Gender Helpdesk, Stockholm University
Title of assignment: Gender Mapping of Cambodia
Date of deadline/submission full report: 5 July 2010
Gender Mapping of Cambodia
Content
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................ 2
METHOD .............................................................................................................................................................. 2
A. OVERVIEW: GENDER IN A CAMBODIAN CONTEXT........................................................................... 4
1. GENDER ROLES .................................................................................................................................................. 4
2. GENDER AND ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT ...................................................................................................... 6
3. CORRUPTION AND LEGAL CONSTRAINTS IN CAMBODIA................................................................................. 7
B. GENDER THEMES IN FOCUS ..................................................................................................................... 8
1. POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN: DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN CAMBODIA ............................. 8
1.1 GENDERED LEADERSHIP .................................................................................................................................................8
1.2 DECENTRALIZATION OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM .................................................................................................... 10
1.3 GENDER AND WORKER’S RIGHTS: WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN UNIONS .......................................................... 11
2. GENDER AND HUMAN RIGHTS....................................................................................................................... 12
2.1 HUMAN RIGHTS OF WOMEN AND THE STATE OF LAW IN CAMBODIA ................................................................... 12
2.2 ECONOMICAL RIGHTS OF WOMEN ............................................................................................................................. 14
2.3 GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE .......................................................................................................................................... 14
2.4 TRAFFICKING, PROSTITUTION AND AIDS................................................................................................................. 16
3. GENDER AND EDUCATION.............................................................................................................................. 17
3.1 GENERAL OVERVIEW OF EDUCATION ISSUES............................................................................................................ 17
3.2 POLICIES AND MEASURES BY THE GOVERNMENT OF CAMBODIA.......................................................................... 20
C. REPORT ON THE CURRENT SITUATION AND FURTHER RECOMMENDATIONS .................. 23
1. ASSESSMENT: GOVERNMENTAL AMBITION TO ADDRESS GENDER CONSTRAINTS IN CAMBODIA............ 23
2. NEGLECTED AREAS AND FURTHER RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................... 25
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED ................................................................................................................ 29
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................................... 30
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Introduction
The objective of this document is to identify key gender-based constraints and make an
overview of the conditions of gender equality in Cambodia. In addition, to an overall
assessment of the gender situation in Cambodia, gender issues are analysed in particular in
relation to three thematic priorities pinpointed by the Country Team for Cambodia. The
following areas of focus have been identified:
Democratic Governance: including the decentralization and public administration reforms,
the National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development, gendered leadership and
women’s participation in politics, labour unions and civil society.
Human Rights: including women’s human rights and state of law in general, gender-based
violence, trafficking, prostitution and AIDS.
Primary and Higher Education: including recent education and policy developments, MDG
status, government reforms through capacity building for sector-wide reform and
decentralization and improving equitable access and quality of basic education.
Departing from the above areas of interest, the document has been divided into the following
parts. Section one gives an overview of prevailing gender roles and gender inequalities in
Cambodia. Subsequently, section two deals with gender in relation to the three above
mentioned themes and women’s challenges in each of these areas are discerned. Finally,
the last section contains an analysis of the key gender issues and depicts governmental
achievement as well as shortcomings in attaining gender equality and gender empowerment
through the implementation of different plans, strategies and actions. In addition, the
concluding section outlines areas in need of further attention and offers policy
recommendations for the work ahead.
Method
In order to carry out the desk review of documents describing gender equality in Cambodia,
as well as Cambodia’s national policy and programmes on this subject, the method has been
collecting
relevant
documents,
including
reports,
action plans, mid-term reviews,
assessments and evaluations by the Cambodian Government, Sida and other local and
international organisations. The information from written documentation has been
supplemented by previously made interviews with stakeholders at the Government of
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Cambodia and various international development agencies as well as civil society
representatives on gender issues in Cambodia.1
1
The report does not take into consideration the specific discourses, practices and institutions of the
ethnic minorities of Cambodia (for example, Vietnamese, Chinese, Chams (Khmer Island) and
Hilltribes. These minorities constitute together approximately 10 percent of the population.
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A. OVERVIEW: GENDER IN A CAMBODIAN CONTEXT
1. Gender Roles
Gender relations in Cambodia have been described as rather complex. While men
traditionally are accorded more status, women, for example, handle significant financial
transactions and have a say in household decision-making.2 Despite this, the gender
stereotyping in Cambodia is rather strong. There seems to exist a notion of an ideal woman,
who controls her speech and is silent or speaks sweetly to her husband. This is an image
that many Cambodians relate to either as a point of reference or as gender symbolism to use
in political rhetoric.3
The above image is reflected in the Chbap Srey, which is a poem listing codes of ideal
gender-appropriate behaviour in Cambodia. The rules describe women as a subaltern group,
who are expected to serve, follow and respect their male partners. Among other things,
Chbap Srey stresses women’s responsibilities to obey their husbands. According to the
rules, men are the superior masters and women are told that: “When you reach the world of
human beings, you are to remember that you are the only personal servant of your husband
and you should always highly obey your husband”.4 Chbap Srey has recently been under
attack from the UN initiated Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against women.
While noting the value of the cultural heritage of Cambodia, the Committee is concerned about strong gender-role
stereotyping, in particular that reflected in the traditional code of conduct known as Chbab Srey, which legitimizes
discrimination against women and impedes women’s full enjoyment of their human rights and the achievement of
equality between men and women in Cambodian society (UN 2006).5
Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008a, p. v
Alldén, How do international norms travel? Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste,
2009; Ledgerwood, “Politics and Gender: Negotiating Conceptions of the Ideal Women in Present Day
Cambodia”, 1996; Lilja, Power, Resistance and Women Politicians in Cambodia: Discourses of
Emancipation, 2008
4 Alldén, 2009; Derks, “Perspective on Gender in Cambodia: Myths and Realities”, 1996, p. 6–7; Lilja,
2008; Ministry of Women’s Affairs 2008a; Roeun, A Comparative Analysis of Traditional and
Contemporary Roles of Khmer Women in the Household: A Case Study in Leap Tong Village, 2004
5 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Concluding comments of the
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Cambodia, 2006
www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/507e319b21c732c8c12572430054
8dfb/$FILE/N0623850.pdf, page visited 10-06-22
2
3
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In response, Ms. Ing Kantha Phavi, Minister of Women’s Affairs, explained that teaching
children Chbap Srey is a matter of national identity.6
While Chbap Srey may just picture an image of an ideal woman, the discourse it reflects still
seems to be highly prevalent within current Cambodian society.7 This is well illustrated by
Aing Sok Roeun (2004), who interviewed thirty-six Cambodian women regarding the
traditional as well as the contemporary roles of women. Roeun draws the conclusion that
elderly women tend to follow almost all the codes of Chbap Srey. Young women also follow
Chbap Srey, however, they tend to ignore some of the rules.8 Likewise, McGrew, Frieson
and Chan state that: “There is still a prevailing belief in the culture that [Cambodian] women
are more gentle and submissive than men”.9 By the same token, Petre Santry states that the
women she interviewed “agreed that in order to find a husband and maintain a marriage they
not only needed to honour their parents and be quiet and gentle, but also should be
intelligent, advising and assisting their husbands in his endeavours, as well as generous and
obedient”.10
Thus, the image of a Cambodian woman as mild, soft-spoken, shy and acting in an amiable
manner still remains in contemporary Cambodia and is influencing the expectations women
are measured by. However, this reasoning must be nuanced and the existing ambiguity must
be made visible. Because, even though Cambodians tend to keep the traditional gender
image alive, the gender imagery contains yet other images/values than the “traditional” ones.
