Creating Identity Today: Hmong College
Students at St. Olaf
Erin Plant, MK Xiong, Pang Yang
Ethnographic Research Methods
Prof. Chiappari
05/17/06
Abstract:
For the purpose of investigating identity amongst Hmong college students we
held a focus group session and conducted 15 individual interviews. We combined
multiple theoretical approaches regarding identity, ethnicity, and socialization to analyze
the results of our ethnographic study. In this research project on Hmong college students’
formation of identity we found family values, traditions, religious practices, and social
roles within the Hmong community to have a significant impact. These factors served as
socializing agents in the process of identity creation. In addition, non-Hmong peers’ and
professors’ ignorance about the Hmong culture affected Hmong college students’ selfconcepts. However, through higher education the students hope to gain independence and
opportunities to develop their own identity separate from their parents’ expectations.
Other challenges included financial concerns and balancing two cultural perspectives.
Overall Hmong students managed to find ways of asserting their identities on campus by
forming Hmong organizations that act as a support system. St. Olaf College Hmong
students continue to practice and maintain their traditional culture, while integrating
American ideals. Together Hmong college students are redefining what it means to be
Hmong.
Setting:
Saint Olaf is a campus composed of roughly 3000 students. The Hmong
community within the college is about 1.3%, or 40 students.
Problem:
Owing to the large proportion of Hmong and Hmong Americans that reside in
Minnesota, and the large numbers of young people, identity formation amongst college
age youth will be extremely influential in the community. This study uses the examines
the formation of ethnic identity through the interaction of a variety of factors, including
the socializing agents of family and school. Berry’s ethnic identity outcomes are
examined and applied, while outsiders’ perspectives and conceptions of outsiders also
shape self-concept.
Methodology:
We invited all Hmong students on campus to participate in the research. The
study consisted of a focus group including approximately 20 people, and 15 individual
interviews.
Observation:
Hmong students often find it hard to balance two worlds: Hmong vs. American
(Traditional vs. Modern), maintaining ethnic identity while integrating into dominant
American society.
Conclusion:
There was no unified definition of “Hmong” created by Hmong college students,
but they had a shared sense of history, community, and culture. Membership in Hmong
communities both on and off campus provided a support system, and opportunities to
discuss and develop ethnic identity. However, Hmong college students frequently felt
alienated by professors and non-Hmong peers as a result of discriminatory acts or
assumptions.
Setting and Community
For the purposes of our Ethnographic Research Methods course we conducted a
study at Saint Olaf College, a liberal arts school located in rural Northfield, Minnesota
about an hour drive from the Twin Cities. One of the main focuses of the college is to
develop a community that is understanding of diversity and multiculturalism domestically
and internationally. As advocated in the institution’s mission statement: “St. Olaf College
strives to be an inclusive community, respecting those of differing backgrounds and
beliefs,” (St. Olaf College 1987). This goal also applies to awareness of various
subgroups on campus. St. Olaf College is known for their wide variety of cultural study
abroad and off campus programs, amongst other organizations relating to
multiculturalism and diversity. However, on campus the average knowledge about
minority cultures and ethnicities is still lacking, according to the experiences of Hmong
college student participants in our investigation.
Although the campus is predominantly White, a small portion of the students who
attend the college are minorities. Minority groups consist of African/African American,
Latino, Native American, and Asian, which have slowly been increasing over time. Of
these minority students there are about 40 Hmong students, a population that continues to
grow stronger each year, making an impact on the Saint Olaf College community through
organizations, events, academics, and many other pursuits. All of the students that
participated in this study were either 1.5 or second generation Hmong. “1.5 generation” is
a term used to refer to first generation immigrants who arrived in the host country (e.g.
U.S.) at a very young age, whereas “second generation” designates those who were born
in the U.S. after their parents immigrated.
The college pushes for the best adaptation possible for Hmong students to
progress well academically, by understanding the Hmong culture and Hmong student
needs. There are programs such as Student Support Services (SSS) to help first
generation college students surpass difficulties in school, even though SSS does more
than just aiding students in completion of college. SSS provides a Summer Bridge
program that requires participants to come one month before school begins and enroll in a
biology course for credit. In this way incoming SSS students may gain credit before their
first full semester begins. Through SSS, the Hmong students quickly learn how to better
prepare themselves for their college experience. The Multicultural Affairs Community
Outreach (MACO) also provides support to Hmong college students through advisors and
counseling of the multicultural organizations. In addition, they assist minority students in
conflicts that they may encounter on campus.
Each year, more and more Hmong students attend St. Olaf College simply
because it is known as having a respectable reputation in the upper Midwest, and includes
outreach programs to high schools with large Hmong student populations. Perhaps more
importantly, Hmong students and family today understand the importance of higher
education. Hmong parents have sought greater opportunities and a rich life for their
families through their migration to the U.S., and hope that these dreams may be realized
through their children’s college attendance.
Methodology
Identifying potential participants for this study was fairly simple for a variety of
reasons. Firstly, the Hmong community at Saint Olaf is proportionately small compared
to the entire student body. More importantly, we (the researchers) all had connections to
Hmong students on campus through friendships, organizations, clubs, classes, and other
sources. We began by making a comprehensive list of all Hmong students and informing
students about our study verbally, and formally through emails for the focus group and
individual letters for the personal interviews. All participants had at least a week to
consider and respond to the email or letter sent in regards to the study.
Focus Group
The focus group was the first meeting we held with the Hmong students and 20
individuals participated. We opened the session with Hmong refreshments and a brief
welcome and thank you. Following introductions we quickly began our focus session (so
as not to waste participants’ time) by first reading the Project Information Form, which
included information about confidentiality, and the purpose of our study. After allowing
time for any students who did not wish to participate to exit the room, we asked students
to write down information regarding basic demographic questions. Following this process
we began our discussion session, allowing anyone to jump in and answer our questions.
We used a digital recorder placed in the middle of the table to capture speakers’
answers. However, one of us also kept notes of what was said for transcription and backup purposes. During this time one of the researchers mapped out where all the
participants sat in the room. The focus group session was predicted to take about one
hour, but actually continued for approximately an hour and a half. Students were
reminded at the one-hour mark that they were not required to continue discussion and
could leave at any time.
Interviews
After distributing letters about the interviews we intended to conduct, we
identified interviewees through those that expressed interest, and asking individuals we
were familiar with in the community. Ultimately we were able to interview 15 Hmong
students. Interviews lasted from 10 minutes to a half an hour, depending on how much
students had to say. One interview was conducted with two female students together, and
this session lasted for a full hour. We attempted to represent the larger Hmong student
population by selecting students from each class, and roughly equal numbers from each
gender (7 men and 8 women) to get a fair perspective regarding their experiences.
