comparing his reign with the turmoil of
later years.
Great Cause

• GWS Barrow: argues that the Appeal of the Seven Earls is a weak claim, reflecting the
general weakness of Bruce’s position.
• Caroline Bingham: more inclined to accept the legitimacy of Bruce’s claim, argues the
Seven Earls were a ‘notional’ group.
• Alan Young: argues that Balliol was already seen as the candidate with the strongest claim
by the majority of the Community of the Realm.
• Michael Penman: argues that Balliol had the best claim and that the weakness of the
Appeal of the Seven Earls reflected Bruce’s desperation.
• Michael Prestwich: has argued that the Appeal is a reflection of the depth of the faction
which afflicted the Scottish nobility.
Scottish resistance to England 1296 – 1304
Geoffrey Barrow
• emphasises the points of continuity in the resistance to English occupation; citing the
survival of the Guardianship as an institution and the willingness of Bruce and Comyn to
work together
• sees the resistance as being in the name of a ‘single, united, national effort’
• argues that Bruce’s defection to the English in 1302 was tactical and did not represent an
abandonment of the ‘patriotic’ cause.
Andrew Fisher
• has argued that Wallace’s rebellion was largely independent of support from the nobles who
were hostile to him due to his status as a commoner.
Michael Penman
• argues that Scotland was effectively in a state of civil war for much of the period and that
the relationships between leading Scots are best characterised by their fractiousness.
Norman Reid
• has argued that John De Soules represented the Balliol interest in the guardianship after
1300.
Ranald Nicholson
• argues that Bruce was only ever motivated by self interest.
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Fiona Watson
• has also questioned the unity of the Scottish political and military leadership in the period.

• Geoffrey Barrow: has emphasised the continued existence of the Community of the Realm
after Wallace’s defeat as a main reason for Edward’s failure. He discusses Edward’s
domestic difficulties in England and war with France as factors limiting his ability to
wage war on Scotland and argues that Wallace’s rebellion increased the sense of national
resistance, even after Falkirk. He also argues that Edward’s harshness towards Scotland
contributed to Scottish resistance and his ultimate failure. He praises the skill and
determination of Robert the Bruce.
• Fiona Watson: emphasises the inability of English officials to govern Scotland. She argues
that Scotland benefited from not having a strong centralised government which could be
targeted by the English. However, enough governmental ‘superstructure’ remained to coordinate resistance. She emphasises the poor quality of Edwardian officials in Scotland.
She argues that the Ordinance of 1305 was far from lenient.
• HW Richardson: has argued that Edward I was a great tactician but a ‘pitiable strategist’.
• Michael Prestwich: argues that Edward I should not be judged too harshly for his failures
in Scotland as Bruce’s great victories lay in the future in 1307.
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Wallace’s resistance
Geoffrey Barrow
• sees the revolt of 1297/98 as part of a general continuation of Scottish resistance though
‘under new leadership’ following the defeat at Dunbar
• sees the main success of the rebellion in strengthening a sense of ‘national’ identity: ‘the
peasants had, temporarily, gained their place in the Community of the Realm’
• questions the longer term significance of Wallace in comparison with the later career of
King Robert.
Andrew Fisher
• has argued that Wallace’s rebellion spurred the nobility into more active resistance, and that
this was the crucial success of the rebellion.
Michael Penman
• argues that Wallace may have been more successful had he been supported by the
Balliol-Comyn faction after Stirling Bridge. He has stated that the victory at Stirling
Bridge was as much a blow against the Bruces as it was against the English.
• criticises Wallace’s decision to fight at Falkirk.
Fiona Watson
• has argued that William Wallace’s campaigns showed the nobles what could be achieved
when ‘unorthodox’ tactics were used
• emphasises the weakness of the English administration in 1296, arguing that Edward I had
little real control north of the Forth.
Ranald Nicholson:
• has argued that whilst Wallce may have been ‘under the tutelage’ of Wishart and the Stewart
before the surrender at Irvine, he operated as a free agent after that. He argues that
Wallace’s tactics foreshadow those that would be used by Bruce in later years, and that
Wallace’s significance in promoting the ‘national’ cause outlasted his defeat.
