Statement by H.E. the Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus, Dr Michalis Stavrinos
before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, 26 March 2014.
‘’The current situation and the future of Cyprus’’
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Mr. Chairman, members of the Joint Committee,
At the outset, I would like to thank you for the honour and the privilege to
invite me to address your Committee on a very important issue of European and
International interest.
In order to examine the prospects of achieving a lasting solution of the Cyprus
issue, we need to clarify from the beginning the legal and political parameters of the
problem.
Cyprus became an independent state in 1960. On 15 July 1974, the military
junta then ruling Greece, with the collusion of a handful of Greek Cypriot
collaborators on the island, carried out a coup to overthrow the democratically
elected government of Cyprus. Although, during the five days that intervened, until
the date of the Turkish invasion, the 20th of July, not a single Turkish Cypriot was
killed, or even injured; Ankara, using the coup as a pretext and in violation of the UN
Charter, the Rules of International Law and the Treaty of Guarantee of Cyprus, to
which it is a signatory, invaded Cyprus purportedly ‘’to restore constitutional order’’.
Even if such a pretext had, for argument’s sake, any value, constitutional order was
restored three days after the Turkish invasion. However, instead of withdrawing its
forces, Turkey occupied 36.2 percent of the territory of the country, and continues to
do so for the last forty years, in spite of UN Resolutions calling for the withdrawal of
foreign troops from Cyprus.
It suffices at this point to stress the following:
a) It is a paradox, to say the least, for a country occupying EU territory, to even
commence accession talks for joining the EU, let alone progress in such a
course, while continuing to violate the sovereignty of a member state and fully
disregarding all relevant values and principles enshrined in the Treaties of the
Union.
b) Impunity for Turkish aggression sends the wrong signal regarding the
acceptability or legality of these acts.
-------------------------------I come now to the efforts to solve the political problem of Cyprus.
Successive rounds of UN – sponsored talks for all these years have been
unsuccessful, always due to the Turkish intransigence.
In 2004, a proposal by the then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan (the Annan
Plan), for a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem, was put to
simultaneous referenda before the two Communities of Cyprus. 75.8 percent of the
Greek Cypriots voted against this specific plan, while 64.9 percent of the ’’Turkish
Cypriots’’ voted in favour – however, it was only when illegal settlers from Turkey,
who have no legal right to vote, were allowed to do so, that this result was achieved.
The G/C and T/C votes can easily be explained by the following elements, which
were not widely known internationally: The Anan Plan: a) was legitimizing the
presence of nearly all illegal settlers from Turkey, outnumbering the T/Cs, b) was
providing for the permanent presence of Turkish troops on Cyprus, and, c) was
affording Turkey with the right to intervene in Cyprus, as it saw fit.
Yet, the most abhorrent widespread provisions of the Plan, were those
depriving all Cypriots of fundamental rights, rights guaranteed for every other EU
citizen; like, their right to settle in their ancestral homes in the occupied part of
Cyprus, to exercise their democratic rights and to own a property, irrespectively of
the bizonal and bicommunal administrative arrangements of the proposed solution.
The negative outcome of the referendum, rendered the Annan Plan null and void.
----------------------------------The current situation.
Some valuable time was lost recently, due to the Turkish side’s decisions, not
to have any contact with Cyprus, during the Cypriot Presidency of the EU, and also,
to wait passively for the result of the Presidential elections in Cyprus, which took
place a year ago. As soon as it assumed its duties, the Government of President
Anastasiades focused on dealing with the financial crisis that struck Cyprus last
March, and applied itself to the Cyprus issue in the Autumn of 2013.
Following the insistence of the G/C side on the need for defining and
reaffirming the parameters that would be contained in an agreed solution, the two
communities of Cyprus spent a period of productive exchanges, which led, on 11th
February 2014, to a Joint Communiqué, prescribing the shared principles on which
the renewed talks would be based on.
This development was welcomed as a historic one, by the Secretary –
General of the UN, the EU, Greece, Turkey, UK, USA, Russia, and the majority of the
political forces in both communities.
The Joint Communiqué stipulates, in a nutshell, the following:
1. The status quo is unacceptable. A settlement would have a positive impact on the
entire region, while first and foremost benefiting Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots,
respecting democratic principles, human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as
each other’s distinct identity and integrity and ensuring their common future in a
united Cyprus within the European Union.
2. The leaders expressed their determination to resume structured negotiations in a
results-oriented manner. All unresolved core issues will be on the table, and will be
discussed interdependently. The leaders will aim to reach a settlement as soon as
possible, and hold separate simultaneous referenda thereafter.
3. The settlement will be based on a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation with political
equality, as set out in the relevant Security Council Resolutions and the High Level
Agreements. The united Cyprus, as a member of the United Nations and of the
European Union, shall have a single international legal personality and a single
sovereignty, which emanates equally from Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.