The interviews were begun by reading the Project Information Form, which
explained confidentiality practices and our interview and study’s purposes. From there
we proceeded with approximately 20 questions regarding memories and experiences that
related to being Hmong, both on and off campus. Some of the interviews were recorded
digitally, but because we only owned one digital recorder and had strict time constraints
we recorded several interviews with notes only.
“The Problem”
In selecting our research topic for Ethnographic Research Methods, our group was
interested in studying concerns and issues within the Hmong community that would be
relevant to our own experiences and St. Olaf campus life. In addition, we hoped that it
might be useful to both members of the wider Hmong community and those of St. Olaf;
thus promoting greater understanding, and providing a means to improve relationships. In
doing so it was also necessary to remain practical: what subgroup(s) did we (1) have
access to and (2) could fit investigation of within a single semester? Upon reflecting on
these concerns, Hmong and Hmong American college students seemed like a rational and
significant group to study.
The importance of working with Hmong youth is compacted by the fact that
Minnesota provides “home” for the second largest population of Hmong and Hmong
Americans in the nation (Lee and Pfeifer 2005:8). Furthermore, according to Nationally
Aggregated Hmong Data from the 2000 Census, the median age of Hmong nation-wide
was 16.1 years (35.3 for the wider U.S. population), with 56% of Hmong counted at 18
years old or younger (25.7% for wider U.S. population) (2002). This data emphasizes the
significance of challenges encountered by the younger generation: the future of the
Hmong community. Furthermore, while several studies have been conducted on Hmong
high school students, very few have been published about Hmong college students. Our
decision to examine identity was a result of our personal interest; and the potential for
educators, administrators, and service workers to better connect with Hmong students by
gaining information on the way they view themselves.
Originally we had hoped to complete interviews and possibly focus groups with
Hmong and Hmong American students attending St. Olaf College and Carleton College
in Northfield, Minnesota. We had also considered spanning research attempts to students
at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, or other institutions in the Metropolitan area.
However, owing to time, resource, and networking constraints the study was limited to
Hmong students at St. Olaf College. Despite our small population, we found that students
were extremely willing to share their experiences, allowing us to compile ample
qualitative material to draw upon.
The final product of this study in Hmong and Hmong American St. Olaf College
student identity formation is a discussion of the way in which family, school, and peers
all play a role in the continuation of cultural traditions,1 and generational changes of selfimage.
Theory
In examining Hmong college student identity formation as it relates to their
Hmong heritage, self and outsiders conceptualizations of ethnic and cultural identity are
both contributing factors. However, it is important to remember that terms like
“ethnicity” and “culture” are not easily or simply defined. For the purposes of this paper a
combination of Nguyen’s (2004:1) and Brooker’s (1999:87) definitions of “ethnicity”
will be used to explain this term as: a perceived social and cultural group membership, or
identity/ies based on nationality, ancestry, or both. The following explicated theories will
serve to draw connections between isolated individual experience and Hmong young
adult identity formation. Such an approach will help to demonstrate that meaning and self
are not created by a single person, but rather formed in a dialectical relationship between
individuals and society (Berger 1969; Geertz 1973:9-10).
James Marcia’s identity development theory is useful in examining experiences of
1.5 and second generation Hmong youth. Marcia’s approach consists of four stages:
“Tradition” is a term that should be used carefully when viewing foreign cultures, or our own. It tends to
reify ritual and practice creating a sometimes-misleading historical legitimacy, false dichotomy between
“Modernity” and “Tradition,” and promotion of “Culture” as static. While Anthony Giddens argues that
tradition serves a purpose in society: “It is a myth to think of traditions as impervious to change: There is
no such thing as a completely pure tradition,” (Giddens 2003:40-41, 45). His perspective reflects that of
many social scientists today who conceive of culture as a process rather than an immutable governing
structure.
1
foreclosure, identity diffusion, moratorium, and identity achievement (2000; Williams
2003:8; Nguyen 2004:6). In foreclosure an individual bases their identity and selfconcept on what their parents have taught them. Identity diffusion means that the person
has yet to determine their identity. They may have experienced an identity crisis, but
came to no solutions. Moratorium is the period of experimentation; those in this category
are undergoing an identity crisis. Finally, identity achievement involves an individual
having autonomously come to conclusions about their identity.
Marcia’s stages of identity development can be applied to Hmong youths’
balancing of traditional Hmong culture and internalized American dominant culture. In
childhood families play the largest role in socialization, however as time is increasingly
spent at school and at college, youth may come to reexamine their self-concept. This may
lead to a crisis including total rejection of Hmong ways represented by elders or rebellion
against broader American society. Such an experience may or may not be followed by
satisfactory achievement of self-concept.
In our work examining Hmong college student identity, analysis requires a more
attentive look at ethnic identity. This concept, according to Williams (2003:4), is
constructed on the basis of several criteria, which may include: 1) perception of
membership to an ethnic group, 2) loyalty and pride of ethnicity, 3) shared appearances
or culture, 4) common “values or attitudes,” 5) shared history, 6) minority related
experience, 7) language, 8) behavior, 9) and self-identification. Cultural and ethnic
interaction occur constantly, thus the contents of these categorizations are extremely
transient. Even so, ethnic identity is a powerful characterization that serves to divide and
unite society.
Several socializing agents play a role in the creation of ethnic identity: family,
peer groups, school, local communities, and media. Individuals both actively select from,
and are forcefully influenced by these groups. One’s family contributes to one’s initial
self-image, values, beliefs, social status, notions of gender roles, and provides a basic
method for perceiving society. Alternatively, peer groups provide independence from
adult constraints allowing Hmong college students an additional forum to challenge
values, norms, and behavior acquired elsewhere (2000:2859). An example is found
amongst friendships and organizations formed on St. Olaf’s campus. Additionally,
College is a socializing institution, mainly affecting knowledge, values, customs, and
self-value. Grades received or attitudes from professors affect Hmong students’ selfimage and can create stress: “Labeling and expectancy effects occur in most socialization
contexts and have important consequences for self-concept development,” (2000:2858).
Labeling of Hmong youth required by institutions reflect judgments by society, which in
turn contributes to the formation of one’s beliefs of self. Media is another agent that holds
sway over identity. Its images have the power to educate, but also to critique. Those who
do not or cannot conform to normative ideals may be demonstrated in selectively
negative narratives.