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King Edward I towards Scotland between 1298 and 1306
• Geoffrey Barrow: sees the Ordinance of Scotland as “mild and statesmanlike”.
• Fiona Watson: regards the Ordinance for Scotland as a serious assault on the kingdom,
reducing its status to a ‘land’. She also sees the English occupation as having little real
impact, especially north of the Forth.
• Michael Prestwich: has argued that the extent of Edward I’s military failure in Scotland
between 1298 and 1306 has been exaggerated.
Scottish society changed by the Wars of Independence
•Geoffrey Barrow: has emphasised the continuities with the past that can be seen in Robert
I’s reign: in particular, he has noted his essentially conservative policy towards feudal
landholders and that his policy towards the west differed little from his immediate
predecessors. He argues, however, that the increased importance of parliament represents
an important development in the notion of the Community of the Realm. He argues that
Bruce’s legislation represents sensible ‘modernisation’.
• Colm MacNamee: has described the enrichment of Scotland as a result of Bruce’s raids as
being temporary. He argues the war seriously damaged Scottish agriculture and increased
dependence on imported manufactures, and argues war led to lawlessness in the Borders.
• Norman Reid: emphasises the continuity of Bruce’s legislation in relation to that of
Alexander III.
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Section 2 - Balliol
The ‘traditional view’
• not now widely argued, but candidates may refer to the persistent image of King John as a
‘Toom Tabard’ which has its modern origins in the work of C19th historians. Perhaps the
nearest a recent writer has come to this view is Caroline Bingham.
The ‘revisionist view’
• Fiona Watson has been keen to rehabilitate John’s reputation
• Barrow inclined to see John as a victim of circumstance
• Alan Young has questioned whether the Council of 12 was acting independently of Balliol.
Geoffrey Barrow
• has done much to rehabilitate the reputation of King John, arguing that his position was
made impossible by King Edward.
Ranald Nicholson
• has stated that Balliol set out to be “no less a King than his predecessors” and emphasises
his success in holding 4 parliaments.
Fiona Watson
• has shown that Balliol has been a victim of the medieval chroniclers who worked in the
service of the later Bruce/Stewart dynasty.
Edward’s choice of Balliol as King
• G W S Barrow: argues that King Edward’s real aim was always the subjection of the
Scottish kingdom.
• Caroline Bingham: is inclined to accept the legitimacy of Bruce’s claim and argues the
more traditional case that Balliol was chosen because he could be more easily manipulated by
Edward.
• F M Powicke: argues that King Edward was motivated only by choosing the right candidate
according to law, and that he behaved ‘impeccably.’
• Michael Prestwich: emphasises the importance of the distinction between Edward’s role as
a judge rather than an arbitrator.
• Michael Prestwich: argues that Edward always acted with an appropriate and
understandable regard to his own interests.
FM Powicke
• argued that Edward acted with proper regard to Scotland’s traditions throughout the
proceedings at Norham and during the Great Cause.
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Geoffrey Barrow
• views Edward’s involvement as designed to undermine Scottish independence, and that the
lengthy period of his sasine of royal castles strengthened his position. As a result Edward
I was prepared to tolerate the 10 month adjournment to investigate the ‘frivolous’ claim
of Florence of Holland while he consolidated his grip.
Michael Penman
• argues that Edward required sasine of royal castles in order to be able to enforce his
judgment and that this was only sensible
• sees the distinction between judgment and arbitration as critical in the case, therefore the
lengthy delay in order to acquire the judgment of the Paris lawyers was necessary.

•Geoffrey Barrow: argued that Balliol’s failure must be seen in the light of the strength and
determination of Edward I.
• Fiona Watson: believes that historians have been overly influenced by later ‘propaganda’
accounts produced by ‘Brucean’ chroniclers.
• Michael Penman: supports Watson’s revisionist view of Balliol.
Outbreak of war between England and Scotland in 1296
•Geoffrey Barrow: has argued that John’s renunciation of homage is an accurate assessment
of the causes of war. He has sympathy for Balliol’s position, caught between an
oppressive overlord and a bellicose nobility, and emphasises the role of the nobility in
creating the ‘Council of 12’.
