William Eastwood
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Georgian Baptists in the Republic of Georgia
In the Republic of Georgia religion is the site of a national politics of authenticity. For
centuries Orthodox Christianity has been a defining marker of “true” Georgianness. Resulting
from historical and political processes, this element of authenticity underpins what I term a
national dissonance in contemporary Georgian society. This dissonance exists between
Georgians who follow the Orthodox Christian tradition and Georgians following other Christian
traditions, like Protestantism, Pentecostalism, and Catholicism, all within a single socio-cultural
context. In fact, Catholics and various Protestant groups have had a native presence in Georgia
long before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. In other words, the presence of many nonOrthodox Christian groups in Georgia is not the result of recent, Western missionary endeavors
(Ramet 1998). My dissertation fieldwork as a Ph.D. candidate in Social-Cultural Anthropology
at Indiana University will focus on Georgian Protestant Christians, specifically Georgian
Baptists, who have had an extended presence on the ground but with little or no historical voice
to show for it.
Research Objectives
My dissertation research will produce an in-depth ethnography of a religious community
within an emerging nation-state. In doing so, it will broaden our understanding of religion as a
place of contestation between the combined force of institutional power and public discourse and
those citizens delegated to the social edge. The fieldwork for this ethnography will take place
among members of the Evangelical Baptist Church of Georgia, specifically those who attend
services at the main cathedral in Tbilisi, the capital city. This location will provide me a unique
perspective into the local effects of government efforts to nation-build, including policy
formation and implementation, constitution-making, and institution-building currently taking
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place in Georgia. My investigation into the Baptist community, in particular, will connect to and
shed light on the impact of nation-state building on the lives of those Georgians not in the
Orthodox Christian majority. For my dissertation fieldwork I will address this national
dissonance in Georgia by answering two questions: How are Georgian Baptists negotiating
society’s dominant discourses and government power as they pursue their own religious choice?
And, secondly, how do they practice their religion within that negotiated space?
Methodology
My approach to this research combines archival and ethnographic methods, including 1)
archival research, 2) conducting interviews, 3) recording life histories, and 4) participantobservation. For archival research, I will use the church’s records to collect data on marriage,
congregant demographics, and church history in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. Marriage
records will primarily help to grasp family mores of congregants, specifically, how frequently
have Baptists married outside their religious community to those of other religious traditions or
to the non-religious. It is unclear how insulated the Baptist community has been from other
Georgians. Marriage data will help determine an answer. Other types of demographic
information will draw a clearer picture of the social make-up of members, such as age, economic
class, employment status, and family background. Although the experience of Russian Orthodox
believers in the Soviet era has garnered a small amount of attention (e.g. Davis 1995), along with
recent work on Russian Baptists (Coleman 2005) and the Georgian Orthodox Church
(Vardosanidze 2001), the experience of Protestants in Georgia in the last century is completely
undocumented. Specific data about the Baptist community will contribute to our understanding
of these believers’ experiences in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, while comparing and
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contrasting their experiences with what we know already about their Orthodox and Baptist
counterparts.
Interviews, both formal and informal, with leaders in the Baptist community will include
pastors, deacons, and actively involved laypersons. These sessions will yield their perspectives
and opinions about their community and about the Georgian nation and their place in it.
Interviews will also afford me the opportunity to collect life histories from various members of
the community, including the elderly, young adults, life-long Baptists, and those newly
attending. These subjective narratives of individual experiences will provide a better sense of
who Georgian Baptists are, what they believe, what attracts them to the Baptist tradition, how
they relate to Orthodox Christianity, and their own personal journeys up to this point. I plan to
record at least forty life histories.
Conducting participant-observation in church services, meetings, and activities will
provide me a vantage point from which to make observations and gather informal data within the
community. I will see first-hand the public practice of their beliefs, allowing me to better
understand who Georgian Baptists are by what they do in public gatherings, what their sermons
are about, how they differ from their Orthodox neighbors, and how they differ from Baptists and
other Protestants in the West. For example, the winter holidays of Orthodox Christmas, Orthodox
New Year and the Orthodox observance of Great Lent are very important to Georgian Baptists as
well. But how do Baptist commemorations and rituals differ from those of their Orthodox
counterparts? Activities such as sermons, rituals performed from week to week, holiday
celebrations, music, ecumenical activities, and efforts for social justice will be studied with an
eye to see how Baptists differentiate themselves from the Orthodox majority and make
meaningful lives as a religious minority.