When looking specifically at ethnic identity development Berry (as cited in
Williams) offers a model of possible outcomes. Depending on the person involved and
their social context, different results may occur including: separation, assimilation,
integration, and marginality. Separation discards the dominant group’s “values and
behaviors” while maintaining those associated with one’s “traditional” ethnicity
(Williams 2003:8), whereas assimilation is the direct opposite. On the other hand,
integration merges the values and behaviors of both cultures, while marginality rejects
both. This framework is particularly useful in examining the way Hmong and Hmong
American youth form their identities, and determine their “niche” in society. Depending
on various interrelated factors, individuals find themselves falling somewhere within
Berry’s spectrum of outcomes.
As has been previously introduced, self-awareness of Hmong ethnicity is a
distinct factor in identity formation. Consequent a shared sense of community through
ethnic identity is creation of external “others.” As noted by Lutz and Collins, identity
formation is resultant of internalized images of outsiders (Lutz 1993:2). Furthermore,
social identity theory supports the “notion that in-group awareness increases throughout
the developmental life course and the internalized group norms contribute to an
individual’s self-identity,” in addition to “out-group awareness,” (Nguyen 2004:10). As
ethnic minority Hmong youth develop distinct notions of “Hmongness” they may find
comfort amongst others experiencing the same challenges. In contrast to these cohesions,
both Hmong youths’ views of outsiders, and those outsiders’ views of the Hmong alter
how their identity coalesces. Identity is thus a constant process influenced by
socialization and selective internalization.
Additionally, it should be noted that active “identity” formation, rather than
ascribed roles or social status is a distinctly modern issue. One experienced not only by
Hmong youth, but also by groups and individuals internationally as they try to negotiate
the mutability of our contemporary world. David Marr recalls a similar position
encountered by Vietnamese nationalists in the 1920s that had graduated from the
colonialist educational system: “they stood unsteadily between two worlds and tried hard
to envisage a third,” (Marr 1981:9). This is an apt description of the position Hmong
college students find themselves today. They must make decisions about how to adapt to
life in the America, while discovering how to draw on the strengths of their Hmong
heritage in the highly racialized United States.
Findings
Socializing Agents
According to students who participated in the focus group several different groups
and institutions shaped their knowledge and impressions of both Hmong and American
culture, thus assisting in the socialization process indelibly tied to identity. Many students
mentioned the importance of their extended family, and particularly elders, in
transmitting cultural knowledge and understanding. The strong role family plays
indicates the foreclosure stage of Marcia’s identity development. This is also consistent
with the aforementioned theory on socialization, which places family as holding a
primary role in socialization. Everyday interaction with relations and also storytelling
were noted as influential mediums of transmitting culture.
In accordance with focus group findings, two-thirds of the interviewees
mentioned that their families and relatives played an important part as socializing agents.
Many of the interviewees mentioned that family and social gatherings had a major role in
shaping their Hmong cultural knowledge. This contributed to a shared cultural and
historical background, as Williams suggests assists in constructing ethnic identity.
Religious and family parties that involved traditional practices and ceremonies were
educational socializing experiences. Family stories and elder family members were great
sources of knowledge and understanding of Hmong cultural practices. However, family
and relatives were not the only agents who helped St. Olaf College Hmong students learn
about their culture.
In addition to interaction with parents and other relatives several students
expressed the importance of coursework both on and off St. Olaf campus as opportunities
to expand their view of Hmong history, culture and language; for example, the SEASSI
program2 at University of Wisconsin, Madison. Tia reported learning more about the
Hmong culture from outside sources than her parents: “I felt my parents could not explain
well enough about the analytical and philosophies about the Hmong culture, instead they
just gave me a brief summary.” When schools provided courses on Hmong related issues
these opportunities appeared to be valuable to college students wanting to discover more
2
SEASSI is an acronym for Southeast Asian Studies Summer Institute. It is an intensive language program
at University of Wisconsin, Madison, open to undergraduates, graduates, and professionals. The language
course provides two semesters worth of credit to small classes.
about their heritage. While this was viewed as an important source for gaining knowledge
about Hmong culture, students also stated that the more personal learning experience
involved in interaction with elders, parents, and peers was preferable if possible.
The media was noted as offering both negative and positive impressions of the
Hmong people. In the focus group Hmong movies were discussed as educational sources
about the lifestyle students’ parents led in Thailand and Laos. Conversely, other students
felt that Hmong were often portrayed in a negative light both in movies and on television.
Toua shared mixed feelings on media in a personal interview:
Magazines like National Geographic, news papers, and TV…helped me understand the
Hmong culture…Even though I think I learn from the media it is always true that it is only
the portrayal of the directors and writers, we don’t get a true sense of what the Hmong culture really
is until we experience it ourselves.
Two of the other interviewees mentioned that although the media does play a role in the
way Hmong are perceived, it often is one-sided. The media may misrepresent Hmong
culture or even leave it out completely.
When considering agents of socialization about “American culture” participants
named the educational system as the most influential. From elementary school through
college Hmong and Hmong American youth have been taught how to conform to
dominant American culture through language, social practices, historical perspectives,
and so forth. The experiences that occur during youths’ academic career lead to Marcia’s
identity diffusion stage. This leads them to question the foreclosure basis for identity that
was acquired from familial socialization. Three of the interviewees mentioned their
disappointment when educational institutions skipped over relevant Hmong history, thus
creating a sense of marginalization from the dominant “American” history. In addition to
school, observations of television and local communities (e.g. one’s neighborhood), as
well as interaction with residents have structured students’ impressions of their
relationships and position within American society.
In the focus group and interviews students mentioned the importance of coming to
St. Olaf and being involved with Hmong student groups, events, and peers, forming
supportive friendships. Tia mentions that if it were not for the Hmong class at St. Olaf
College she would have known as much as she does now about Hmong language and
culture. Ai reiterates this opinion, mentioning the scholarship she and Tia received from
St. Olaf College to attend the SEASSI program. These relationships served to broaden
perspectives on Hmong culture and ethnic identity while assisting students in navigating
academic life. Around the age range when students enter college, many are struggling to
determine their own identities. This generally results in Marcia’s moratorium stage.
However, college life offers an opportunity for students to explore their self-concepts,
eventually leading towards identity achievement.