For example, in contemporary Cambodia the ideal woman can be a “shy, quiet and obedient
servant, and a strong, manipulating, vocal village woman”11 all at the same time. Kate
Frieson therefore argues that “the disjuncture between the mythologized female role
celebrating temerity and docility on the one hand, and hard-headed business acumen on the
other, is a source of social tension and conflict”.12 In addition, tension is also created as
younger, urban women in Cambodia object the traditional code of conduct for women.13
6 UN,
Women’s Anti-Discrimination Committee Considers Cambodia’s Report, 2006,
http://www.un.org/news/Press/docs/2006/wom1530.doc.htm, page visited 20-06-22
7
Roeun, 2004
Roeun, 2004, p. 73
9 McGrew, Laura, Frieson, Kate and Sambath, Chan, Good Governance from the Ground Up:
Women's Role in Post-Conflict Cambodia. Phnom Penh: Women Waging Peace, 2004
10 Santry, “When Asaras Smile”- Women and Development in Cambodia 1990-2000: Cultural Barriers
to Change, 2005, p. 57
11 Ledgerwood 1996, pp. 139–151
12 Frieson, In the Shadow: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia, 2001, p. 2-3
13 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. ii
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2. Gender and Economic Empowerment
According to A Fair Share for Women (2008), women comprise 49.4 percent of the total
workforce and Cambodia’s female labour force participation rate is high, with 71 percent of
all women, who are 15 years or older, in the workforce.14 Thus, as Cambodia moves through
the process of recovery from decades of violence, the workforce participation of men and
women is nearly equal and women contribute to more than half of the household income.15
Twenty-two percent of all households are headed by a woman, who is likely to work within
agriculture.16 Overall, 80 percent of the population lives in rural areas. In this group, who
mainly earn their living from farming, the poverty rate is high. In addition, half of the
population is under the age of 20 (due to a baby boom in the 80s).17
Over and above, agriculture and the informal sector (mainly commercial activities), the
garment industry provides a source of income for many women. Men, on the other hand,
have a more diverse job market and are to be found in a broader range of jobs than women.
Men dominate the private sector, the governmental sector as well as various supervisory and
management positions.18 While men appear to spend some earnings on recreational
activities, women seemingly place the welfare of their children/family as a first priority.19
In 2010 the Royal Government of Cambodia has decided to promote women in the business
sector by declaring 2010 as the year of women’s economic empowerment. The goal seems
to be twofold, firstly to raise public awareness on the important role that women play in
owning and operating businesses and, secondly, to enhance women’s enterprises, which
could have a far-reaching impact on the national economy.20
In contrast to gender roles in many other countries, women in Cambodia are considered to
be very economically oriented and they are in general the holders of their family’s wealth. In
addition, women are very active in the economic sector.21 However, their shouldering of
economic responsibilities is not reflected in their share of space on the political arena.
Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 22
USAID: Gender Analysis and Assessment: USAID/Cambodia, 2006, p. 6
16 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a
17 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a; USAID, 2006, p. 6
18 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, USAID, 2006
19 Santry, 2005, p. 210
20 Kantha, Pavi, Ing, Statement, The Woman Workshop (Seminar of Women in Business), 2010,
Phnom Penh, http://cambodiagpsf.org/downloads/DrIngKanthaPhaviSpeechDuringTheWomenWorkshop,31stMarch2010.pdf, page
visited 10-06-23
21 Frieson, 2001, p. 2; Lilja, 2008
14
15
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Frieson has, for example, suggested that: “in the political realm, women are publicly
submissive to the male hierarchy rather than active and participatory”.22
3. Corruption and Legal Constraints in Cambodia
Corruption in Cambodia is widespread. However, many Cambodians do not consider
corruption to be “corruption” but consider it to constitute a gift or a legitimate income. One
NGO worker, for example, stated that: “People here get no salaries so corruption is not
corruption. Corruption is their salary”. Another local NGO similarly expressed that: “People
do not know what corruption is. They give money and call it a gift for something they like to
get back”. Still, the consequence of various extra “costs” is a lack of transparency in the
allocation of resources as well as in the delivery of services. This lack of transparency is
particularly difficult for women, who are often responsible for the schooling and the health of
the members of the household.23
Human rights and the access to justice are some of the major concerns in Cambodia.
According to the respondents, there are various barriers to justice. To be found among the
factors are costs, language, physical distance, lack of lawyers, biases and local patronage as
well as abuse of power.24 These obstacles hit women harder than men; since women to a
higher degree lack status, assets, have restricted mobility and a lower level of education.
22
Frieson, 2001, p. 3
USAID, 2006, p. 8
24 USAID, 2006, p. 8
23
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B. GENDER THEMES IN FOCUS
1. Political Representation of Women: Democratic Governance in Cambodia
1.1 Gendered leadership
Although the participation of women, at all levels of decision-making, has increased,
leadership in Cambodia is principally male. To recap, in Cambodia, people seem to consider
men to be the natural political actors. As will be shown in the analysis below, women are
often stereotyped, given a low rank or simply fail to correspond to the stereotype of a political
actor. Except for within the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, women’s overall national, provincial
and district representation remains very low, although it has increased. For example, the
proportion of women elected to the National Assembly increased from 5 percent in the 1993
National elections to 11 percent in 1998, 19 percent in the 2003 elections and 22 percent in
the 2008 elections. The proportion of women as Secretary of State and Under Secretary of
State has also increased from 7 percent and 9.6 percent in 2003 to 7.7 percent and 14.6
percent in 2008. Today, women make up 10.1 percent of municipal and provincial
counsellors, and 12.6 percent of district, town and khan counsellors.25
As a response to the low number of women in local and national decision-making, the UNinitiated Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed the following:
[T]he Committee expresses concern about the underrepresentation of women
at all levels of political and public life, in particular in Parliament, and the
low rate of women’s participation in elections. The Committee is further
concerned about the limited participation of women in the public
administration and the judiciary at all levels.26
Constraints on women in leadership
There are many explanations to women’s low political participation. As indicated above, the
image of a politician is informed masculinity, while the stereotypical woman does not accord
well with the image of a politician. On the contrary, women are generally considered “non25
Royal Government of Cambodia: National Strategic Development Plan: Update 2009-2013, 2009a,
p. 77
26www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/507e319b21c732c8c125724300
548dfb/$FILE/N0623850.pdf, page visited 10-06-22
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political” and the political sphere is a masculine-coded realm. And while men as it seems, are
the main actors in the game of power and violence, women are assigned primarily domestic
responsibilities.27
Cambodian women are often described as uninformed and narrow-minded when compared
to men and are generally assigned a lower status. Negative comments are often made with
reference to women’s inability to leave the household sphere and gain an understanding of
the public world (“women cannot go around their own stove”). The hierarchical divide
between men and women is strengthened by the fact that women gain less education than
men. The characteristics often associated with women result in a lack of confidence of many
women and, in line with this, the hierarchy between men and women is reflected in the low
numbers of women in political positions.28
Local leaders are also expected to work around the clock. Also at night time, if conflicts arise,
they are called to intervene. However, women are expected neither to drive motorcycles at
night nor to carry weapons or intervene in conflicts and gang fights. As women are often
perceived and expected to be easily frightened, domestically oriented and restricted in
relation to carrying weapons or leaving their homes this makes it difficult for them to maintain
the role of a leader on the local level. Women do not correspond with the image of a
protector and, therefore, the recruitment of women to leader positions become problematic.29
For women who choose to participate in politics, this means a double workload, as they must
handle not only their political office but also most of the household tasks. Many female
politicians remain single, both because men avoid women who do not correspond with the
image of a “woman”, but also due to the fact that single women have more space in their life
to deal with political issues. Women in politics often work harder than men in order to prove
themselves.30
As indicated above, women’s relation to violence is related to both insecurity and security.
