SPEECH/06/477
Benita Ferrero-Waldner
European Commissioner for External Relations and European
Neighbourhood Policy
Political
reform
and
sustainable
development in the South Caucasus:
the EU’s approach
“Caspian Outlook 2008” Bled Strategic Forum
Bled, Slovenia, 28 August 2006
Chairman,
Ministers,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me first thank the organisers of the Bled Strategic Forum for their excellent
initiative in bringing us together. It is a great opportunity to take a fresh look at an
area of the world which is of particular strategic importance for Europe.
I have been asked to talk about political reform and sustainable development in the
South Caucasus. From the European Union’s perspective, now is certainly the right
time, since very soon we will start implementing the European Neighbourhood
Policy Action Plans with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. I look forward to
celebrating their adoption when I visit the region with the Finnish EU presidency at
the beginning of October.
Generally however, the last weeks and months have shown worrying trends in the
South Caucasus. Three negative strands are coming together, the combination of
which is, frankly, alarming.
First, we have seen little or no progress towards settling any of the frozen conflicts Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia. All parties have failed to deliver on
their responsibility to find a solution.
Second, defence expenditure in the region is going through the roof. Quite apart
from the negative message this sends for resolving the conflicts, this cannot be
good policy-making in a region where human development indicators are a matter
of deep concern. How can governments justify spiralling defence spending when
their countries are in desperate need of investment in education, health and small
businesses?
Third, increasingly inflammatory rhetoric, as we have seen over the past months, is
shaping public opinion in a counterproductive direction. There is a serious danger of
the rhetoric lowering the threshold for war. But it is political logic, not military logic
which must prevail. Leaders have a responsibility to prepare their populations for
peace, not war.
These recent developments are worrying for those of us who hoped for positive
movements. All sides should show restraint and adopt a balanced approach to their
neighbours. Harsh rhetoric does not create an atmosphere conducive to restoring
mutual trust and resolving these conflicts. Any further escalation of tension could reignite the conflicts with devastating consequences for the entire region.
Let me emphasise that point – this remarkable and complex region has enormous
economic promise but, to realise that potential, cool heads must prevail. Natural
resource wealth is finite. Once squandered, the opportunity to boost the region’s
development will not come again.
I do not wish to exaggerate the risks, but it is important that we are clear about the
consequences of failing to pull back from the brink. I call on the region’s leaders to
realise the weight of their responsibility, not only to their own people, but to the
region as a whole. True leadership and statesmanship means finding the courage to
settle these disputes once and for all.
The EU will continue to play its part in working for peace. The European
Neighbourhood Policy will be a key tool in this regard.
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I will talk about the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in more depth this
afternoon. For now, let me briefly explain that it is the EU’s response to new
geopolitical realities following our 2004 expansion. It is our tool for laying the
foundations for a much deeper relationship with the countries of Eastern Europe
and the southern Mediterranean. And it is designed to extend the prosperity,
stability and security enjoyed by the EU to our closest neighbours and partners.
The most important aspects of the ENP are the following: Firstly, it brings together
our main policy instruments, in a more focused way. We go beyond classical foreign
policy to support reform and modernisation. Secondly, we thus cover a broader
range of issues than our existing relationships, with greater intensity and throughout
all fields of governance. Thirdly, the ENP will be backed by a new assistance
instrument, the ENPI, with increased and improved financial and technical
assistance.
The ENP operates through Action Plans – such as the ones with the three countries
of this region. These Action Plans, tailor-made for each country, set out the areas in
which we both want to develop relations further. They contain benchmarks and
commitments paving the way for a deeper relationship.
The ENP Action Plans are designed to promote political reform and sustainable
economic and social development.
As we all know, that’s the most effective way of achieving prosperity, stability and
security. They therefore cover a wide range of activities, to strengthen democracy,
promote the rule of law, uphold human rights, liberalise trade, develop energy and
transport connections and ultimately even give the countries a stake in the EU’s
internal market.
But uppermost in my mind in thinking about the South Caucasus today is the ENP’s
potential to help support conflict resolution. Why? Because the most important
impediments to the region’s development are the frozen conflicts.
The European Neighbourhood Policy is not in itself a conflict prevention or
settlement mechanism, but through promoting democracy and regional cooperation,
boosting national reform programmes and improving the socio-economic prospects
of the region, it can contribute to a more positive climate for conflict settlement.
Resolving or at least de-escalating the conflicts must be the first priority, but their
sustainable resolution is largely dependent on deepening and anchoring democratic
and economic reform throughout society. ENP tackles the underlying issues which
enable conflicts to fester: bad governance, underdevelopment and insecurity. But
only if society as a whole participates in this transformation process will the region
begin to prosper.
We are also engaged more directly in conflict resolution. The appointment of an EU
Special Representative for the South Caucasus, Peter Semneby, is a sign of the
importance the EU attaches to solving them.
We will continue our support to the Joint Control Commission for South Ossetia, the
main conflict settlement mechanism for this region, and honour our €2 million
pledge at the OSCE’s international donor conference for South Ossetia. We will
stay involved in confidence building and rehabilitation in Abkhazia, supporting
reconstruction of important infrastructure facilities and civil society projects. And we
stand ready to respond to the needs assessment mission to Nagorno-Karabakh, as
soon as that mission is able to depart.
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We also fully support the work of the OSCE, which Minister De Gucht will address in
a moment. And later this year our Member States will discuss a possible enhanced
EU contribution to the peace processes.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Returning for a moment to the ENP, which some of us will discuss in more detail in
one of this afternoon’s sessions, let me just recall that it is a living and evolving
policy, designed to respond to developments and treating all our neighbours
equally. Later this year, the Commission will publish a report on two years of its
implementation, making suggestions for how it might be further enhanced – both in
terms of our partners’ efforts and our own “offers”.
Given the EU’s own history and development, the ENP attaches great importance to
regional cooperation. However, rather than expending effort on developing new or
legally binding set-ups - which our eastern neighbours do not necessarily want or
need – such as creating an institutional structure for our eastern neighbours, we
should, rather, focus on strengthening existing cooperation frameworks such as
Black Sea cooperation. This is of direct interest and use for our Southern
Caucasus partners and others here today.
The EU and its neighbours have a mutual interest in fostering prosperity, stability
and security inter alia through addressing the root causes of bad governance, lack
of economic development, insecurity and instability that cause the continuing
conflicts. As we have shown in Western Europe over the last 50 years, promoting
prosperity, stability and security is the ultimate conflict-prevention policy.
Which brings me to plead, once again, for all parties in the Southern Caucasus to
take their conflict-resolution responsibilities seriously. We must put the long term
objective of peace, prosperity and stability ahead of short term tactical
considerations.
In the globalised world of the 21st century, the way to greater wealth and prosperity
is to embrace an open economy and open political system. That is simply not
possible while the region remains locked in a vicious spiral of tit for tat conflict.
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