SEASSI has allowed Hmong students to create the H.L.U.B.3 Hmong class, which
has helped many of the students learn to read and write, as well as discover new
information about the Hmong culture. More than half of the participants mentioned the
importance of this class and the relationships built between Hmong students through
other organizations on campus. Va explained these socialization experiences in the
following way: “Knowing a lot of Hmong students here at St. Olaf College has built this
bridge and bond, we experience many things together and that is what makes us grow
stronger as a people.” He advocates that Hmong people help each other in dealing with
identity formation and other challenges, because they face the similar challenges. It is
through the incorporation of multiple socialization processes that Hmong college students
begin to reconstruct identity. During their higher education they are able to move towards
Marcia’s final stage of identity achievement.
Family
3
H.L.U.B., or Hmong Language Understanding Basics, is the name of the student taught Hmong language
class at St. Olaf College.
Although Hmong students at St. Olaf spend the majority of their time on campus
or in Northfield, participants in our study continued to strongly identify with their family,
and value maintenance of “Hmongness” through shared cultural practices. At least half of
the 20 students that attended the focus group discussion and provided demographic
information reported traveling home once or more a month. Motivations for returning
home included fulfilling familial and ritual obligations, as well as relaxing and
revitalizing family relationships. These strong ties helped to shape Hmong students’ selfimage and ethnic identity by transmitting Hmong cultural knowledge, and providing
youth with oftentimes specific roles and responsibilities.
In the focus group when we asked: “Do your parents encourage you to continue
practicing Hmong culture and/or using Hmong language?” four of the five students that
responded said their parents promoted Hmong lifestyles. Particularly Hmong identity
associated with spiritual and ritual practice, language, and gender roles were mentioned.
Several students’, especially eldest children, reported feeling pressured to learn about
Hmong rituals, or to conform to gender roles.
It appeared that there was a spectrum of parental approaches dealing with merging
Hmong and American identity ideals. Some appeared rigidly traditional, others
encouraged selective acculturation, and one student reported his father as strongly proAmericanization. Lee defines selective acculturation as involving the following:
“conforming to certain rules of the dominant society and making certain cultural
adaptations while preserving the group’s cultural identity,” (Lee 9-11). See related the
pressure placed on her by her family to maintain tradition: “Well, being a girl, and being
the last daughter, my parents expect me to know my role in the house and know how to
respect the elders.” On the other hand, Bee shared the following feelings about his
family’s stance on maintaining Hmong culture:
My dad, he’s a shamanist . . .So I always go. . . to, ah, learn…traditional stuff…Yeah, I would
say that there is pressure, but then…nowadays it’s pretty much up to you and what you wanna do.
Perhaps more important than anything to Hmong college students’ parents was that their
children express effort and interest in developing knowledge about their Hmong heritage.
During the interviews many interviewees noted that Hmong families are
beneficial because they provide strong networks and bonds. Many said their extended
families offered reliable resources for support when students felt in need. For example,
meaning and value was attributed to family gatherings, because they offer structure and a
“backbone” for ethnic identity. Even though Hmong students sometimes returned home
out of a sense of obligation to attend gatherings, they continued to do so out of respect for
their family and their position within it. The Hmong culture is built on respect and the
cultural value of “holding face or losing face.” This is a phrase many parents and elders
use to describe the honor and name of the family. The phrase is related to the dignity and
societal position of parents, which Hmong college students uphold by participating in
family events. Such involvement assists in these youths identity development as it relates
to their status and role in the Hmong community at large. It also leads to internalization
of common “Hmong” values and attitudes towards familial responsibilities, which
Williams argues are key factors in the ethnic identity development process.
Through interviews it became apparent that parents and family members shape
the way Hmong college students perceive their identity. Four of the St. Olaf Hmong
students interviewed related stories about their parents’ views on college and going home
to help the family on the weekends. Participants described the goals and expectations of
family members that were placed upon them, affecting what students valued and wanted
to preserve. Continued practice of Hmong customs was perceived as an expectation of
family, and sometimes students felt direct pressure.
Some of the major challenges that the interviewees found were the gendered
perceptions of their parents and even peers. They saw that it was harder to live in an
equal society when the expectations of their parents were still gendered. Doua Chi who
often goes home on the weekends says that she does so to help her mother because she is
the oldest daughter. The Hmong women in particular felt there were family expectations
for them to assist in social gatherings, ceremonies, and family events. These young
women were concerned that they might be seen as lazy or disobedient daughters. Others
mentioned that it was beneficial to them to attend and learn from their mothers and
grandmothers, although they found it difficult to adjust balancing work for college and
family life. Various family responsibilities were seen as having lengthy histories,
transmitted through many generations by Hmong women. Thus, Hmong female college
students felt pressure to conform to these social roles.
Male students also discussed the gendered responsibilities they held in their
families. Some of these expectations include becoming representatives of their own
families when placed in social situations interacting with elders or the public. Leng stated
in his interview that: “Family is a special and important part of being Hmong because it
helps shape us to be who we are.” When asked about family he mentioned that he wishes
he could go home more to help out his parents. These statements further emphasize the
importance of family in defining Hmong college student identity and conceptions of
gender. When asked about family issues, both Chue and Bee explained that they felt
pressure to uphold familial roles and expectations.
This situation was especially stressful when it involved comparisons with
siblings’ achievements. As a result of these forces some youth felt a desire to reject
traditional practices and follows Berry’s assimilation outcome of ethnic identity.
However others internalized familial values and strove to integrate Hmong roles while
pursuing success in the broader American society. Family roles and expectations based
on gender were sometimes viewed by interviewees as too rigid, as Hang explained:
“When we are here at college and away from our families we sort of have this sense of
gender equality, not like when we are at home.” Gender expectations were considered
highly controversial amongst Hmong college students who often disputed how they
should be constructed.
As a result of family’s primary socializing role, the value these members place on
Hmong culture, and degree of emphasis on Hmong as a basis for identity impacts how
college students view themselves. Focus group participants strongly voiced the desire to
maintain their Hmong ethnic identity through traditional cultural knowledge, practices,
and language. These desires indicate the importance of shared culture, customs, and
language, consistent with Williams’s factors for ethnic identity construction. The
majority of participants in this study preferred an integrative approach to ethnic identity
outcomes over total assimilation to dominant society (Berry, as cited in Williams
2003:8). Lia described her own transformation in valuing Hmong social organization:
I actually hated that [parental expectations] for a little bit, because I was just so sick of all this
tradition, and what I had to do, and all the obligations that I had held. But later I learn how to
embrace it, and to love it.
The demands of participation in Hmong rituals and community events also provide a
support network wherein students felt connected to many different families. Without
continuing cultural traditions such as spiritual beliefs, Hmong New Year, and language,
Bee argued: “we would lose our identity as Hmong.”