While women are occasionally addressed as children and stripped of any leadership abilities,
they also symbolize peace and thereby gain political authority.31 Thus, women are
comprehended as being in need of protection and therefore lose authority as they are
stripped of any capability to protect. But at the same time their relation to violence adds to
27
CDRI, Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three
Provinces, 2010, p. 84; Lilja 2008, pp. 79-106
28 Lilja, 2008, pp. 72-73
29 CDRI 2010, p. 85; Lilja 2008, p. 92
30 CDRI 2010, p. 85; Lilja 2008, p. 79-106
31 See e.g. Frieson and Chan 2004, p. iv; Lilja, 2008
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their political trustfulness by representing peace and also a sense of security. Women’s
“disconnection” from violence thus both reduces and increases their political legitimacy. For
men, the pattern is occasionally the reverse. Men are implied to be violent, uncontrolled and
destructive, while at the same time being considered the protectors from violence.32
1.2 Decentralization of the political system
The Government has carried through a decentralization and deconcentration reform, which
began with a commune council election in 2002. Recently a new program, The National
Program for Sub-National Democratic Development (NP-SNDD), was launched in order to
further strengthen the roles and responsibilities of institutions at all levels. The program will
run between 2010-2019 and it will, hopefully, contribute to good governance, development
and poverty reduction.33
Local Government has the possibility of being an important point of access to the political
system for women. Given that women have the main responsibility of domestic matters, to
becoming politically active on the local level is often considered a more accessible starting
point. Local Government then becomes “the first rung on the ladder”.34 In Cambodia, the role
of women in local leadership has been negotiated in line with political and economic reforms.
For example, women’s participation in local decision-making has increased due to the
implementation of a quota system and political reforms. For example, female commune
counsellors have increased from 8,5 percent in 2002 to 14,6 percent in 2007 and, due to
article the 22 of the sub-decree on commune/sangkat councils (stating that one in three
village leaders must be a woman), women now make up 30 percent of village
administration.35
According to the 2009 National Strategic Development Plan (NSDP), the Ministry of Interior
(MoI) has appointed women as Provincial Vice Governors in 24 provinces/cities.36
Furthermore, the Ministry has appointed 197 women as District/Khan Vice Governor
throughout the country. The Secretariat of State of Civil Service has also issued guidelines
on affirmative action with a quota ranging from 20 percent to 50 percent for women among
the new recruits to the civil service. Thereby, the proportion of female civil servants has
increased from 32 percent in 2007 to 34 percent in mid-2009. However, while this is a step in
the right direction, the NSDP report also states that: “the number of women at senior
32
Lilja, 2008, pp. 76-95
Royal Government of Cambodia, 2010
34 Decentralization concept, 2009
35 CDRI 2010, p. 29
36 Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 77
33
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level/decision-making levels of the civil service remains low, as do the number of women in
the judiciary, both as judges and prosecutors”.37
In comparison to national politics, women have been more active in political activities that are
more civil society oriented.38 Put together, women’s movements have played an important
role in raising awareness about women’s political possibilities as well as in succeeding in
keeping women’s rights and capabilities on the national agenda. One example of their impact
is the domestic violence law, which was adopted in 2005, under pressure from the civil
society.39
1.3 Gender and worker’s rights: Women’s participation in Unions
Women make out 80-90 percent of the work force in the garment industry and union
membership in the garment sector is said to be higher than in other sectors.40 According to a
report, conducted by One World Action and the Cambodian Free Trade Union in 2007, many
unions are, however, allied to either companies or the Government. The report puts forth that
several independent observers in 2004 estimated that just 15–20 percent of the workers in
the textile industry are members of unions that are indisputably fighting for their interests.41
Despite the overwhelming majority of women in the sector they rarely uphold supervisor or
management positions42 and are underrepresented also when it comes to leadership roles in
the unions.43 Union leaders are in most part men and generally do not work at the factories.44
These two factors, have according to USAID (United States Agency for International
Development), been identified by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the
American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS) as key gender constraints for
factory workers.45 Seemingly an exception from the overall picture, the Free Trade Union of
Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia46 (FTUWKC) has seven (out of 20) female members in
its national executive committee and both the Honorary and the Vice Presidents are
37
Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 77
McGrew et al.. 2004; Lilja, 2008
39 Allden, 2009, p. 123
40 One World Action: Decent Work? The Cambodian Garment Industry, p. 5,
http://www.oneworldaction.org/papers_documents_archives/reports/womenworkersrights. The site
was visited 2010-06-18; Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender
Assessment, 2008, p. 36
41 One World Action, Decent Work? The Cambodian Garment Industry, 2007, p. 5
42 One World Action, 2007, p. 6; USAID, 2006, Volume II, p. 22
43 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 36
44 USAID, 2006, volume I, p. 40
45 USAID, 2006, volume I, p. 40
46 The FTUKWKC is a mass organization with over 160 union affiliations, see
http://www.ftuwkc.org/about_ftuwkc.php. The site was visited 2010-06-18
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women.47 According to the organization, its first president in 1996 Ms. Ou Mary, was severely
attacked during a strike in 1997, and therefore decided to step back and take an advisory
position.48
The right to freedom of assembly, including worker’s rights to organize strikes and nonviolent demonstrations is established in the Cambodia Constitution.49 Cambodia is also a
party to the ILO Conventions 87 and 98 on Freedom of Association and the Right to
Collective Bargaining. 50 The enforcement of these laws and standards may, however, be put
into question. In 2008 the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association
(ADHOC) reported that out of 155 peaceful strikes and demonstrations that took place
(relating to resource land conflicts and workers’ rights) 108 (70%) were suppressed by armed
forces.51 One previous example, which was subject to much attention at the time, is when
female factory workers were met by excessive violence by approximately 200 riot police
officers when striking in a garment factory in 2006. After the attack several of the women
were arrested and LICADHO argues that they were obliged to sign contracts agreeing not to
strike.52 In 2009 the National Assembly adopted a new law on demonstrations, and Human
Rights groups worry that this law will lead to even more restrictions than the previous.53
2. Gender and Human Rights
2.1 Human rights of women and the state of law in Cambodia
Cambodia is party to all important human rights treaties, including the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and has incorporated
47
See http://www.ftuwkc.org/leadership.php
According to FTUKWKC the next president, Mr. Chea Vichea was assassinated in 2004 and the
same year another union leader was killed in the same way. In 2005, two of its female union leaders
were subject to murder attempts in connection to negotiations and confrontations with employers.
