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A model for life-story work:
Facilitating the construction of a personal narrative for foster children
Catherine Cook-Cottone
Meredith Beck
SUNY at Buffalo
Funding for this research project was provided by NYS Office of Children and Family Services,
Contract year 2005: Project 1044698, Award: 38451; Contract year 2006: Project 1052594,
Award 38452, through the Center for Development of Human Services, College Relations Group,
Research Foundation of SUNY, Buffalo State College. Meg Brin, Child Welfare Administrative
Director
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Abstract
The life-story work model is an interactive model of two systems: the self system
(physiological, emotional, and cognitive) and the external system (Microsystems, exostytem, and
macrosystem). The two systems can be interconnected by attunement which is facilitated by an
individual’s representation or construction of self. The life-story work model posits that the lifelong construction of the personal narrative, or life-story, is a critical aspect of the construction of
self and therefore plays an important role in the attunement one experiences within the nexus of
the internal and external systems. First, this article provides a brief review of literature related to
foster care, attachment, and permanence. Second, there is an overview of the life-story model
along with a brief review of literature on narrative techniques and story work. Finally, there is a
brief description of current applications of story work with children in foster care.
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Introduction
Childhood memories and associated stories may play a critical role in psychological
development- a contention gaining recognition in theoretical, clinical and empirical circles (e.g.,
Habermas & Bluck, 2000; Nelson & Fivush, 2004; Siegel & Hartzell, 2003). According to Siegel
and Hartzell, stories are, in part, how children and adolescents make sense of the events in their
lives, understand what is happening, and create meaning from those experiences. Life-story work
is the construction, or reconstruction, of an individual’s life story and associated circumstances.
It involves the integration of the individual’s cognitive, emotional, and biological systems as
well as the relationships and values within the families, communities, and culture in which the
child has developed (see figure 1). Previously not well understood, researchers have begun to
conceptualize how the life-story develops (e.g., Siegel & Hartzell). It is theorized that the
childhood, family, and cultural stories children hear help them construct their own
autobiographical life narratives (Nelson & Fivush). That is, a child’s own life narrative comes
from repeated experiences of story and reflection that are so often part of normal childhood.
These life-story moments may include simple talk about past and future events as well as
involved stories with settings, characters, complicating events, and resolutions that are structured
by an evaluative perspective (Habermas & Bluck; Nelson & Fivush).
While pioneering therapists have recognized the therapeutic power of shared stories for
years (e.g., Chernin, 1998; Ziegler, 1992), theorists and empiricists are in the early stages of
documenting the role of these shared stories in the lives of typically developing children (e.g.,
Nelson & Fivush, 2004). Notably, those working with foster children have seen the impact of
the absence of these stories, and the accompanying personal narrative, in the lives of the children
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with whom they work (e.g., NSW, DCC Australia, 2005). Accordingly, the life-story model
presented here portends that, as Siegel and Hartzell (2003) suggest, more important than what
has happened to us in the past, is the way we come to process, understand, and represent it. First,
this article provides a brief review of literature related to foster care, attachment, and
permanence. Second, there is an overview of the life-story model along with a review of
literature on narrative techniques and story work. Finally, there is a brief description of current
applications of story work with children in foster care.
Brief Overview of Foster Care, Attachment, and Permanence
Foster Care
Foster care is defined as 24-hour substitute care for children outside their own homes
(NYSOCFS, 2004). Foster care settings include non-relative foster homes, relative foster homes,
group homes, agency shelters, residential facilities, and pre-adoptive homes (National
Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information, 2005). Children are placed in foster
care involuntarily, by order of a court, or voluntarily, because their parents are willing to have
them cared for temporarily outside the home (Foster Care, 2006). Foster care is intended to be a
temporary living situation. Unfortunately, the need is high and many times the length of stay is
extensive. In 2002, Child Welfare investigated nearly 3 million of claims of child abuse and
neglect. Of those, 926,259 were substantiated, putting many of those children into the foster care
system (Child Welfare League of America, 2002). As of September 30, 2003, there were an
estimated 523, 000 children and adolescents enrolled in foster care in the United States (National
Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information [NCCANI], 2005). In regards to
maltreatment, sexual, emotional, and physical abuse are most common, with proportions of 11%,
7%, and 27% respectively (REF).