• Maurice Powicke: believed that to lay the blame for the war at Edward’s door is to accept
Scottish propaganda, notably the Declaration of Arbroath of 1320.
• Fiona Watson: argues that the determination of Edward to press his lordship was the main
cause of war. She points out that the “breakdown of Anglo-French relations provided
exactly the catalyst the Scots needed in order to make their bid for freedom”.
• Alan Young: has argued that Edward I underestimated the determination of the Comyn-led
government to fight for Scottish independence. He regards Balliol as ‘fragile’.
• Michael Prestwich: has argued that Edward I’s gravest mistake in dealing with the Scots
was to push them so hard as to drive them into alliance with the French.
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Section 3 - Bruce
Geoffrey Barrow
• argues that Bruce’s actions demonstrate an underlying consistency in his support of the
national cause; his defection in 1302 to the English was not genuine.
Alan Young
• stresses the element of personal or dynastic ambition which drove Bruce and that his support
of the ‘national’ cause was only when it suited his own interests.
Ranald Nicholson
• argues that “Bruce’s cause was Bruce”.
On the Bruce family threat after 1286
Geoffrey Barrow
• accepts that the behaviour of the Bruces in 1286 was ‘ominous’
• generally argues, however, that the Bruces remained within the Community of the Realm
and that their interests were represented by Bishop Wishart and MacDuff of Fife in the
Guardianship
• argues that after the death of the Maid of Norway, King Edward’s actions posed a grave
threat tothe kingdom of Scotland
• regards King Edward’s actions at Norham as ‘thoroughly discreditable’.
Michael Prestwich
• has argued that Edward acted cautiously and with a sensible regard to his own position after
1290
• argues that the Scottish position was weakened by the succession crises which had begun in
1284 and by factional infighting.
Michael Penman
• regards the Bruce family as behaving with disregard for the wishes of the majority of the
political community after 1286.
Alan Young
• argues that the Comyns were the true representatives of the political community and that the
Bruces did indeed pose the greatest threat to peace.
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Support for King Robert I during the Scottish Civil War 1306 and 1309
•Barrow: has argued that Bruce had the support of most Scots by 1309.
• Penman: has shown that Bruce inspired ‘propaganda’ has exaggerated the level of support
for Bruce throughout his reign.
• Watson: has argued that many of Bruce’s actions as King reveal his concern about the
weakness of his position and lack of support.
• Young: has shown that the Comyn/Balliol faction remained active even after the
defeat at Oldmeldrum.
King Robert I’s defeat of his Scottish enemies by 1309
•Geoffrey Barrow: emphasises Bruce’s military skill in winning the campaign. He argues
that his early victories laid the foundation for the development of a Bruce ‘myth’. He
praises Bruce’s strategy of clemency and leniency towards his former enemies, and
argues that earlier military failures and death of the Red Comyn fatally compromised
Comyn political leadership. Barrow’s view is widely shared amongst historians, however,
recently:
• Michael Penman: has argued that Bruce was fortunate that the death of Edward I removed
an implacable foe.
• Colm MacNamee: argues that the English were weakened by ‘economic
catastrophe’ and factional disputes of ‘peculiar bitterness’ which allowed Bruce to
move against his Scottish enemies.
Robert I 1309 – 14
G W S Barrow
• has described the impact of the English occupation of SE Scotland as being very destructive
• is particularly critical of the harshness of the English occupation following the Battle of
Falkirk
• argues that Bruce’s warfare was less destructive inside Scotland, except for the herschip of
Buchan and the retreat in Lothian in 1319
• argues that Scottish society was in many ways unchanged by the wars as Bruce tried
consciously to recreate conditions as they had existed under King Alexander III.
Colm MacNamee
• has argued that the wars had a major impact on the Scottish economy; though it is possible
this only exaggerated an economic downturn which was taking place anyway
• has shown that with the exception of the NE there was remarkable continuity in the
organisation of Scottish society.