None of the perpetrators have been arrested, see http://www.ftuwkc.org/history.php The site was
visited 2010-06-18
49 See articles 35, 37 ad 41, http://www.constitution.org/cons/cambodia.htm,
50 According to One World Action (2007: 5), Cambodia has however not fully accepted the rules
on workers rights to strike, as formulated in named Conventions
51 http://www.fidh.org/The-new-Law-on-Demonstrations-A-terrible-setback. The site was visited 201006-18
52 LICADHO: Freedom of Assembly in Cambodia: December 2005 to September 2006, 2006, p. 3
48
http://www.sithi.org/temp.php?url=view_law.php&id=153
http://cambodiamirror.wordpress.com/2010/03/31/the-new-demonstration-law-is-moredifficult-than-that-of-1991-which-did-not-limit-the-number-of-demonstrators-tuesday-30-32010/
http://www.fidh.org/The-new-Law-on-Demonstrations-A-terrible-setback. The sites were
visited 2010-06-18. According to LICHADHO’s 2006 report the new law did in its draft version
not apply to political gatherings or strikes, p. 5
53
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the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in its 1993 Constitution.54 Furthermore
various national laws have been enacted for the protection of women’s human rights.
However, despite the fact that domestic violence, trafficking, rape and sexual exploitation are
all prohibited through national legislation, Cambodia has been criticized for its lack of
ensuring women’s human rights.55 For example, the overall willingness of the Government to
educate the judiciary and the police on these issues, to implement laws and to protect
victims, has been questioned by the member organisation FIDH (International Federation for
Human rights).56
Moreover, interviews with crime victims, conducted by Amnesty International in its recent
report about sexual violence in Cambodia, witness of a general practice of paying the police
in order to obtain help from the authorities.57 A further obstacle for Cambodia, to being
considered a State fully following the rule of law, is the deeply rooted extra-judicial settlement
Samroh-Samruol. Samroh-Samruol refers to the process through which the perpetrator goes
free from criminal charge, by paying a monetary compensation to the victim. This practice of
settling disputes largely seems to be accepted by the judicial system and is often mediated
by the police (who possibly receives a part of the “compensation”). 58 Court bribery is also
widespread and the victim may have to pay several times to secure a trial.59
Moreover, there is a major gender gap in all legal professions and there has been a serious
shortage of lawyers for decades. There are few female lawyers to support victims and in
2008 only 21 to 167 judges and one to 32 prosecutors were women.60 In late 2010 a new
Penal Code will enter into force and bring about changes in the current legislation on
violence against women. Amongst other things, a new crime-definition of rape is thought to
make it easier to convict perpetrators.61
54
See article 31 of the Constitution for the incorporation of the UDHR,
http://www.constitution.org/cons/cambodia.htm,
55 FIDH, The human rights situation in Cambodia, 26 June 2007, http://www.fidh.org/The-humanrights-situation-in-Cambodia, the site was visited 2010-06-18
Walsh, Report on the status of Cambodian women: Domestic violence, sexual assaults and trafficking
for sexual exploitation, 2007, pp. 18 and 21
57 Amnesty International: Breaking the Silence: Sexual Violence in Cambodia, 2010, pp. 23-24
58 Amnesty International, 2010, p. 27; Walsh: Report on the status of Cambodian women: Domestic
violence, sexual assaults and trafficking for sexual exploitation, 2007, p. 21
59 Amnesty International, 2001, pp. 23, 40
60 According to the Mainstreaming Action Plan of the Ministry of Justice these numbers were an
improvement compared to measurements in 2003; Amnesty International, 2010, p. 39
61 Amnesty International, 2010, p. 43
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2.2 Economical Rights of Women
Both men and women can inherit rice fields, village land and houses. However, the
landlessness in rural areas has in generally risen and, although the government has made a
commitment to joint land titling, low levels of literacy and education as well as socio-cultural
norms do make it difficult for women to assert their land rights. In addition, men in general
have a greater say in decision-making over more valuable assets such as land. Therefore,
Ministry of Women’s Affairs has pinpointed that an important development issue regards how
to secure women’s access to land and natural resources. Within the next coming years, one
important task will be to ensure that women are able to register their inherited land in their
own name. Also land acquired during marriage should be jointly registered. In addition, the
awareness of land and property rights must increase, not only among women, but also in the
commune councils, cadastral staff and higher-level authorities.62
2.3 Gender-based violence
According to the basic understanding of GBV in academic as well as policy-circles, GBV is
identified as a consequence of “unequal power relations”.63 Hence, it seems that beneath
different forms of gender-based violence are underlying ideas about masculinity, femininity,
sexuality and authority. These notions play a role, not only in creating, but also in reinforcing
different kinds of violence.64 In addition, in Cambodia, the violent history of the country has
also been blamed for the high level of domestic violence (for example, the Khmer Rouge era
1975-1979, the Indochina war, the coup d'état in 1997, etc).65 The Cambodian Women’s
Crisis Centre (CWCC), for example, argues that years of fighting has created a broken
country, with broken people, who lack social norms.66 This becomes the very base for a
violent society and comprehensive domestic violence.
Domestic violence, rape, including gang rape, violence against sex workers and trafficking
are major concerns in Cambodia, involving a significant number of women. A survey
conducted by Ministry of Women’s Affairs found that 64 percent of the study samples knew a
husband who was violent with his wife. In addition, 22.5 percent of the female respondents
Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008b
Bouta and Frerks, Gender, Conflict, and Development, 2005; Eliasson, Men, Women and Violence Understanding and Changing Violent Behaviour, 2001; Sida, Action Plan for Sida's Work Against
Gender-Based Violence 2008-2010, 2007
64 Guedes, Addressing gender-based violence from the Reproductive health/Hiv Sector: a literature
review and analysis, 2004; United Nations, In-depth study on all forms of violence against women,
2006, http://un.org/womenwatch/daw/waw/SGstudyvaw.htm, page was visited 09-01-10
65 Royal Government of Cambodia, National Action Plan to Prevent Violence on Women (NAPVW),
2009b
66 Lilja, ”Traverse the Particular through the Universal: The Politics of Negotiating Violent Masculinities
in Cambodia”, 2010
62
63
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had suffered violence from their husbands.67 Thus, today many women experience violence
in their homes, and there are some indicators suggesting that the number of cases is
increasing.68 Ms. Ing Kantha Phavi, Minister of Women’s Affairs, explained in a meeting with
the UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women that the “belief that men
were the heads of families and had the right to discipline women and children with violence
continued to be widely held”.69 Local NGOs confirm this analysis; while men are unaware that
domestic violence might be penalized, disciplining women and children with violence is seen
as necessary/natural.70
With regards to rape and sexual violence against women and girls in Cambodia, there are no
comprehensive statistics however, central institutions such as the General Commissariat of
National Police and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs believe that the incidences of rape in
Cambodia is increasing.71 According to A Fair Share for Women the victims of rape are
frequently under 18 years old.72
A National Action Plan to combat Violence against Women (NAPVW) was recently adopted
by the Council of Ministers (in 2009). The NAPVW includes four strategies: raising public
awareness, improving provision of services, developing and improving policies and related
laws, as well as strengthening the capacity of competent officials and agencies on legal and
social matters. Education dissemination, provisions of services to help the victims, sentences
for the perpetrators, policy and legal development, and monitoring and evaluation are
examples of the kind of activities that will be performed within each sector.73
Also the civil society is active in the fight against GBV. To reduce GBV, organisations such
as GAD (Gender and Development for Cambodia), LICHADO/WRO (Cambodian League for
the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights) and CWCC (Cambodian Women’s Crisis
Centre) have recently changed their programs to include not only women but also men. Men
are directly affected by the violence against women: they are the witnesses, relatives and
perpetrators. And when women are exposed to violence, those who might help her – the
police, decision-makers and legal advisers – are mostly men.74 However, there is a risk in
men taking the lead, as teachers, facilitators and leaders, in the fight against gender-based
67
NAPVW, 2009
LICADHO 2007, p. 8; Lilja, 2010; Neary Rattanak III, p. 5
69http://www.un.org/news/Press/docs/2006/wom1530.doc.htm, United Nations 19/01/2006, General
Assembly, WOM/1530, Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women, New York.
