Garthine Walker, Crime, Gender and Social Order in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 330 pp. ISBN 0521573564 Early modern gender history has been a dynamic area of scholarship since the mid-1990s. Important monographs by Bernard Capp, Anthony Fletcher, Laura Gowing and Alex Shepard have enhanced our understanding of a patriarchal society obsessed with morality and social order. Garthine Walker’s contribution offers a study of the dynamics of social interaction and the role of gender as a dynamic force. Her work, a history of social meanings, engages with debates in legal, political, cultural, social and gender history. Walker weaves together quantitative and qualitative analysis to explain how notions of gender and order intersected and impacted on early modern practice and discourse. Walker’s approach draws on the practice of social history ‘from below’ and the positivist social science methodologies of existing histories of crime. She uses the ideas of Mikhail Bakhtin to argue that law in early modern England was a negotiated concept used by women and men to define themselves and others to bolster claims of legitimacy. Records of Cheshire county quarter sessions, Palatinate great sessions and cases brought before London-based courts by the people of Cheshire form the core material of her study. Walker utilises a wide range of clerical and popular literature as well. Her work focuses on male and female violence, homicide and theft, moving away from a consideration of ‘female’ crimes such as infanticide and witchcraft to consider whether the law treated women and men committing the same types of offences differently. Early modern patriarchy endorsed violence as part of everyday life. Violence was used by church and state, by social elites against the lower orders, by elders against youths, and by masters and mistresses against household subordinates. Walker demonstrates that the right of patriarchs to use force against unruly subjects changed because the civil war challenged notions of divinely ordained violence. Her considerations of the mid-seventeenth century and changes in gender discourse over time are important. Both have received little attention due partly to historians’ heavy reliance on church court records for their judgements. Walker argues that male violence was more acceptable than women’s. Men displayed physical prowess to maintain honour, assert self-identity and subordinate others. Physical retaliation was deemed an appropriate response to affront. Male homicide was often classified as manslaughter because it could result from male ritual fighting. By contrast, ideas about female honour made it difficult to ascribe positive connotations to women’s violence. Instead women talked of preserving 1 and saving household integrity in cases of domestic violence. They stressed how men breached the physical and moral boundaries of their households and bodies. Female vulnerability and weakness were utilised in order to make male aggression unacceptable. Although few women described themselves in entirely passive terms, they emphasised passive resistance rather than active response. However the use of weapons, pre-emptive strikes or poisoning by women accused of homicide did not meet legal or social criteria of self-defence, and female homicides were nearly always classified as wilful murder. Walker suggests women operated within a culture of criminality overlapping with and coexisting alongside that of men. What people stole depended on gendered activities and knowledge. Women received stolen goods during their everyday economic tasks and were more likely to steal commodities they were responsible for marketing. Female conviction rates were also affected by marital status. By contrast theft by men was associated with boundary violation through burglary. The law was an extension of household authority but usually only a last resort when domestic order had broken down. Yet violent, obstructive or disorderly behaviour was not blamed solely on moral failings and the breakdown of authority. Walker argues that historians should consider criminal actions and disorderly behaviour as methods used to maintain the economic, social and moral integrity of the good household, and notes the way in which the middling sort ascribed particularly to this discourse. Walker’s book is one of the first studies of early modern gender to give equal weight to ordinary women and men. Its regional focus is refreshing and raises questions of typicality and uniqueness that will hopefully encourage further scholarship. Crime is moved from the social margins and seen in terms of acts of protection and resistance. Walker places households at the centre of social history, rightly giving them as much importance as the people of early modern England. Tim Reinke-Williams, University of Warwick 2