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Attachment. Persistently, research on children in foster care shows that there are significant
behavior problems related to the lack of attachment, difficulties with expression of feelings, and
abuse indicating a need for intervention (e.g., Fahlberg, 1991; Mennen & O’Keefe, 2005). Since
the late 1980s, researchers have documented difficulties related to attachment. For example, in
1989 Cicchetti reported that children in foster care had limited opportunity to develop skills for
engaging in healthy relationships. Further, he indicated that they often had delays in emotional,
cognitive, and behavioral development, and were skilled at putting up emotionally defensive
walls between themselves and others (Cicchetti). In 1991, Fahlberg reported that this increased
risk for foster children was partly due to difficulties in attachment created by the abusive and/or
neglectful situations that characterize their developmental years, as well as trauma caused by
repeated separations from caregivers as they moved from home to home. In the late 1990s,
foster children with backgrounds of neglect and abuse suffered three to seven times as many
acute and chronic emotional problems as other children and therefore struggle with maladjusted
development and were described as at high risk for mental health, juvenile justice, and adult
criminal justice systems (Finzi et al., 2001; Rosenfeld et al., 1997). In 2000, children in foster
care were reported to be three to ten times more likely to experience drug dependence or to have
a mental health problem such as depression, ADHD, bulimia, anxiety disorder, conduct disorder,
bipolar disorder, or oppositional defiant disorder when compared with children on Aid to
Families with dependent Children (Harman, Childs, & Kelleher). Recently, Pecora et al. (2005)
released the findings of a foster care alumni study assessing mental health outcomes. Foster care
alumni were experiencing rates of mental disorders at significantly higher rates than the general
population including: posttraumatic stress disorder, major depressive disorder, modified social
phobia, panic disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, alcohol dependence (Pecora et al.).
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The Concept of Permanence. Over two decades ago in 1980, in recognition of the needs of
foster children for stability and continuity Public Law 96-272 was enacted, the Adoption
Assistance and Child welfare Act. The law was designed, in part, to refocus child welfare
practice on permanence. Notably, all permanency goals were focused on variables external to the
child; for example: (a) family maintenance and/or reunification with birth family, (b) kinship
foster care placement, (c), long-term foster care, (d) adoptions, and (d) length of stay. In 2004,
The National Resource Center for Foster Care and Permanency Planning (NRCFPP) published a
framework for permanence for young people. In this framework, the concept of permanency was
expanded and defined as a family relationship that lasts throughout the child’s lifetime (not just
until the child turns 18). This was a positive step in the system acknowledging permanency as a
concept beyond the foster care system and as a need that lies within the children.
The life-story model suggests that permanence involves the child (see figure 1). That is, the
sense of permanence, consistency, and stability lies, in part, within the child, rather than entirely
within the external system. To illustrate, Amanda, a child seven year old child in foster care
since age four, has been moved to several foster homes following the termination of her parents
rights. She is a beautiful, highly sensitive, emotional child who feels things very deeply and is a
challenge to parent. She has had three caseworkers as each is promoted or goes to graduate
school. Also, she easily overwhelms foster parents. She is now on her third placement. She has
nothing that has traveled with her from the home of her biological parents. Not a photo, a
blanket, or a doll. Her history lies in her case file, which is not accessible to her foster parents
and her case work is new. He has a heavy load and does not have time to review her case in
detail and explain the history to her new foster parents so that they can story and reminisce for
Amanda. Further, the foster parents are mainly focused on Amanda’s behavioral issues, as is the
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case worker. Amanda does not offer much help. She is seven and does not have an
autobiographical memory prior to age five and had had little help constructing one later. Though
the system is designed to create a sense of permanency, Amanda feels none.