70 Lilja, 2010
71 Amnesty International, 2010, p. 6
72 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 116
73 NAPVW, 2009
74 E.g. UNESCAP, 2003, p. 24
68
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violence. Putting men in focus, once again, probably serves to strengthen the image of
women as passive, uninformed and marginalized from the centre.
2.4 Trafficking, prostitution and AIDS
Human trafficking has in the past years has become a serious problem in Cambodia and
today the country functions as a source, transit, and destination country for trafficking.75
According to the United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking (UNIAP)
Cambodian women and children are trafficked for sexual exploitation and forced labour to
countries such as Thailand and Malaysia and Vietnam. Internally women and children are
trafficked from rural to urban areas for sexual exploitation.76 A prohibition of trafficking is
clearly stated in the Cambodian Constitution (article 46) and more recently, the Law on
Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation was adopted (in 2008).77 The purpose of the law
is to give more power to the authorities in the fight against trafficking and to ensure a better
protection of victims.78 A challenge that remains is addressing the attitudes and behaviours,
which lie behind gender-based violence, sexual exploitation and the stigmatization of the
victims of violence.79
The law against trafficking is to be considered a valuable legislative instrument. However, a
widespread “corruption” and lack of training, supervision and resources, have led to major
problems in the implementation of the law.80 Amongst others, several police officials have
been prosecuted for trafficking-related corruption charges. In 2006 the former Deputy
Director of the Police Anti-Human Trafficking and Juvenile Protection Department was
convicted to five years' imprisonment for complicity in trafficking.81 Extensive efforts have,
however, been made extensive efforts to combat trafficking in Cambodia. Ministry of
Women’s Affairs has organized awareness-raising and information campaigns against
trafficking, governmental officials have undergone training programs on the subject, and in
the provinces special police units have been created.82 Government efforts also include
According to Ministry of Women’s Affairs reliable data on the persistence and incidence of trafficking
and sexual exploitation are however not available, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 141
76 UNIAP, Cambodia Overview, http://www.no-trafficking.org/cambodia_who.html.
http://www.no-trafficking.org/cambodia_action.html
The sites were visited 2010-06-18
75
77
Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009, p. 71
78
Walsh, 2007, p. 21
79
Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009, p. 71; Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008, p. 13
80
Walsh, 2007, p. 22
81 http://www.humantrafficking.org/countries/cambodia
82 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 139
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developing legal labour recruitment channels and to ensure protection of Cambodian
migrants abroad.83
With the objective of limiting the sex industry the Law on Human Trafficking and Sexual
Exploitation establishes a prohibition on the procurement of prostitution.84 Human rights
groups, however, argue that the law and its enforcement has forced prostitution underground
and made life harder for the women it aims to help.85 Amnesty international holds that sex
workers have been beaten and raped by the police, but, due to the fact that these women are
particularly vulnerable in their relation to the police, few cases are reported.86
Extensive public campaigning and education has lead to the consistent rise of the use of
condoms in the sex industry. In consequence, HIV among sex workers has dramatically
fallen in recent years.87 On the other hand, women are increasingly infected by their
husbands (42% of all new infections) and in the next stage children by their mothers (35% of
all new infections).88 In order to address the problem Ministry of Women’s Affairs deems it
necessary to combat the strong stereotypical gender norms that drive the AIDS epidemic,
and, which amongst other things, prevents men from protecting themselves when having sex
with “good” women.89 A further consequence of the prevailing gender norms is that it may be
very difficult for women, who feel that they are at risk, to refuse sex or to demand condom
use by their husbands.90
3. Gender and Education
3.1 General overview of education issues
By regional comparison the education and literacy levels in Cambodia remain low and
constitute a development concern, which affects not only gender equality but also poverty
reduction, economic growth and health in general.91 The National Strategic Development
83
http://www.no-trafficking.org/cambodia_action.htm. The site was visited 2010-06-18
It is noteworthy that prostitution in itself is not illegal, Article 25: The act of procuring prostitution in
this law shall mean: (1) drawing a financial profit from the prostitution of others; (2) assisting or
protecting the prostitution of others; (3) recruiting, inducing or training a person with a view to practice
prostitution; (4) exercising pressure upon a person to become a prostitute. http://www.no84
trafficking.org/cambodia_laws.html
85
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,COI,RFA,,KHM,,4982d64fc,0.html. The site was visited 201006-18
86 Amnesty International, 2010, p. 25-26
87 HIV prevalence amongst direct sex workers fell from 42% In1998 to 21% in 2003. During that period
the use of condom rose from 42% (in 1997) to 96% in 2003, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp.
112-13
88 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 110
89 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp. 119-124
90 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 134
91 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 73
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Plan 2009-2013 lifts out that a large number of women in the ages 15-44 have less than
primary school education, and female enrolment rates are the lowest in the region.92 A Fair
Share for Women further reports that a large gender gap also exists in the length of school
attendance. The average Cambodian woman attends school only 3.3 years (compared to 5.4
years for men) and men have longer schooling in all employment categories.93 The low
employment rate of women constitutes an obstacle for their possibilities of entering paid
employment and a majority of women in Cambodia remain unpaid family workers or sustain
themselves through self-employment.94
The enrolment rates of women drop at each level of education and in higher education
(University) only about 36 percent of the students in 2007/2008 were women.95 Past years
show that the total enrolment rates of both boys and girls have increased and that
achievements have been made in reducing the gender gap.96 Progress is most evident in
lower education, with a significant increase of net enrolment rates on primary education level,
and in the higher income groups.97 Consequently, girls from poor families are most seriously
under-represented in education following the primary level. A big difference between rural
and urban areas is also apparent, with an average length of schooling in Phnom Penh that is
more than double that of rural areas.98
The Cambodian Millennium Development Goals (CMDG) aim at achieving gender parity in
literacy rates and school enrolment up to secondary level, a female- male ratio of 80:100 in
upper secondary education, and 70:100 in higher education by 2010. The reports from both
Ministry of Women’s Affairs and the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport’s (MoEYS) show
that there on several points remains a long way to go before the goals are reached. Figures
show that the female- to male ratio in 2007 was 92:100 on primary level, 84:100 on lower
secondary level, and 66:100 on upper secondary level.99 As indicated, the documents
reviewed reveal large gender gaps both when it comes to literacy and higher education rates.
