Translocations: Migration and Social Change
An Inter-Disciplinary Open Access E-Journal
ISSN Number: 2009-0420
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Segregating Northern Ireland from the discussion on integration
Dr. Chris Gilligan
School of Social Sciences, University of the West of Scotland, UK
chris.gilligan@uws.ac.uk
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For the inaugural issue of Translocations I wrote an article in which I expressed my
dissatisfaction with a range of different approaches to studying the process of ethnic
minority integration in Ireland (Gilligan, 2006). I have since had the benefit of several
more years of research and thinking on a jumble of topics – such as community divisions,
community relations, immigration, racism, prejudice, identity politics – which feature in
the literature on integration. The bulk of this research has been focused on contemporary
Northern Ireland. I continue to be dissatisfied with the literature on integration, and
policies which aim to promote integration. I have also, however, become convinced that
researchers in the Republic of Ireland and Britain should include Northern Ireland in their
studies.
Including Northern Ireland is a challenge as it exposes many of the underlying
assumptions that often go unquestioned in other settings. British state policy, and much
of the academic literature on integration, assumes, for example, that we are talking about
integration into British society. In the Republic of Ireland it is Irish society that ethnic
minorities are to be integrated into. What seems straightforward and taken for granted in
these contexts become problematic in the context of Northern Ireland. Are ethnic
minorities to be integrated into British society? The region is, after all, part of the United
Kingdom, and immigrants who wish to be become naturalised citizens will become
British citizens. Irish Nationalists might object to this, however, and say that they are
Irish not British and that the Good Friday Agreement recognises their right to be Irish
citizens, and the Irish government has long regarded them as Irish. It is easier to avoid
these awkward questions by avoiding Northern Ireland.
Northern Ireland, especially when seen from the vantage points of the state in Britain and
the Republic of Ireland, is generally viewed as an anomalous region. It is a part of the
world which has been characterised by violent political conflict in the past and continues
to be a society which is split by a deep social division – variously characterised as ethnic,
sectarian, nationalist and/or religious. Academics, politicians, policy-makers and other
sections of the state apparatus have (with a few, notable, exceptions) only selectively,
sporadically and generally very superficially, engaged with Northern Ireland. The region
has, by and large, been treated as a security issue and a presence which should be
quarantined, lest it infect the rest of the body politic. When Northern Ireland is mentioned
by academics and politicians in Britain they usually confirm its anomalous status
(Gilligan, 2008). Many academics, and policy makers, in the Republic of Ireland treat
Northern Ireland as an irrelevance. Tovey and Share's A Sociology of Ireland, probably
the most widely used introductory sociology textbook on the Republic of Ireland, is
misnamed as it does not cover Northern Ireland, not even in a quarantined separate
chapter (2003). Even the historical section, on the dynamics of Irish development and the
section on nation and culture, skate over the place of Northern Ireland in modern day
Ireland, and in its development.
The partitioning of Northern Ireland as a region to study has political and historical roots
which go back to the partitioning of Ireland itself. To such an extent that its absence, or
selective presence, is taken as a given. One way to look at this is to say that the absence
of Northern Ireland is understandable. There are a number of grounds on which we might
justify ignoring Northern Ireland. One of these is the fact that it is a small place. Less
than two percent of the UK's population reside in Northern Ireland. By this reasoning,
however, we should ignore people of Pakistani descent in the UK, as they constitute a
similarly small proportion of the population. Another reason might be that Northern
Ireland is not like the rest of the UK, or the rest of Ireland. It is characterised by a
significant social cleavage, as measured by high levels of residential segregation, a
religiously segregated education system, and by differences in social attitudes on a range
of issues (Shirlow and Murtagh, 2006; Whyte, 1990). This feature of Northern Ireland,
however, should surely make it an ideal region to include in any study of the topic of
integration in the UK, or the Republic of Ireland. Recent work which has drawn parallels
between Muslims as a suspect community in present day Britain and the Irish as a
suspect community in Britain during the 'Troubles' indicates some of the potentially
fruitful insights which can be gained by paying more attention to Northern Ireland in
British based studies on integration (Nickels et al, 2009). This work, if not joined by
more broadly focused work, could help to reinforce the tendency to study Northern
Ireland through the prism of security studies. It is important not to overstate, or focus
exclusively on, the features of Northern Ireland which mark it out as different. The region
has many features which can be found in any other part of the European Union, or,
indeed, the West. It is, after-all, a region of a 'core' capitalist country.