According to the life-story model, a co-constructed life story can integrate permanency
from the external system, through the relationship, and within the child carrying the sense
permanence throughout the child’s lifetime into his or her hands. If the foster system integrated a
process by which the child’s life artifacts where systemically collected, processed, and passed
along with the child, even the more difficult children would have the potential for a sense of
inner permanency and life story. By adding this component to the definition of permanency, the
NRCFPPs goal of ensuring that children and young people in foster care have internalized both
permanent relationships and independence is better realized. Though research is needed, it may
be that conceptualizing permanency as existing within the child, as well as the in the external
system, is a key component to creating a more effective foster care program.
<< Insert Figure One Here>>
The Life-story Work Model
Based on earlier theoretic and empirical work, the life-story work model is an interactive
model of two systems: the self system and the external system (Cook-Cottone, 2004, 2006; see
Figure 1). The internal self system is comprised of three potentially integrated and transactive
components that co-evolve throughout an individual’s development: (a) the physiological self (i.e.,
body), (b) emotional self (i.e., feeling), and (c) cognitive self (i.e., thinking). Modeled after
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (1979), the external system is also made up of three potentially
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integrated and transactional systems: (a) the microsystem (e.g., family), (b) exosystem (e.g.,
community), and (c) the macrosystem (e.g., culture). The two systems can be interconnected by a
process: attunement. Described well in the works of Siegel (1999) and Lewis et al. (2000),
attunement is a reciprocal process of mutual influence and coregulation. Internal and external system
attunement is facilitated by an individual’s representation of self (see oval in the middle of figure 1).
An individual’s representation of self is the constructed self. It is the way an individual engages with
his or her environment; how he or she interacts with family, people at school, and individuals in the
communities. The life-story work model posits that the life-long construction of the personal
narrative, or life story, is a critical aspect of the construction of self and therefore plays an important
role in the attunement one experiences within the nexus of the internal and external systems.
Development of the Self and Narrative
Generally defined as the memory for events in one’s life (Nelson & Fivush, 2004), most
research and theory on autobiographical memory and life narrative focuses on the typically
developing child. It is believed that an individual’s autobiographical memory evolves throughout
development, beginning in the early childhood years (Abbott, 2002; Nelson & Fivush, 2004).
Conceptualized within the dynamic systems theory and corresponding to the life-story model,
key processes in social interaction and cognitive development play a role in the construction of
an individual’s autobiographical narrative (Nelson & Fivush). Use of narrative to reconstruct
autobiographical memory serves to make sense of one’s past, present, and anticipated future
(McLean, 2005). Habermas and Bluck (2000) theorize that life stories allow individuals to
organize recollective memories within the context of more abstract knowledge and establish a
sense of self-continuity and self-understanding. Habermas and Bluck suggest that, given the
adequate conditions as individuals develop, increasingly comprehensive life narratives evolve
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that represent a more thematic, organized understanding of the self as related to the world. This
supports the placement of the life-story work in the nexus of the internal and external systems.
Accordingly, narrative can be more specifically defined as the organizing principle for
experiences which guide humans to think, perceive, imagine, interact, and make moral choices
(Abbott, 2002; Crossley, 2000).
For young children, the development of one’s life-story is relationship dependent. That is,
prior to age 3 children’s autobiographical remembering relies heavily on adult prompting and
sustaining the topical focus (Habermas & Bluck, 2000). It is argued that subjective interest in
and establishment of an autobiographic narrative is not likely to occur within the individual until
adolescence, establishment of formal operational thought, and an interaction of cultural/societal
values (Habermas & Bluck). The years between the complete dependence on the caretakers’
memory systems and the individuals’ ability to construct their own narrative memory are the
years of co-constructed memories (Habermas & Bluck; Nelson & Fivush, 2004). For most
children, parents or caretakers are the storytellers and keepers. Consistent with the life-story
model, Nelson and Fivush described how reminiscing, telling children stories about times in their
own earlier lives, provides children with information about how to be a “self” in their culture.
Parents and caretakers are like scaffolding, providing the needed support for children to construct
and hold their life-stories. They reminisce and store pictures, artifacts, and memories for the
children, prior to the children’s ability to do so for themselves. That is, for the children, they
create markers for memories and rehearse and repeat narratives for the construction of self
(Andreas, 1997; Nelson & Fivush).