At the same time some college students acknowledged a sense of loss, or simply
change, in the manner their generation participated in these highly valued cultural
traditions. Phoua felt that the 1.5 and 2nd generation of Hmong Americans who had been
through the American educational system, and had been resultantly Americanized, lacked
the same level of “filial piety towards our elders,” as they tried to “translate” Hmong
ethnic identity into American society (Hall 1992:310; Hall 1995:207). In addition, a
couple students that attended the focus group felt that the American cultural traits the
younger generation had integrated also effected older generations. Kao held the following
opinions on intergenerational relationships relating to integration:
They’re [our parents] becoming modern too, because we’re modern, and they’re willing to accept
That…even if we’re not the best at, um, speaking our own language, or whatever. It’s like, at least
we try, and they appreciate it.
In Kao’s statement the socialization relationship between parent and child is shown to be
not unilateral, but rather, bi-directional.
St. Olaf Campus Life
As students attending a largely residential, private college campus, Hmong and
Hmong American enrollees generally spend considerable time away from home. This
forces them to be exposed to different, and sometimes uncomfortable social situations.
When asked about whether identifying themselves as “Hmong” effected interactions with
non-Hmong on campus, focus group participants emotionally discussed the ignorance of
peers, faculty, and staff. As explicated in the theory portion of this paper, group
awareness, “outsiders,” and labeling can have a profound effect on developing a sense of
ethnic identity. Becker (1963), Goffman (1963) and Erikson (1966) have all noted: “when
an identity, ethnic, religious, or cultural, is used to discriminate against a group, this
identity, paradoxically, becomes even more important for the group to defend and
emphasize,” (as cited in Bryan 2005). Williams also argues that “minority related
experiences” is an important criterion for ethnic identity construction.
During the focus group four students in particular related striking stories of
racially discriminatory encounters with classmates. These examples included comments
about scholarship opportunities, financial aid, large families, representation in campus
public relations materials, some school activities, and assumptions about language
capabilities. See and Lia related an exchange with a fellow dorm resident during our
focus group session. The two friends had been studying in a lounge together, and were
approached by a white female student who informed them that the room was “Not a
library!” and then proceeded to make several comments to the young women, including:
“Can you not talk? Do you not understand?!” thus mocking and questioning their English
proficiency. Stereotypes and prejudicially based altercations such as these serve to
strengthen ethnic identity by excluding Hmong college students from the dominant
campus population. These observations indicate the potential for college students to enter
Berry’s ethnic identity outcomes of separation or even marginalization if other positive
socializing forces do not balance discriminatory ones.
When students’ were asked about whether being Hmong had influenced their
relationships with professors at St. Olaf, at least seven of the focus group participants felt
their minority status singled them out. College students reported this process of
“labeling” as both positive and negative. Hmong students’ perceived some professors as
making assumptions about Hmong students’ academic and English language capabilities.
Focus group participants reported that there were generally two results of these
assumptions: (1) the instructor had lower expectations of Hmong students, making it
more difficult for them to succeed; (2) the instructor gave the student more attention and
made extra efforts to help them.
Nou discussed how she often felt alienated from her professors: “I am seen as
minority, and like…without them actually telling me, their action towards me puts me at
a lower level than anybody in the class who are not Hmong.” College students who
perceive themselves as less academically respected by instructors may risk internalization
of this projected image, therefore losing confidence and performing poorly. This view
recalls Cooley’s concept of the “looking-glass self” which states that our self-concept is
based on "(1) how we appear to other people; (2) how we think they judge our
appearance; and (3) how we feel about this,” (as cited in 2003:71).
In the reverse, Bao felt special attention aimed at helping her to overcome
potential language disadvantages as favorable if the professor was interested in learning
about her experience as a Hmong student:
I think that English being my second language did have a barrier on me…I understand that you
[Hmong college students] don’t want to be seen as your race, and the barriers that you have had,
but at the same time it has helped me a lot…my culture is a big huge part of me. And if they
[faculty] didn’t understand that, then they wouldn’t be able to understand me, and so it’s been a
benefit.
Thus, depending upon the approach of the professor, as well as their Hmong cultural
knowledge, respect, or desire to understand, students perceived their position as a Hmong
college student in a variety of ways. In addition to these sentiments, one focus group
participant advocated the importance of Hmong college student agency, despite some
professors’ lower expectations. He suggested that: “it’s up to him or her to actually prove
the professor wrong,” and that individuals should take responsibility for their own
academic successes or failures. While individual agency can be a potent force, it is
important to view it in the context of prevailing dominant social structures that serve to
shape and limit Hmong college student performance.
One significant factor that contributed to Hmong college students’ feeling of
marginalization at St. Olaf was the lack of discussion about Hmong issues or history in
classes that dealt with related topics. In an interview Ai explained her realization while
studying the Vietnam War in a class that there had been no mention of the Hmong
people’s involvement in the conflict. She was upset and sad to see that such a rich
historical perspective would be left out: “If we don’t tell or include our existence into
history who will know and how will they know about who we are?...Without the proper
education how will we explain who we are as Hmong people?” Even though St. Olaf
provides a variety of Asian Studies courses the Hmong people are rarely discussed or
even mentioned, because the department focuses on Japan and China. This may cause
Hmong students to question where they fit into historical and cultural narratives.
While Hmong college students encounter conflict and negative images of
“Hmong” as imposed by some campus members, St. Olaf also provides students with a
variety of positive identity development opportunities. A few of the college students that
participated in the focus group reflected on the importance of campus as a separate social
environment, providing opportunity for exploration, as in Marcia’s identity diffusion and
moratorium. Despite the drawbacks of the racially homogenous student body, Dia
explained: “it’s nice to be able to see diversity and all that stuff. But…college is a place
for me to, um, to cultivate myself, and to gain my independence from my family. It’s
hard for me to do that when I’m at home.” Thus, Hmong college students are allowed to
extend a liminal period of intense identity development, facilitating questioning and risk
taking.
Friendly peer relationships, particularly within the Hmong community on campus
may form a supportive system for negotiating and translating “Hmongness” (Hall
1992:310; Hall 1995:207). Some focus group participants mentioned that a main source
of their knowledge about Hmong culture was other Hmong college students at St. Olaf.
Various campus groups, such as Hmong Culture Outreach and H.L.U.B., and activities
have allowed youth to reflect on their ethnic identity; exchanging ideas, encountering a
variety of viewpoints, and beginning to recreate what “Hmong” means for their
generation. Va explained the importance of these opportunities to form networks and
bonds: “I feel like for the Hmong students here at St. Olaf, we’ve established our identity
in volleyball, in gathering at Larson, eating…We…associate together and…we each have
individual identities, but as a group we’re known for…camaraderie and egg rolls…”
Although each student has their own way of conceptualizing “being Hmong,” these peer
groups provide solidarity, and additional socialization forums for developing selfconcept.