Northern Ireland is both 'normal' and an 'exception' and we can illustrate this through
looking at some empirical data which is relevant to the topic of integration. Recently a
public attitude survey and a survey of attitudes of elected representatives in Northern
Ireland included a question on the participation of ethnic minorities in public life
(Gilligan & Lloyd, 2006; McGarry et al, 2008). One of these questions asks about views
on whether ethnic minorities should be involved in public life through existing or their
own organisations. The view that ethnic minorities should be involved in public life
through existing organisations indicates that the respondent thinks that ethnic minorities
should not have an existence separate and distinct from the rest of society, but that they
should assimilate into society through becoming involved in existing organisations. If
people think that ethnic minorities should be involved through their own organisations
this indicates that they think in terms of discreet cultural groups who should participate
through their own organisations; a viewpoint which is consistent with a 'strong'
multicultural viewpoint. If they think that ethnic minorities should not be involved in
public life this indicated a racist viewpoint. The idea that ethnic minorities should be
involved through a mix of their own and existing organisations indicates a 'weak'
multicultural viewpoint.
The responses to the Northern Ireland Life and Times public attitude survey indicates
that a little over one quarter of the population (26% in 2006) take a view which could be
described as assimilationist. A 'strong' multicultural position on this issue was favoured
by approximately one in seven people (14% in 2006). A 'weak' multiculturalist position
was the most popular view (43% in 2006) and a racist position the least popular (2% in
both 2005 and 2006) (see Table 1).
Through existing
institutions e.g.
political parties
etc
2006
26
Through
Through both
Ethnic minorities
their own existing institutions
should not be
institutions
and their own
involved in public
organizations
life
14
43
2
28
17
41
2
2005
Table 1: Answers to the question 'Best way for minority ethnic communities to
participate in public life', 2005 & 2006, %
Source: NILT
So support for an assimilationist viewpoint is significant in Northern Ireland, but a 'weak'
multicultural viewpoint is the most popular. These figures suggest that Northern Ireland
is a 'normal' liberal democratic society in the sense that there are a range of different
views on the topic of the participation of ethnic minorities in public life and, there is
overwhelming support for the participation of ethnic minorities in public life.
existing
own
existing & own
should not
All.
26
7
64
0
DUP
27
21
29
6
SDLP
29
9
53
1
SF
23
24
31
0
UUP
25
12
45
2
Table 2: Answers to the question 'Best way for minority ethnic communities to
participate in public life', by party support, 2006, %
One of the exceptional features of Northern Irish society is its political parties. Four of
the five main parties – Alliance Party (All.), Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Social
Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) – organise
exclusively in Northern Ireland. The other main party – Sinn Fein (SF) – is an all-Ireland
party, but its heartlands are in Northern Ireland. We might expect to find that opinion on
ethnic minority participation in public life would divide along sectarian lines – with
Ulster Unionist voters (DUP, UUP) taking one view and Irish Nationalist voters (SDLP,
Sinn Fein) taking a different view (and Alliance voters a position somewhere between the
Unionist and Nationalist blocs). When we analyse the data we find that there is some
suggestion of a Nationalist/Unionist divide on the racist option, of excluding ethnic
minorities from public life, but only DUP voters express a significant level of support for
this viewpoint. The assimilationist viewpoint is expressed by a virtually identical
proportion of all party supporters. The main distinction between party supporters is on
preference for a 'weak' versus a 'strong' multiculturalism, and this distinction is not a
sectarian one. The distinction seems to be between the voters of the more vigorously
'ethnic' parties (DUP and Sinn Fein) and those of the 'moderate' parties (Alliance, SDLP
and UUP) (on 'ethnic' parties in Northern Ireland see: Gormley-Heenan & MacGinty,
2008; Mitchell et al, 2009: on 'moderates' see: Tonge, 2003). Supporters of 'ethnic' parties
are much more likely to take a 'strong' multicultural view. Although a 'weak'
multicultural view is the preferred option of most party supporters, regardless of the party
which they support (see Table 2).
existing
own
existing & own
should not
All.