Only 64% of Cambodia’s women, compared to 85% of the men, are literate, according to figures
covering the period 2000-2004, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008, p. 73
93 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77
94 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77
95 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Education Gender Review 2007/2008, 2008, p. 4. At the
primary school level girls made out 47% of the total enrolment (2007), at the lower secondary school
level 45% (2007) and at the upper secondary school level 39% (2006), Ministry of Women’s Affairs,
2008a, p. 74
96 Net enrolment at primary school level from 87% to 92% between 2002 and 2007, girls enrolment
rate increased from 84% to 91% during the same period, Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for
Women, Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008, p. 75
97 In 2008 the net enrolment rate were 94.0% for girls and 94.8% for boys, Royal Government of
Cambodia 2009a, p. 171
98 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77
99 Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp. 75-76
92
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Obstacles to education that have particular impact on girls
A major problem for girl’s educational attainment has shown to be the pattern of late entry
into school. A report from the World Bank (2006) points out that by each year the girl
postpones school entry her chances of remaining in school are 6 percent lower and the
chances of completing primary school 60 percent lower. In total, late entry into school reduce
the total length of school attendance by three years.100 Factors such as access to health
related facilities (latrines, drinking water etc), the percentage of female teachers and the
presence of preschool facilities seem to have a larger impact on girls than on boys when it
comes to school attendance.101 In addition, security concerns of the parents may hinder girls
from attending school in cases where the school is situated far away from home.102
According to MoEYS’ Education Gender Review 2007/2008, there is limited access to state
pre-schools and to lower secondary schools (although the number of schools has doubled in
recent years). Furthermore, there are few qualified teachers, and particularly few female
teachers, denying girl students role models, which may be of importance when it comes to
girl’s educational choices. In 2008, only 35 percent of the lower, and 28 percent of the upper
secondary level teachers were women.103
Child labour is a significant obstacle for the possibility of both boys and girls to obtain basic
education, and is one of the key factors behind overage enrolment and substantial
dropout.104 The negative impact of work activity alongside school increases with age, and
particularly so for girls. Legal commitments relating to child labour have been made by
Cambodia but important gaps in the current child labour legislation remain. Of particular
concern is that the Labour Law does not cover the informal sector, where more than 90
percent of the children are working.105 Since poverty is one of the main causes for child
labour, legal provisions cannot solve the problem alone. According to donor agencies
reduction of child labour needs to be mainstreamed into broader development plans and
programmes and a strong political commitment to meet the causes of child labour is
essential.106
ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, Children’s Work in Cambodia: A Challenge for Growth and
Poverty Reduction, 2006, p. 33
100
Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 78
In 2005, 46% of the communes did not have a lower secondary school, Ministry of Women’s
Affairs, 2008a, p. 83
103 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, pp. 2, 20-21
104 ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, p. iii
105 ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, pp. ii and v
106 ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, p. v-vi
101
102
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3.2 Policies and measures by the Government of Cambodia
Cambodia has made great efforts in rebuilding and reforming its educational system to reach
the goal of universal basic education by 2015.107 As will be elaborated below, the overall
strategy of the Cambodian Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010 (ESP), focuses on capacity
building and human resource development and decentralization and puts emphasis on
improving access to, as well as the quality of all levels of education. In order to put the ESP
into practice an Education Sector Support Program (ESSP) was elaborated for the time
period of 2006-2010. The policies and measures of the Government in accordance with
these documents will be assessed in the following. In doing so, input will be included from,
amongst others, the Education Gender Review 2007/2008, which has been prepared by the
MoEYS. The specified documents are of relevance for coming years, since the National
Strategic Development Plan (NSDP) 2009-2013 puts forwards that the MoEYS will continue
to follow the framework outlined in the 2006-2010 ESP.108
a) Capacity building for sector-wide reform and decentralization
The ESP declares that a main policy priority of the MoEYS is to enable extended delegation
of authority and responsibilities to provincial, district commune and school level. 109 Due to
women’s greater participation in local political life, decentralization of the educational system
is important from a gender perspective. Furthermore, the educational policies put forth that
gender should be actively mainstreamed into all system levels. Gender relevant measures by
the ESP, which have been achieved, include developing a Gender Mainstreaming Strategic
Plan in Education 2006-2010 and conducting training programs on gender and introducing
the gender concept to education personnel on all levels.110
One strategy of the Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010 is to
reshaping social attitudes and values that impede girl’s education and gender equality.111
Achievements to disseminate the gender mainstreaming strategy in the educational sector
have been conducted through training of women in leadership positions, development of a
Girl’s Counsellor manual and gender awareness training for directors, deputies, provincial
107
The educational goals are stipulated in the Education for All National Plan 2003-2015, Ministry of
Education, Youth and Sport: Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010
108 Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 167
109 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010, 2005, p. 15
110 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Mid-term Review report of the Education Strategic Plan and
Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010 implementation, 2009, p. 4
111 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2009, p. 3
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and district level staff, school directors and teachers.112 The Education Gender Review
2007/2008 however emphasizes that more men need to be included in gender training in
order to change attitudes and traditional structures in the school organization. In the training
session 2007/2008 over 80 percent of the participants were women.113
To address the shortage of teachers and in particular female teachers, extensive focus has
been directed towards the teachers training department, which has taken steps to
mainstream gender into its strategies. For example, female students are given priority over
male students if equal results are obtained on entrance exams and incorporating gender
topics in the content of the training program. Female trainees are also given priority for
admission to dormitories. There are, however, not enough dormitory facilities for the
increasing number of female trainees and some of the facilities cannot assure the safety and
privacy of female students.114
The gender review document also lifts out the limited tracking of the allocations placed on
gender activities. Currently the budget cannot be referred to as “mainstreamed” since it does
not reveal how much of the budget of each department is allocated to address gender
inequality, making it difficult to verify if the gender policies in place are being implemented.115
b) Improving equitable access and quality of basic education
In order to achieve basic education for all children the MoEYS strives to expand community
and home based schooling through non-formal education (NFE) programs. The ESP policy
includes expanding the Re-entry and Equivalence programs, the literacy and life-skill
programs, strengthening and expanding community learning centres, libraries and reading
centres as well as upgrading the capacity of NFE staff. Non-formal education has important
gender implications since a majority of the overage students and school drop-outs are
girls.116
Re-entrance programs aim at giving primary level drop-outs the possibility of re-entering at
grades three to six, and have between 2005 and 2008 successfully re-entered over 68 000
children, of which 61.6 percent were girls.117 A shortcoming of these programs from a gender
perspective is, however, the lack of tracking of the students enrolled. The gender review
112
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 30-31
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 32
114 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 26-27
115 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 32
116 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010, 2005, p. 20
117 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p 23
113
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points out that it is not enough to know how many girls are re-entered but that it is necessary
to survey how many of these continue, and to which educational level.118
The literacy and life-skill programs are intended to provide courses in areas such as sewing,
traditional music, motor repair, animal raising and hairdressing. The programs are run in
Community Learning Centres (CLC) and the majority of the students are women (54.6% in
2007/2008). Constraints to the program include the limited number of centres (only 74 in total
in 2008) and the difficulty to access them, posing safety and security problems for girls.