Interviewees even equated the bonds formed between Hmong students at St. Olaf
College as a second “family.” The networks and relationships that Hmong students share
provide a safety net. Participants said they looked to the Hmong community on campus
when in need of consolation, comfort, or just someone to listen to their problems. In
response to a question about family, Kee elaborated upon the roles of fellow Hmong
college students: “There is this sense of family here at St. Olaf College and it is seen
through the interaction of the Hmong students, we take care of each other like we are
siblings.”
According to interviews, students actively sought building of Hmong student
relationships for support. When asked about the friends that were made here at St. Olaf
College many Hmong students mentioned that they enjoyed friends of all backgrounds,
however Hmong friends are particularly valuable. They have constructed strong bonds as
they relate to each other through shared ethnicity, culture, values, history, and minority
experiences, which are all factors that contribute to ethnic identity according to Williams
(2003:4). As found in interview information, Hmong college student struggle not only
economically, but also mentally and emotionally. Ai told in an interview the importance
of Hmong friends in upholding her self-confidence, and consequently, her self-concept:
“you can have something to relate to, someone there to listen to your problems and who
will understand.”
Additional Challenges
One of our particular concerns in examining Hmong college student identity was:
what are the specific challenges in creating a sense of identity that are unique to this
subgroup of the Hmong community? In response to our queries three focus group
participants expressed apprehension about the loss of knowledge about the Hmong
history, language, and culture. Many students in the discussion viewed cultural awareness
as indelibly tied to their own ethnic pride, cohesion, and identity as “Hmong” or “Hmong
American.” This supports Williams list of factors as influencers of ethnic identity
formation. Toua expressed his worries in the following way: “our traditions been lost,
because as the new generation becomes more and more Americanized our past is
gradually losing. So tradition is losing.” Although Hmong college students have greater
career opportunities than their parents’ generation, the effort required made it difficult for
some students to include Hmong cultural learning.
This study’s cohort of college students hoped to take advantage of both Hmong
and American life styles to create a new lifestyle for themselves, resulting in Berry’s
“integration” outcome of ethnic identity formation. Attempting to merge the influences of
various socialization agents, and obligations was identified as a stressful experience,
particularly as first generation college students attempting to navigate the academic
world. Interviews frequently resulted in comments about the difficulty of merging
Hmong cultural expectations with American expectations. During the focus group
session, Va explained one of his greatest challenges in college as the following:
I think balancing two life styles…Like for instance, I’m the oldest son in the family so a lot of things
that happens at home, goes through me as well. And at the same time coming here, trying to get an
education for myself.
His sentiments suggest McInnies’s notion of the “cultural bind” (as cited in Williams
2003:11) wherein Hmong youth are forced to budget their time between school and
home.
Pressure from a cultural bind was mentioned by four of the focus group
participants as an issue facing Hmong college students. As an expansion upon the cultural
bind, Shia noted the difficulty in merging two value systems: “we want to
pursue…opportunities…and sometimes that contradicts with our traditions, and things
that our culture values, and so…that is one of the higher issues.” More specifically some
of the traditional aspects of Hmong culture that were discussed as both controversial and
difficult to integrate into American college education were: strict gender roles, early
marriage, divorce, and patrilineal inheritance of clan membership.
A final challenge that is faced by Hmong youth aspiring to higher education is
financial. On a campus like St. Olaf College’s, where the majority of students come from
at least middleclass backgrounds or higher, economic disparity may be a source of
alienation. As Bao emphasized in the focus group, many Hmong college students come
from families on public assistance. Not only do financial disadvantages create stress
about generating enough income to pay tuition and additional fees, the life experiences
and luxuries open to Hmong students’ peers may seem daunting. In an interview Kee
related a sense of marginalization, resultant of these disparities: “I feel like we face more
hardships because we don’t have all money and status that other students of other
ethnicities have.” Generating understanding and crossing class lines is an additional
barrier for those wishing to establish friendships with other students on campus.
Reconstructing Identity
According to the discussion that took place during our focus group session,
individuals may have varying degrees of difficulty and confidence in the formation of
their own identity as Hmong. Some still felt unsure of what being “Hmong” today in
American meant, others accepted the changeable conceptions of “Hmong” amongst their
generation, and still others felt disappointed with the lack of concreteness in ethnic
identity. Simply by viewing how participants categorized their ethnicity and race, it is
clear that there are a wide variety of possibilities:
Birthplace* Language @ Home Ethnicity
Race
U.S.A.
Thailand
Laos
Laos
Thailand
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
Laos
Thailand
U.S.A.
Thailand
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
U.S.A.
Thailand
U.S.A.
Thailand
Thailand
Thailand
Thailand
U.S.A.
Asian
Hmong
Unsure
Hmong
Hmong American
Hmong
Modern Hmong
Hmong American
Asian
Hmong American
Hmong American
Asian
Asian American
Hmong American
Hmong America
Hmong American
Hmong
Hmong
Hmong
Hmong
Hmonglish
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong
Hmong and English
English
English
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong
Hmong
Hmonglish
Hmong
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong and English
Hmong
Asian
Hmong
Asian
"unique and rare"4
Hmong
Asian
Hmong
Hmong
Unsure
Hmong
Hmong American
Hmong
Modern Hmong
Hmong American
Hmong
Hmong American
Hmong American
Asian
Hmong American
Asian American
Hmong American
Hmong American
Hmong
Hmong
Hmong
Hmong
*Specific birthplaces within the U.S. have been generalized to protect the confidentiality of participants.
Since the number of participants in this study is not a sufficient sample to make
generalizations about the overall Hmong college student population, the potential effects
of language usage, and place of birth on ethnic or racial conception will not be discussed
here. However, this chart is worth noting simply for the diversity it illustrates: amongst
birthplace, language usage, and ethnic and racial identifications.
This paper has not focused on “race” and “racial” conceptions, however it is
intriguing to note that the majority of Hmong youth did not racially identify with the
more dominant characterization of “Asian” or “Asian American.” As discussed at length
by Stacey J. Lee (2005:3-6) American society generally sorts race into a “white”/”black”
4
"I would categorize my ethnicity & race as a unique/rare one because we are a small and widespread
group of people."
dichotomy with little attention to those who do not belong to either of these culturally
constructed categories. Although the American discourse on race focuses on these two
categorizations, an ambiguous spectrum “in-between” remains. Feagin terms (as cited in
Lee 2005) this social organization as the “racist continuum.” It is in this spectrum of
racial uncertainty that Hmong youth, or Asian Americans in general, find themselves.