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Theoretical Approach
National identity and Orthodox Christian identity share the same space in the dominant
discourse of what it means to be an authentic Georgian. Indeed, legislation in recent years has
attempted to protect and privilege this fused identity in the constitution. The politics surrounding
this contemporary identity, how it emerged, and how non-Orthodox Georgians are living in light
of it are complex processes, which up to this point have gone un-researched in the West.
My study is informed by and will contribute to the following three theoretical projects:
ethnic identity and nationalism, the anthropology of religion, and post-Soviet anthropology.
According to Royce, following Barth, ethnic boundaries work in two directions: outwardly,
demarcating one group from other groups, and inwardly, maintaining and managing shared
differences and values (Barth 1969, Royce 1982). Whereas symbolic forms like dress, songs,
poems, and food constitute outward boundaries, inner boundaries are maintained through the
regulated “performance” of shared values. Chatterjee has demonstrated how in Indian cultural
nationalism, these common values could fuel anti-colonial movements, because they were
elements of a unique “cultural domain,” which outside forces could not subjugate or occupy
(Chatterjee 1993). This domain was a central resource both in resisting colonial oppression and
in making claims to national autonomy. Two things flowing from this discussion, then, directly
inform my own study. First, Georgian Orthodox Christianity is a major component in Georgia’s
“domain of values” and, second, contemporary Georgian national identity is directly related to
the colonial machinations of the Russian empire and of the Soviet Union. Religion is so
important today because it represents Georgia’s unique forms and values, which were used to
mobilize Georgians toward national independence. It is under these circumstances that modern
national identity and religious identity became intertwined.
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Beyond an investigation into national identity, my work will show that religion itself is a
source of powerful meaning and of validation for individuals and their life choices. Religion is
much more complex than simply a space where various contests occur. My research will not only
place religion within the realm of politics, but also place politics within the realm of religion, so
to speak, by shedding light on how members of a particular religious minority are making their
lives meaningful despite their political disadvantages. Similar studies have been taken up by
Kipp (1995) and Poethig (2001).
My own ethnographic account will join recent post-socialist ethnographies that are
accounting for new identities emerging in the years after the fall of Soviet socialism (e.g.
Goluboff 2003, Berdahl 1997, Petryna 2002). My research is ideally suited to take the study of
post-socialist space one step further by addressing the challenge once posed by Katherine
Verdery, namely, that post-socialism represents for the Western Academy a “conceptual
vacuum” (Verdery 1996:38). Western studies of the Soviet Union were based on a dichotomy of
Western Democracy versus Soviet Socialism, but once socialist regimes dissolved, this
dichotomy that underlay the work of the Western Academy no longer held true. In other words,
after the Cold War, how should we speak of formerly Soviet peoples, and, likewise, how should
we speak of ourselves in the “West?” Western researchers are having to make sense of postSoviet realities that do not line up with the old black-and-white dichotomy that had underpinned
earlier works. Rethmann poses the possibility that post-socialist anthropology might be ideally
suited to offer new conceptualizations of this space, no longer basing theory on those
"idiosyncratic descriptions" of particular places and/or peoples (Rethmann 1997:773).
Collaboration, then, will characterize how I conduct research in Georgia. By
collaboration, I mean a concerted and deliberate partnership between a Western researcher and
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his informants that bridges our ideological differences that continue to exist after the Cold War.
In their recent work, Fieldwork Dilemmas, De Soto and Dudwick bring to the fore discussions
about these Cold War-era ideological barriers that continue to separate Western anthropologists
and their informants. If there is a consensus among the articles in that collection it is that
collaboration is the first and most important step in tearing down those barriers. Research
agendas will be successful because trust and understanding will expose and replace out-moded
and self-defeating assumptions about former foes. Attention to research equity will mean that
projects and research topics benefit interests on both sides of the table. In other words, Western
scholars enter the field treating informants as co-contributors, who are also actively participating
in the formulation of knowledge.
I enter this dissertation project, then, with the assumption that I am not just a researcher; I
am also entering into trust relationships with other, fellow interested persons. The members of
the Georgian Baptist community will be very much my colleagues and, in part, co-authors to this
ethnographic project. Their input is the cornerstone of my investigation. Their community,
because it is the focus of this project, is a priority for all of us.
In accordance with ethical norms as laid out by Indiana University’s Human Subjects
Research Board, I will submit to each collaborator transcriptions of his or her own interviews
and/or life histories for review, correction, and final consent. I will also present copies of the
final dissertation and any subsequent publications to these congregations for their use, while
maintaining the anonymity of those with whom I worked.