Further criticism is directed towards the content of the programs, which is not held to
correspond to the demands of the changing national employment trends due to shifts at
global market level. Through the options offered girls are limited in their future job
possibilities.119
An important feature of the ESP is the scholarship program for students from the poorest and
most disadvantaged families, especially students from ethnic minorities or of female sex. The
strategy comprises annually awarding 20 000 Government scholarships to students on both
lower and upper secondary level and to mobilize donor funding for additional scholarships. 120
The policy establishes that a minimum of 60 percent of all scholarships must be allocated to
girls. According to the 2007/2008 gender review the scholarship program has contributed to
increasing enrolment rates and decreasing the gender gap on lower secondary level. The
program must, however, be revised to have a larger impact on higher secondary levels.121 A
report from the World Bank supports the conclusion that the scholarship program has had
large positive effect on the school enrolment and attendance of girls, especially so for girls
from the poorest families.122 Scholarship programs of a different kind exist also on the tertiary
level but do not have the same impact or extent, in regard to gender, as on lower levels,
which is problematic when regarding the low number of women attending higher
education.123
118
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 25
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 24
120 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 27
121 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 20
122 The World Bank: Getting Girls Into School: Evidence from a scholarship program, 2006, p. 14
123 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 21-22
119
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C. REPORT ON THE CURRENT SITUATION AND FURTHER
RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Assessment: Governmental Ambition to Address Gender Constraints in
Cambodia
To recap, there are a number of key challenges in the promotion of gender equality and the
empowerment of women in Cambodia. Departing from three themes – Democratic
Governance, Human Rights, and Primary and Higher Education – a number of issues stand
out. For example, gender disparities in employment remain extensive, there are still fewer
girls than boys in all levels of education, violence against women remains widely prevalent in
Cambodia with indications of increasing incidences (although the legal framework to address
violence has been strengthened) and, finally, while there is an increase in women’s
participation on the political arena, the representation of women still remains low, particularly
on senior decision‐making positions. There are also very few women represented in the
judicial branch – such as judges, prosecutors or lawyers.
In response to a broad spectrum of key gender issues, the Government seemingly has a
broad approach in its attempts to work for gender equality. To increase the enrolment of girls’
formal as well as informal education the Government works with increased scholarships,
dormitories, ensuring safety for girls and by increasing the number of female teachers. The
Government moreover seek to provide training and skills for women at all levels in order to
promote women in decision‐making, and increase women’s participation in civil service and
public administration. In aim of futhering women’s economical empowerment, the
Government continues to support entrepreneurship development and provides micro‐credits
and small credits for women.
In 1998, the Ministry of Women’s and Veterans’ Affairs (MWVA) was created. One of the first
initiatives by the newly formed ministry was to adopt a national five-year strategic plan 19992003 called the Neary Rattanak (Women are Precious Gems). This plan was later extended
to cover also 2004-2008, now called Neary Rattanak II. The Neary Rattanak II focused on a
number of priority areas: Economic empowerment of women; Enhancing women’s and girls’
education; Legal protection of women and girls; Promotion of health of women and girls;
Promotion of women in decision-making; and Gender mainstreaming in national policies and
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programmes. A third update of Rattanak (2009-2013) was developed to keep enforcing the
gender mainstreaming agenda in the Government.124 A lot of the work of the ministry today is
regulated by Neary Rattanak.
Part of what the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has initiated, are projects to increase gender
awareness both within the ministry itself but also in other ministries. Among other things, the
2008 Gender Assessment states that the technical working group on gender has helped
making the National Strategic Development Plan fairly gender-responsive.125 Another result
of the Technical Working Group on Gender is the establishment of Gender Mainstreaming
Action Groups in each line Ministry.126 These action groups are responsible for taking the
lead in gender mainstreaming issues within the line Ministry. According to the guidelines of
Ministry of Women’s Affairs, a Secretary of State or Under-Secretary of State should be in
charge of the group. One of the responsibilities of the groups is to incorporate Gender
Mainstreaming Action Plans into six-year strategies and report to the Ministry of Planning.127
In line with this, in the end of 2007, five line ministries were preparing such plans and nine
line ministries had developed gender mainstreaming action plans. The Ministry of Women’s
Affairs cannot force the implementation of these action plans. What they can do is to provide
training for the group and also to assist the group in the process of applying for financial aid
(from the national budget and from international donors).128
Overall, the Neary Rattanak (2009-2013) reveals the visions and goals of the Ministry of
Women’s Affairs, focusing on five strategic areas. Above all this there is an emphasis on a
gender mainstreaming program for national policies, reform programs and sectors. The
strategic areas are:
- The Economic Empowerment of Women
- Education of Women and Girls, Attitudes and Behaviour Change
- Legal Protection of Women and Girls
- Health and Nutrition of Women, and HIV/AIDS
- Women in Public Decision-making and Politics
124
Alldén 2009, pp. 83-102, 238
Alldén 2009, p. 104
126 Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, pp. 77-78
127 Alldén 2009, p. 104
128 Alldén, 2009, pp. 103-105
125
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2. Neglected Areas and Further Recommendations
The strategic areas do not cover all relevant themes in regard to gender equality. LGBT
(lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people) issues, GBV and how to address sexual
violence against women and girls, attitudes changes in regard to gender as well as the
connection between gender-based constraints and climate change are some of the themes
that are not mentioned among the strategic areas. Overall, the review shows that despite the
commitments of the Government, there are a number of gender issues that still have not
been addressed. Moreover, some of the issues that have been addressed require further
consideration. Thus, while advancements on gender equality have been made in many
sectors of the Cambodian society, some gender-based constraints remain. In the course of
conducting the review the Gender Desk has found that, within the three areas of focus, there
may be a need to:
Democratic Governance and overall measures
 Increase the capacity building at the Ministry of Women’s Affairs.129 Although there is
good progress, the capacity for gender analysis remains weak when mainstreaming
gender in policies, programs and mechanisms in order to support gender mainstreaming
at national and sub‐national levels.130 According to Susanne Alldén, capacity building
within the Ministry should therefore be a priority, and it should include strengthening the
knowledge about gender of the staff members. The ministry’s workers should be given the
tools available to mainstream gender in their work. Moreover, capacity-building measures
should include ”training courses in planning, monitoring, management, leadership,
advocacy-related issues, but also participation in international workshops and
conferences to learn about what is happening in other countries”.131
 As a part of the decentralisation efforts, support institutions on all levels to ensure that
women can participate in decision-making. Enforce actions that increasingly integrate
women into various governing processes as well as create gender-awareness at all levels
of decision-making.
 Start to change current gender roles by changing the women’s rights language in various
documents.
For
example,
women
and
children
are
often
put
together
(“womenandchildren”) as a vulnerable, weak group, in need for protection, contrasting the
129
Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103
Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103
131 Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103
130
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violent and protecting – and grown up – men.132 In addition, women often become
invisible, hidden behind a veil of national symbolism that pictures women as the
exemplary mothers and daughters of the nation.133 As such, they are seen as “the nation’s
most valuable assets”.134 This objectification is, sometimes, manifested in Cambodia’s
“gem” program (“Women are Precious Gems”), launched to encourage the Cambodian
society to value women more highly, respect their rights, protect them from violence and
to preserve and promote women, especially those with disabilities, and children as “valued
precious gems”’.135
Human Rights
 Information campaigns, which publicly condemn gender-based violence, rape and other
sexual violence against women and girls must continue to be launched, but on a larger
scale. In this regard, there are a number of excellent organisations, which make an effort
to change prevailing gender roles, which are the very base for violence, but also provide
legal information about the law. For example, 1) CWCC that was founded in 1997 and is
mainly concerned about the sizable level of violence being perpetrated against
Cambodian women (and children); 2) Cambodian Men’s Network (CMN) is the first of its
kind in Cambodia dedicated to eliminating violence against women and children; 3)
LICHADO's Women's Rights Office (WRO) which has designed a number of projects
launched in 2007 in order to equip women in the community with knowledge, strategies
and resources to prevent domestic violence and; 4) GAD, who’s mission is to promote
gender equity in Cambodia through support-groups, awareness raising activities, etc.