The variety of answers displayed in the above chart asserts that Hmong college students
often consider themselves distinct from the wider Asian or Asian American population,
and continue to negotiate their position in American society.
During interviews details about why Hmong college students described
themselves with particular ethnic or racial labels were discovered. Tia’s explanation for
choosing to define herself as “Hmong” provides one example: “I feel that when I have
live here in the United States longer I will be Hmong American, but for the time being I
am Hmong.” While Tia offers one reason for not identifying as “Hmong American,” See
clearly stated during the focus group session that she would not use the term because she
felt alienated and discriminated against by dominant American (White) society. Aside
from personal and political motivations, Toua felt that surveys pressured him to conform
to outsiders’ categorizations. He felt obligated to use the politically correct term “Asian
American,” although he actually identified as “Hmong.” These perceptions may play a
role in leading Hmong youth to Berry’s marginalization outcome.
Most students felt very attached to ethnicity and took pride in being “Hmong,”
“Hmong American,” or “Asian” in America. These perceptions of pride are key in
constructing ethnic identity, as earlier cited from Williams. Dee shared her perceived
advantages as holding an identity that integrated Hmong and American elements: “I
personally think that it’s a really awesome thing to be bicultural, and the education really
contributes to your [self]…I mean it’s a privilege to be bilingual. Compared to just Ole.”5
5
An "Ole" is any person associated with St. Olaf College, including students, faculty, staff,
alumni, and so forth.
Dee’s feelings represent a confident, integrated sense of identity achievement, and
satisfaction with her ethnicity. Her reflections indicate Berry’s integration outcome of
ethnic identity construction. Blong also explained to the group the self-assurance he had
gained in defining his ethnic identity with the help of others:
I come from a really traditional family, so I know my own identity, that I am actually Hmong…you
find other Hmong students, so through them, you know, you can keep your identity. Like coming
here with all these Hmong students, sitting here with me, I feel that I am Hmong, I mean, I know
that I am Hmong.
Blong’s explanation of his identity diffusion, moratorium, and achievement is consistent
with the theories on socialization agents’ (e.g. family, fellow Hmong college students)
roles in developing self-concept. Hmong youth who attend college may have an
advantage in identity formation compared to their peers who do not attend. They gain
time for self-exploration, intellectual development, and discussion with fellow Hmong
students.
Although these two examples exhibit students who have a relatively stable sense
of identity, six participants emphasized the continuous process of redefining Hmong
ethnicity in America. When asked: “What do you think being Hmong means in your
generation compared to your parents’ generation?” focus group participants emphasized
the following characterizations: Americanized, seekers of financial gain, indecisive,
creative, visionary, and uncertain. See felt that many Hmong youth were ashamed of their
ethnic identities, because of their parents’ lower socio-economic status. She also felt
uncertain of what “Hmong” meant in the context of American society. The disparity of
average Hmong families’ economic means and observations of peers on campus or those
portrayed in the media can lead to Berry’s marginalization of Hmong college students.
However, three other students commented that they respected elders for their
well-defined sense of identity despite financial disadvantages. They perceived their own
generation as engaged in a life long pursuit of identity. This was a source of frustration
and empowerment depending upon the individual’s interpretation. Vong criticized his
generation as “lazy,” weak, and confused, supporting Berry’s separation outcome of
ethnic identity. In contrast, Bao argued the following: “I think that we’re not less Hmong
because we’re seeking for identity…we are changing, and that’s who we are…right now
we’re making what a Hmong is in America…But we still are Hmong.” These
perspectives may be largely influenced by the particular individual’s definition of
“Hmong.” As is evident in Vong and Bao’s exchange, even within the Hmong
community there are very static notions of “Hmong” and more mutable interpretations.
There is no one definition, as with any ethnic group, and this is a source of struggle for
today’s Hmong college students as they attempt to construct their own identity.
Summary and Conclusions
One of the findings that resulted from this study on Hmong college student
identity formation was the diversity in conceptualizing what being “Hmong” means
today. Through our research at St. Olaf College we found that there was no unified
definition of “Hmong” although it involved a shared history, and a shared sense of
community, networks, and pride. This creation of identity through a sense of in-group
membership is reminiscent of Benedict Anderson’s notion of “Imagined Community,”
although in this case it applies to ethnic and cultural identity rather than formation of
nationalist spirit (Anderson 1991). This perceived community was necessary in providing
a support system to Hmong college students and played a role in shaping their sense of
identity. Its importance can be observed through maintenance of bonds to family, friends,
and creation of Hmong college organizations. In contrast, Hmong students often felt
“othered” by professors’ and students’ misconceptions and assumptions. Hmong students
had both positive and negative interactions with non-Hmong acquaintances or friends.
Many reported difficulty in communicating or growing close to those who did not have
the same cultural expectations demanded from both Hmong and American lifestyles.
Having examined many factors that challenge or contribute to Hmong college
students’ identity formation, how might college campuses and other communities assist
them to recreate what it means to be “Hmong” in American society? One way would be
to further develop and make available courses or programs that discuss and inform
regarding Hmong history, culture, and language. The SEASSI Program and HCSM are
examples of effective educational opportunities for Hmong college students. BuleyMeissner argues that: “self-respect is the cornerstone of self-identity,” (Buley-Meissner
2002:329). She contends that this self-respect can be developed though education about
the Hmong, thus helping Hmong students to draw from their cultural strengths in
adapting to American society. Education programs or courses would boost Hmong
college student pride and knowledge in their own culture. These efforts could also
promote awareness outside of the Hmong community, offering information on Hmong
historical reasons for settling in America. Education could potentially quail ignorant
discriminatory actions and stereotypes.
In conjunction with these efforts, greater support and understanding by college
faculty and staff would better support Hmong college students as they attempt to
reconstruct their identities and make plans for future careers or graduate school. Students
that participated in our focus group felt that they received ample support from Student
Support Services (SSS), but not enough help outside of these staff members.
Furthermore, inclusion of Hmong faculty, councilors, or staff would be beneficial for
students who are searching for role models as first generation college students. Besides
emotional and mental support, one of the greatest difficulties mentioned by participants
in our study was making ends meet while attending classes fulltime. Perhaps a program
or a grant specifically written to assist Hmong college students from limited financial
backgrounds could provide additional help at St. Olaf or other college campuses.