Development of attachment and a sense of inner permanence. According to attachment
theory, a key developmental task is forming an attachment to the primary care caregiver
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(Mennon & O’Keefe, 2005). Early life experiences, especially those that occur within the context
of caretaker and child relationships, are believed to be formative in the child’s mental
representations of self, others, and relationships (Mennon & O’ Keefe). Attachment and
permanence are key aspects addressed by the life-story model. Researchers and theorists believe
that the reminiscing and the construction of life memories may be related to secure attachment
and the development of self-concept. For example, within the mother and child dyad elaborate
reminiscing may be associated with more secure attachment (Nelson & Fivush, 2004). Habermas
and Bluck (2000) view autobiographical remembering as enhancing understanding by
constructing coherence between events and self. The implications are significant. Self-esteem, or
the beliefs and evaluations that individuals hold about themselves, are a powerful inner
influences (Mann, Hosman, Schaalma, & DeVries, 2004). It is the child’s judgment about his or
her overall worth (O’Dea, 2005). It is theorized that self-esteem provides a guiding mechanism,
steering individuals through critical life choices and playing a large role in governing their
behavior (Mann et al., 2004).
A child in foster care is challenged to develop higher order developmental tasks such as a
healthy self-esteem and self-awareness without a consistent caregiver, placing him or her at a
significant risk for the development of emotional difficulties and potential trauma
symptomatology (Cook-Cottone, 2004; Fahlberg; Lewis, Amini, & Lannon; 2000; Mayers &
Leighton, 1993; McNair Blatt, 2000). As do other children, in the case of Amanda in foster care,
she will reach adolescence and formal operational thought; however, there has been no collection
of artifacts or documentation and she has had little experience of a familial construction of her
narrative. Though her last foster family has been excellent and she had experienced some
stability and permanence there are big pieces missing prior to age seven. The external (e.g.,
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cultural, peer group) and potentially internal (e.g., identity development, cognitive development)
pressures emerge and the external scaffolds (e.g., narrative, familial memories or shared stories,
family photos, documents, and other artifacts) are largely absent. Amanda is triggered by these
pressures and begins a pattern of adolescent behavioral difficulties that neither she nor her foster
parents can understand. The life-story model suggests that this missing piece of life experience
may be a critical aspect needed for some foster children to be able to create an integrated,
regulated interface with the external world.
Story work in Foster care
Life-story work has been acknowledged as useful, even critical in the lives of foster
children by practitioners. These constructions are especially critical for children in foster care as
they often have little continuity in care (Mennen & O’Keefe, 2005) and therefore fewer
opportunities for maternal or other caretaking reminiscing or artifact collecting. Some evidence
of utility can be taken from clinical cases and studies using similar techniques with children
suffering with disorders that occur at high rates in the foster care population (i.e., PTSD).
However, the use of life-story work needs to be empirically studied specifically in the foster care
population. At this time, there is a dearth of empirical evidence.
The use of narratives in psychotherapy and other helping domains has proven useful
especially with trauma related issues (Sunderland, 2000; Crossley, 2000; Rose & Philpot, 2005;
Ziegler, 1992). In recovering from traumatic experiences, evidence shows that discussion of
memories can be structured in such a way that the event is re-authored so as to narrate a
construction of meaning (Brohl, 1996; Crossley). This narrative reconstruction offers the
opportunity to explore and express emotions through story and serves to heal and make sense of
the event (Cook-Cottone, 2004; Kwee, 2000; Sunderland). Rose and Philpot suggest that
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focusing on the lives of people close to the child and understanding and accepting their past
experiences as truth helps the child make sense of a disrupted upbringing in multiple homes and
families Mayers, Pasztor, and Leighton (1993) indicate that the loss associated with being
uprooted creates a sense of grief that must be normalized for the child so that he or she may feel
that the emotional experience is validated. McClean (2005) contends that his repeated validation
serves to strengthen the child’s sense of self and esteem associated with that identity. The
suggested that the initial transition to foster care can be eased by transitional objects, family
pictures, and other mementos for the child to take back to the placement (Mennon & O’Keefe).