 Gender, climate change or environmental issues in general are not mentioned among the
strategic areas of the Government, thus it might be areas of special concern for other
development agencies.
 Undertake a survey on the adequacy and efficiency of newly adopted laws on GBV,
trafficking and prostitution. Human rights groups have, as an example, voiced that the new
Law on Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation, adopted in 2008, makes the situation
difficult for those it aims to protect. These and related concerns need to be verified.
Enloe, “Women and Children. Making Feminist Sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis,” 1989.
See e.g. Enloe 1989; Mendieta, “Afterword: Identities - Postcolonial and Global, 2003
134 Enloe, 1989, p. 54
135http://www.camnet.com.kh/ocm/government/government118.htm. The site was visited 2002-03-04.
http://www.aworc.org/bpfa/escap/26oct06.html. The site was visited 2003-06-17.
132
133
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 Stress upon the problems caused by the informal dispute settlement practice SamrohSamruol. One of the consequences of informal mediation is that rape cases are not
reported, thus impeding statistical observations. According to Amnesty international it is
currently impossible to know how many girls and women are victims of rape and a large
number of perpetrators are never brought under the control of the judicial system. The
failure to impose legal sanctions – and the lack of policy discussion – can be interpreted
as indifference, or even as an implicit acceptance of sexual violence. The Cambodian
Government and donors must work against the extra-judicial custom of Samroh-Samruol,
and to signal that measures will be taken for its elimination, despite its deep rooting in
Cambodian society.
 The cooperation with the Cambodian authorities for the gathering and publication of
national data on gender related issues may well be increased. A Fair Share for Women
lifts out that there is currently no reliable data at all on trafficking and sexual-exploitation.
Statistics should be structured to show factors such as age, ethnicity, prosecution and
conviction rates as well as the imposed sanctions on perpetrators.
Education
 Develop a strategy, which addresses and aims to increase the level of women in tertiary
education. This would enable women to participate fully and equally in various national
and local decision-making processes. Reviewing the documents there seems to be a lack
of a comprehensive gender-policy for this level of education.136 In comparison to the
measures taken to involve girls in lower schooling, there are fewer initiatives to increase
women’s enrolment in tertiary education. For example, many women lack experience in
leadership and management in politics and public office. Capacity development
specifically targeting women in this field is important.
 Men are not sufficiently included in today’s gender mainstreaming programs, which aim at
changing social behaviours and attitudes in the educational system. Currently, over 80
percent of the participants are women, which shows that the policy needs to be reviewed
and extended to increase the number of men participating.
 In the promotion of women’s participation in decision‐making, traditional beliefs and
stereotyping must be further challenged. Launching information campaigns within the
educational field is a possible strategy to change the view that women are not well suited
136
See Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 27
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for high positions and decision‐making. Steps must be taken to understand to what
extent Chbap Srey is taught in schools in Cambodia today and if it is necessary to develop
more gender-sensitive learning material to neutralize Chbap Srey.
 Advance a comprehensive policy on how to address child labour. As it seems it
constitutes an obstacles to basic education – and particularly so for girls. Therefore, child
labour and its causes need to be considered more deeply than current documentation
suggests.
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List of Abbreviations Used
ACILS
ADHOC
CMDG
CDRI
CEDAW
CICP
CLC
CLO
CMN
CWCC
ESSP
ESP
FIDH
FTUWKC
GAD
GBV
ILO
INGO
LICHADO
MDG
MoEYS
MWVA
Mol
NAPVW
NSDP
NP-SNDD
NFE
NGO
Sida
UDHR
UNHCR
USAID
UNDP
UNIAP
UNICEF
WRO
American Center for International Labor Solidarity
Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association
Cambodian Millennium Development Goals
Cambodia Development Resource Institute
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women
Cambodian Institute for Co-operation and Peace
Community Learning Centres
Cambodian Labour Organisation
Cambodian Men’s Network
Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre
Education Sector Support Program
Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010
International Federation for Human rights
Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia
Gender and Development for Cambodia
Gender-Based Violence
International Labour Organization
International Non-Governmental Organisation
Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defence of Human
Rights
Millennium Development Goals
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport
Ministry of Women’s and Veterans’ Affairs
Ministry of Interior
National Action Plan to Prevent Violence on Women
National Strategic Development Plan: Update 2009-2013
National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development
2010-2019
Non-formal education
Non-Governmental Organisation
Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
United Nations Cambodia Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights
United States Agency for International Development
United Nations Development Programme
United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking
United Nations Children’s Fund
LICHADO's Women's Rights Office
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References
Material provided by Sida
 Royal Government of Cambodia: National Program for Sub-National Democratic
Development 2010-2019 (NP-SNDD), 2010
 Royal Government of Cambodia: National Strategic Development Plan: Update 20092013 (NSDP), 2009a
 Decentralization Concept, 2009
 Sida: Strategy Result Analysis for the Cooperation with Cambodia 2008-2010
 Susanne Alldén, How do international norms travel? Women’s political rights in Cambodia
and Timor-Leste, 2009, Umeå University
 USAID: Gender Analysis and Assessment: USAID/Cambodia, Vo. I + II, 2006
 Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in
Education 2006-2010
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Political Representation of Women: Democratic Governance in Cambodia
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of Three Provinces, 2010, Phnom Penh
 Enloe, Cynthia: “Women and Children. Making Feminist Sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis,”
in The Village Voice, September 25, 1989.
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Centre for Asian-Pacific Initiatives, Occasional Paper. 26.
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Present Day Cambodia”, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 1996, vol. 37:2
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Gender and Human rights
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 Bouta, Tsjeard, and Frerks, Georg: Gender, Conflict, and Development, 2005, World Bank
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and Eduardo Mendieta (eds), Identities. Race, Class, Gender, and Nationality, 2003,
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 http://www.no-trafficking.org/cambodia_who.html
 www.unhcr.org
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Plan and Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010 implementation, 2009
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Gender Helpdesk, Stockholm University
 ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, Children’s Work in Cambodia: A Challenge for Growth
and Poverty Reduction, 2006
 The World Bank: Getting Girls Into School: Evidence from a scholarship program, 2006
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2010, Phnom Penh, http://cambodiagpsf.org/downloads/DrIngKanthaPhaviSpeechDuringTheWomenWorkshop,31stMarch201
0.pdf, page visited 10-06-22
 Ministry of Women’s Affairs: Five Year Strategic Plan 2009- 2013: Neary Rattanak III,
2009
 Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Assessment,
2008a
 Ministry of Women’s Affairs: Fair Share for Women Cambodia Gender Assessment:
Executive Summary, 2008b
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Khmer Women in the Household: A Case Study in Leap Tong Village, 2004, Phnom Penh:
Royal University of Phnom Penh
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