A A M Duncan
• has shown that there was remarkable continuity even in the native ‘Celtic’ earldoms which
Bruce sought to bring under greater royal control.
Andrew Fisher
• has sought to argue that commoners earned a greater place in the Community of the Realm
during the guardianship of William Wallace.
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Bannockburn
• G W S Barrow: argues that Bruce won the Civil War because he increasingly represented
the ‘national’ cause. He writes of the early development of the ‘Bruce myth’ which
demoralised his opponents. He also argues that the policy of ‘leniency’ towards defeated
opponents was crucial in allowing Bruce to build a new coalition to support him.
• R Nicholson: praises Bruce’s military acumen.
• Michael Penman: emphasises that Bruce was lucky not to face sustained opposition from
the English during the period of the Civil War.
• Colm MacNamee: argues that Bruce was able to win substantial support in the west.
King Robert I’s government of Scotland between 1314 and 1329
GWS Barrow
• has described Robert the Bruce’s government in very positive terms: holds a highly
favourable view of the government of King Robert.
• praises the resurrection of the machinery of government; esp. the work of Bernard de Linton
• argues that Bruce’s legislation was forward looking
• emphasises the continuing role of the ‘Community of the Realm’ in forging stable, national
government
• has tended to regard the De Soules plot as not being a serious challenge to Bruce’s
supremacy.
Michael Penman
• argues that the De Soules plot represented a serious threat to Bruce and the survival of the
Comyn/Balliol faction
• argues that Bruce never had effective control of large parts of the country, especially in the
west
• emphasises the disastrous nature of the campaign in Ireland.
• has argued that King Robert’s main motivation was always to secure his
position and to overcome his roots as a usurper.
Fiona Watson
• has argued that Bruce never overcame his origins as a ‘usurper’.

•Norman Reid: has emphasised the continuity in legislation between the reign of
Alexander III and that of King Robert I.
• Colm MacNamee: has argued that Bruce’s government was very effective. He is sceptical
of some attempts by recent historians to ‘debunk’ the reputation of King Robert.
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King Robert’s skills in diplomacy and propaganda
Geoffrey Barrow
• has emphasised the importance of Bruce’s diplomatic activity
• suggests that Bruce knew that victory was unlikely to come through military victory alone
• praises Robert I for his willingness to pay a high price for peace in 1328.
Michael Penman
• has argued that the Wars of Independence can be viewed largely as a Scottish civil war, and
that this was an important factor in the peace settlement. Diplomacy was therefore vital in
winning foreign recognition of his kingship.
Scottish Church during the reign of Robert the Bruce (1306-1329)
• Geoffrey Barrow sees the conversion of Lamberton to the ‘Bruce’ faction as a decisive
turning point in Bruce’s bid for the throne. He emphasises the role of churchmen in
promoting the ‘national cause in the wars’, eg Abbot Bernard de Linton, “Scotland’s
outstanding medieval chancellor”, and argues that the Declaration of the Clergy was
crucial in bolstering support for Bruce in Scotland.
• R Nicholson: emphasises the role of churchmen as opinion formers on the side of the
‘national’ cause, and notes that whilst it may be difficult to argue that the church held an
‘institutional’ view that most of its leading members supported ecclesiastical
independence from England.
• Alan Young: holds the view that the pro-Comyn outlook of most bishops before the
appointment of Lamberton reflects their political dominance before 1306.
• Michael Penman: has shown that many leading churchmen, such as Bishop Henry
Cheyne of Aberdeen, were never loyal to the Bruce cause.
Why did it take so long for England and Scotland to make peace after the Battle of
Bannockburn?

•Geoffrey Barrow: has emphasised the intransigence of Edward II as a major obstacle to
peace argues that neither the English nor the Scots were strong enough to force a decision
on the battlefield. Praises Robert I for his willingness to pay a high price for peace in
1328. Emphasises the growing need for peace on both sides
• Colm MacNamee: has studied the economic impact of the wars on the ability of both sides
to continue fighting
• Michael Penman: has argued that the Wars of Independence can be viewed largely as a
Scottish civil war, and that this was an important factor in the peace settlement.
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