Finally, multicultural organizations that deal with Hmong concerns, such as
Hmong Culture Outreach or H.L.U.B. can create a forum for Hmong college students to
voice their opinions, make friendships, and create campus events that promote general
awareness. These peer groups afford ideal opportunities to interact with individuals
experiencing the same difficulties, to learn more about Hmong culture, and to experiment
with redefining ethnic identity/ies. Annual events, such as Hmong New Year, allow
students to realize the strengths of their own heritage and share it with others.
As far as future research is concerned, there are several topics that our research
project did not explore that are relevant to Hmong college student identity formation.
Owing to time and resource restraints our study was limited to Hmong students attending
St. Olaf College. Additional research could benefit by conducting investigations at a
variety of higher educational institutions, for example, large universities, private colleges,
and community colleges. Besides the importance of location and environment, research
could then account for Hmong college student population size and it’s effect on identity
exploration. In addition, our study neglected to ask students about their motivations or
reasons for applying to, and attending college. This would further understanding about
how these youth see themselves, and view college as significant in creating their identity.
Other issues that were not fully addressed in this study of Hmong college students
include gender and financial issues. We specifically avoided asking questions about
gender in our focus group session, because of its controversial status within the Hmong
community today. However, because of gender roles’ strong influences over self-concept
and social interaction perhaps these questions could have been examined in personal
interviews. Participants in both focus groups and interviews frequently voiced financial
concerns, suggesting its strong impact on forming identity. Economic disparity between
Hmong and the majority of college students at St. Olaf affected identity by creating a
sense of marginalization, and would be a fruitful subject for further research.
In terms of methodology, according to our experience students shared more
information in interviews that included at least two or more participants. Participants felt
more comfortable, and also were able to exchange ideas, thus more thoroughly exploring
and explaining their point of view. In the event that future research projects desire highly
sensitive information, personal interviews could be effective, however generally group
interviews or focus groups created greater openness amongst participants. In our study
we conducted only one focus group, and one group interview, which limited our
information. Future investigations should schedule multiple focus groups far in advance,
set at times that are sensitive to students outside commitments.
In recent years social science literature dealing with Hmong and Hmong
American issues has grown rapidly, but there are many areas of importance that have not
yet been investigated. As Hmong youth attempt to find themselves in the context of
American society, educators, councilors, politicians, community members, and
individuals must work together to support their transition. Those inside and outside of the
Hmong population can promote positive images of Hmong and numerous educational
opportunities for youth to aspire towards. The college students interviewed for this study
are likely to be the next cohort of Hmong leaders in America how can we facilitate their
success?
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Appendix
Interview Questions
Demographics:
Where were you born?
Do you remember anything about coming to the US?6
How long have you/ family lived in the states?
Are you a citizen of U.S.?
What language do you use at home?
Are you the oldest, middle, or youngest college student?
What is your ethnicity/race?
General Ethnic identity:
How important do you feel it is that people know you are Hmong?
What kinds of things make you proud of your culture/ethnicity?
What are the things you like most about being Hmong? Least?
What are the things you like most about being in America? Least?
What are some of the things you wish were different in American culture? Hmong
culture?
Where have you learned the most about the Hmong culture?
What memory do you have of the first time you learned you were Hmong?
Do you think your understanding of being Hmong is different from when you were
younger?
In what ways?
How important is it that you have friends who are Hmong at St. Olaf? Do you prefer to
have friends who are Hmong?
Do you think being Hmong affects who your friends are on campus? In what ways?
6
All highlighted questions were taken from:
Nguyen, Jacqueline
2004
Cultural Identity Conceptualization and Behaviors Among Hmong Adolescents,
University of Wisconsin-Madison.
How often do you participate in groups, programs, or organizations that are geared
toward Hmong college students at St. Olaf?
Have you ever been envious (jealous) of people or groups of different
cultures/ethnicities?
Do your parents encourage you to continue practicing Hmong culture?
Do you ever feel pressure to do so?
Do you enjoy it, or feel that it is important?
Did your parents influence what major you chose?
On a spectrum of (1) being “very American” to (10) being “very Hmong” where do you
place your own family?
Yourself?
Why?
What do you think being Hmong means in your generation compared to your parents’
generation?
Focus Group Script
Demographics: Please write the following down for our future reference…
(Name and Pseudonym—will be destroyed after recording)
Where were you born?
How long have you or your family lived in the states?
Are you a citizen of the U.S.?
What language do you use at home?
Are you the oldest, middle, or youngest child in your family?
How would you categorize your ethnicity and race?
About how frequently do you go home? (Be specific)
Balancing Cultures/ Integration: Okay, let’s get started on the discussion…
Generally speaking…
When you think of Hmong or being Hmong, what comes to mind?
What kinds of things make you proud of your culture or ethnicity?
Through what groups, situations, or medium have you learned the most about the Hmong
culture?
(For example, your family, community groups, extracurricular activities, classes,
the media, and so forth.)
Through what groups, situations, or medium have you learned the most about American
culture?
What are some of the things you wish were different in American culture?
What are some of the things you wish were different in the Hmong culture?
{What are the things you like least about being Hmong?}
Challenges/ Issues:
What issues or concerns do you think Hmong college students are faced with today?
What do you think can be done to help Hmong college students find their place in
society?
What can the Hmong community promote and what can college communities
promote?
Does it seem like it is harder to find or have a strong sense of identity as a Hmong student
(compared to non-Hmong students)?
If so what are the challenges?
<Have you seen any differences between the way you have been treated before and after
the Chai Vang incident?>
College Life:
How does being Hmong effect your relationships here on campus with professors and
students?
Do you feel like there are any disadvantages?
On campus, do you feel like you have ever been treated differently by other members of
the Community based on your ethnicity (Hmong)?
Do you think being Hmong affects how you act around other people at St. Olaf?
Family:
Switching gears a little bit, we would also like to ask a few questions about the way
families and home life effect your sense(s) of identity, so to start off…
How important is it to you to go home (on the weekends, etc.)?
<On a spectrum of (1) being “very American” to (10) being “very Hmong” where do you
place your own family?>
Do your parents encourage you to continue practicing Hmong culture and/or using
Hmong language?
Do you ever feel pressure to do so?
Do you enjoy it, or feel that it is important?
What do you think being Hmong means in your generation compared to your parents’
generation?
Well, that wraps up our questions, are there any other issues you would like to discuss?
Thanks so much for your time tonight—we appreciate all your help with this project!
(Interviews? Questions? Contact Us!) Have a great night!