There will be a single united Cyprus citizenship, regulated by federal law. All citizens
of the united Cyprus shall also be citizens of either the Greek-Cypriot, or the TurkishCypriot constituent state. This status shall be internal and shall complement, and not
substitute in any way, the united Cyprus citizenship. Neither side may claim authority
or jurisdiction over the other.
4. The united Cyprus federation shall result from the settlement following the
settlement’s approval by separate simultaneous referenda. The Federal constitution
shall prescribe that the united Cyprus federation shall be composed of two
constituent states of equal status. The bi-zonal, bi-communal nature of the federation
and the principles upon which the EU is founded will be safeguarded and respected
throughout the island. Union in whole or in part with any other country or any form of
partition or secession or any other unilateral change to the state of affairs will be
prohibited.
5. The negotiations are based on the principle that nothing is agreed until everything
is agreed.
6. The appointed representatives are fully empowered to discuss any issue at any
time. The leaders of the two communities will meet as often as needed. They retain
the ultimate decision making power. Only an agreement freely reached by the
leaders may be put to separate simultaneous referenda. Any kind of arbitration is
excluded.
and 7. The sides will seek to create a positive atmosphere to ensure the talks
succeed. They commit to avoiding blame games or other negative public comments
on the negotiations. They also commit to efforts to implement confidence building
measures that will provide a dynamic impetus to the prospect for a united Cyprus."
----------------------------------The two sides have appointed negotiators, who meet on a weekly basis, and
examine their respective positions on all aspects of the Cyprus issue. At this stage, it
is expected that they will complete mapping each side’s positions. At a meeting to be
held on March 31st, the leaders of the two Communities, President Nicos
Anastasiades and the T/C leader Mr. Dervis Eroglou, will assess the process.
Following this first stage of the negotiations, the second stage, to begin immediately
after, will be concentrating on narrowing the gaps between the positions expressed
by the two sides.
Despite the general positive atmosphere, statements by Turkish and Turkish
Cypriot officials, talking still, today, about two ‘’peoples’’, two ‘’states’’, two
‘’sovereignties’’, etc, leave limited space for justified optimism.
However, the firm commitment of the G/C side, to continue unabatedly
towards achieving a viable solution, based on International and European law;
accompanied by the renewed interest of the UN, the EU, the US and other
international actors, to safeguarding a secure corridor of stability, peace and security;
as well as, a safe alternative energy supply source for Europe, within a volatile and
explosive broader region; allow us to look to this renewed effort with reserved
optimism; despite positions expressed by one side in violation of the agreed
communiqué. At the same time, a Turkish naval research vessel, the ‘’Barbaros’’,
violates systematically the T.S. and the EEZ of Cyprus, despite UN, EU, US and
Russia’s calls for respect of Cyprus’ maritime zones.
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New elements in the broader equation, including the discovery of significant
amounts of natural gas in the Exclusive Economic Zone of Cyprus, in the adjacent
EEZ of Israel and Egypt, as well as, the parallel initiatives for the construction of an
LNG station in Cyprus, and / or of a south - eastern Mediterranean pipeline, to
provide Europe with alternative energy supply lines, create an unprecedented
conducive environment to establish on a reunited island, the much needed, peaceful
cooperation and prosperity for all stake holders involved.
Confidence building measures in the meantime, especially, the acceptance of
the proposal for the return of the ghost city of Famagusta to its legitimate citizens, are
a must, as they would allow a better climate to boost reconciliation. Such a gesture
on behalf of Turkey, which is also demanded by a Security Council Resolution
(Res.550 of 1984), would also allow benefits for all parties involved, including Turkey.
----------------------------------In conclusion, I would like to underline that, a lasting solution of the Cyprus
problem, in strict compliance with International and European legality, would be a win
– win situation for the two communities on the island, Turkey itself, the EU, the
broader western interests, the entire region and an enhancement of global stability.
In the strenuous efforts to positively exploit, this, much promising new prospect; the
firm support of every single actor is highly valued, in order not to miss such a unique
opportunity. In this regard, I consider your involvement and initiative, Mr. Chairman
and members of the Committee, as a valuable one, and I indeed thank you for your
interest and the opportunity offered to me, to brief you on the latest developments. A
visit by an Irish Parliamentary Mission to Cyprus, in support of the ongoing peace
talks, on the above described principles, might be a good idea to be explored.
I would like to take this opportunity to express, once again, the appreciation
and gratitude of the Government and people of Cyprus to the Irish people, for their
continued, principled support, as expressed by successive Irish Governments.
----------------------------------Your meeting with the Ambassador of Turkey in the near future, on the same
issue, will offer you the opportunity to express to the key actor, your principled
commitment to a lasting solution of the Cyprus problem, based on International and
European Law, which will also relieve Turkey from its most serious impediment
towards accession to the EU.
----------------------------------We cannot afford the luxury of missing such a historic opportunity.
----------------------------------Thank you very much for your attention, and I am at your disposal, for any
questions or clarifications you might ask.