55
0
45
0
DUP
24
3
71
3
SDLP
43
5
51
0
SF
26
2
72
0
UUP
33
2
64
0
Table 3: Views of elected representatives on the way in which people from minority
ethnic backgrounds should participate in public life, %
Source: McGarry et al, 2008
The same question was asked of elected representatives in Northern Ireland. When we
look at the figures for politicians we find that support for 'strong' multiculturalism
virtually disappears. At one level this is unsurprising, as the existence of the political
parties depends on public participation in their 'existing' party institution. It also suggests,
however, that elected representatives do not view rival parties as the 'natural home' for
ethnic minorities and that all parties believe that they can gain participation, and electoral
support, from ethnic minorities. A distinction between 'ethnic' and 'moderate' parties still
exists, but it is a strong preference for 'weak' multiculturalism which distinguishes the
'ethnic' party politicians from the moderates. We also see that 'weak' multiculturalism is
the most popular option for all parties except Alliance, who prefer an assimilationist view
(see Table 3).
When we compare the responses of elected representatives with those of the public we
see that there is significant divergence between the views expressed by the public and the
parties which they claim to support (see Table 4). The data indicate that the issue of
ethnic minorities has not become a divisive political issue in Northern Ireland. Apart
from a small element within the DUP, all of the political parties believe that ethnic
minorities should play a part in the public life of Northern Ireland. There are differences
of tone, and differences of opinion in terms of how ethnic minorities should be involved,
but there is at least as much diversity of opinion within parties as there is between them.
Diversity of opinion on ethnic minorities, within and between parties, has been a feature
of British political life for several decades (Anwar, 1986). Ethnic minority participation
has become an issue for politicians in Northern Ireland decades after the rest of the UK,
but the response of the parties shares lots of parallels with the response in the rest of the
UK.
existing
own
existing & own
should not
NILT
2006
Elected
reps
NILT
2006
Elected
reps
NILT
2006
Elected
reps
NILT
2006
Elected
reps
All.
26
55
7
0
64
45
0
0
DUP
27
24
21
3
29
71
6
3
SDLP
29
43
9
5
53
51
1
0
SF
23
26
24
2
31
72
0
0
UUP
25
33
12
2
45
64
2
0
Table 4: Elected representatives and party supporters on the way in which people
from minority ethnic backgrounds should participate in public life, %
Source: Gilligan et al, 2008
The main purpose in outlining these figures is not to provide an analysis of attitudes in
Northern Ireland, but to question the ongoing neglect of Northern Ireland. I believe that
academics in Britain should pay more attention to ‘Northern Ireland’ because it helps to
bring some of the assumptions which inform our thinking about the rest of the UK, and
the other part of partitioned Ireland, out into the open. It is deeply ironic that the vast
literature in the policy area of integration of immigrants ignores Northern Ireland,
because failure to consider Northern Ireland means that the region is implicitly
segregated from the study of British society. It is doubly ironic given that immigration
policy and policy on naturalisation are 'reserved' matters which are not devolved from
Westminster to Stormont, and Westminster is unlikely to ever concede these powers to
Northern Ireland (Lentin & McVeigh, 2006: 145-163).
For those studying integration from the perspective of the Republic of Ireland, including
Northern Ireland in their study could help to complicate the 'ethnic nepotism' which
informs thinking in that part of the island (Fanning, 2007: 238). It is worth remembering
that the discussion on pluralism in Ireland, pre-dates large-scale immigration by a decade,
and arose in the context of discussions about recognising difference – between Irish
Nationalists and Ulster Unionists – which presented the promotion of the recognition of
cultural identities (multiculturalism) as a solution to violent conflict, not its cause
(Gilligan, 2007).
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