Blatt (2000) theorized that offering the opportunity to consider their life stories may encourage
healthy identity development and restructuring of trauma related to the separation from their
biological parents. Notably, research has yet to disentangle the effects of life-story work on
foster care studies that address other issues. For example, Mulligan’s (2003) thematic review of
research on adoption and long-term fostering acknowledged the importance of life-story work
and also cited the often discordant research findings in areas such as parent and sibling groups
contact, age of placement, and permanent separations. Until its affects are better understood, lifestory work remains a potential confound. Each of the outcomes in the Mulligan (2003) study
could potentially be influenced by the presence or absence of life-story work.
The Foster Care Life Book Applications
Emerging in the 1970s, a type of story or narrative work practiced in foster care is the
construction of a life book for/with a child. According to O’Malley (2006), a life book is a record
of a child in foster care’s life that uses words, graphics, the child’s artwork, photographs, and
other artifacts and memorabilia. The life book helps children in foster care construct their life
story. Currently, few documented examples of life books are available in the United States
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related to narrative work and foster care. Other countries such as Australia and England are
advancing research in the area with life book manuals designed and required for use by
caseworkers (e.g., New South Wales Department of Community Services, 2005).
Specific applications. A review of available life books and life-story work prototypes
suggests several trends in construction and direction (e.g., Chara & Chara, 2005; NSWDCS,
2005; O’Malley, 2006). First, almost all instructions recommend the inclusion of a variety of life
artifacts. These include official documentation as well as child-made items. For example, a life
story work book published in Australia suggests creating a record of words, pictures, photos, and
documents giving a chronological account of the child’s history as created by the child and
caseworker (NSWDCS, 2005). Beth O’Malley, an adoption social worker, who was herself
adopted at age five, after living in two foster homes, has created a series of adoption/foster life
books (O’Malley, 2006). She recommends gathering information about the child’s birth such as a
copy of the child’s birth certificate. Second, life book instructions emphasized flexibility in
format (e.g., O’Mally, 2006; NSWDCS, 2005). That is, the life book could be a box, a timeline, a
collection of photos with poems etc... Third, while documentation and record was considered
important, the child’s experience of constructing the life book was penultimate. O’Malley (2003)
recommends gathering information such as: birth family information, why the child entered
foster care, and a detailed history of different placements. However, if information is not
available, the child can construct or create pieces for his or her book that represent questions and
feelings regarding that section or issue. Lastly, the NSWDCS (2005) workbooks suggest utilizing
therapeutic intervention techniques such as parallel talk and reflective listening to aid in the
facilitation of memory reconstruction and enhancement of the relationship. Such methods have
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been recommended in the area of trauma recovery (e.g., Abbott, 2002; Smith & Nylund; 1997;
Sunderland, 2000).
Conclusion
The life-story work model provides a framework for understanding the role that the lifestory may play in the lives of foster children as they develop within a dynamic and unstable
external system. Though at the system, community, and provider levels, many have worked to
create an atmosphere of permanence for foster children, many children leave the system without
understanding permanence conceptually or knowing it experientially. It remains something for
other people. The life-story model places a sense of permanence in the hands of the child. The
external system supports and scaffolds this effort for the child as they develop. The information
allows for reminiscing and storying and the co-construction of the life story. With this life
narrative, the child’s sense of self is permitted to organize around an increasingly cohesive sense
of who he or she is within the context of the world.
The research questions are many. For example: Do children who have completed life-story
work fare better than foster children who do not? Is story work only good for children who have
acceptable life stories? At what level of detail, is life-story work therapeutic? What level of
training does the facilitator need? How old should a child be and/or should there be
developmental variations for different age children? What are the legal implications of collecting
letters and artifacts? These are good questions and should be answered. The life-story work
model puts the process one step closer to answering the questions by providing the framework
upon which to ask them.
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