Preliminary Research
These research objectives, methods, and theory are based on two years of doctoral course
work, a Master’s degree in Russian and East European Studies in 2003 from Indiana University,
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and nine months abroad on a Fulbright IIE fellowship. Coursework that is especially helpful to
my understanding of Georgia in post-Soviet space has been the course “The Anthropology of
Russia and Eastern Europe.” Based on class discussions, readings, and my prior overseas
experience, my term paper for this course offered an interpretation of my own personal
experiences with Georgian hospitality. I discussed how important this characteristic is for
Georgians in differentiating themselves from their “guests” (i.e. foreigners in their country). In
addition, courses in “Nationalism and Cultural Identity,” “Ethnic Identity,” and “Culture and
Law” are helping me to analyze the political processes from which ethnic identities emerge and
how governments attempt to preserve and protect ethnic characteristics. Two seminars, one on
the history of the Soviet Union, where I compiled a literary review of Western sources on
religion in the Soviet Union, and the other on democratization in the Newly Independent States,
have helped to form my understanding of Georgia’s Soviet past and its efforts to overcome the
shortcomings of that legacy.
My Master’s degree in Russian and East European Studies from Indiana University
culminated in the thesis, “When Discourses Clash: Religious Violence in Georgia.” In it, I
argued that the religious violence that took place in Georgia in the late 1990s could be explained
in terms of competing discourses: a dominant discourse of authentic Georgianness that is
characterized by Orthodox Christianity versus new discourses, emphasizing citizenship instead
of religious affiliation. Expanding on Mary Douglas’ classic work on social taboo, non-Orthodox
Christians, which include, among others, Catholics, Baptists, Pentecostals, and the outlying
Jehovah’s Witnesses, occupy a discursively undefined “no-man’s-land,” a non-category, or at
least a very cloudy one (Douglas 1966). Extremists and ideologues found it easy to scapegoat
them given the deplorable economic climate and ineffectual political leadership in the late 1990s.
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In the eyes of devout Georgian Orthodox and national patriots alike, these particular religious
minorities, by nature of their liminal position, were suspected of threatening the well-being of the
nation and the political-religious power of the Georgian Orthodox Church.
My thesis research led to the opportunity to go to Georgia in 2003-2004 as a Fulbright
IIE student fellow. I spent nine months in Georgia investigating the Georgian Orthodox Church’s
role in democratization. I learned from interviews and following the activities of the Church in
the media that the Church does not often have to lobby for its interests in state affairs, because it
already enjoys a monopoly of the public’s favor. It has risen to this powerful position in society,
because it has become a living symbol of the nation’s centuries-long survival despite countless
invasions, occupations, and foreign oppression. This symbolic power is so pervasive that both
the religious and non-religious gather around the institution and come to its aid.
While in Tbilisi I was able to attend services at the main cathedral of the Evangelical
Baptist Church. There I saw first-hand how these congregation members were bustling with
activity. They regularly engaged in matters of social justice, ecumenicism, feeding the hungry,
and equipping themselves through education. From my perspective, these Baptists were neither
foreigners nor anti-Orthodox, nor were they the threat that extremists and nationalist ideologues
have made them out to be in the mass media. Indeed, this disconnect that I witnessed between
how Georgian Baptists are portrayed in popular discourse and how they conduct themselves in
reality characterizes my current dissertation research questions.
Academic Preparations
My Fulbright experience allowed me to form two worthwhile acquaintances. The first
was with the head of the Georgian Baptist community, Bishop Malkhaz Songulashvili. This
native Georgian and Oxford graduate was supportive of my research goals while I was there, and
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since then, we have remained in contact with each other. He remains interested and committed to
my current research as detailed in his letter of support enclosed in this application. The second
acquaintance was with Dr. Rusiko Amirejibi, professor of Linguistics at Tbilisi State University
and director of the International Center for Georgian Language (ICGL). This center provided me
with top-quality Georgian language courses. Dr. Amirejibi’s enthusiasm about my current
project and confidence in my abilities to carry the project out are clear in the language evaluation
form that she has agreed to fill out on my behalf.
My extensive Georgian language training has prepared me for dissertation research
abroad. My initial formal study of Georgian began at Indiana University’s eight-week summer
workshop in 2001. During the rest of my Master’s coursework, I had a bi-weekly, one-on-one
language lesson with Dr. Dodona Kiziria, a native Georgian and professor in the Slavics
department at Indiana University. My proficiency grew exponentially upon living in Georgia for
nine months as a Fulbright student fellow. On top of my research endeavors, I participated in
intensive, one-on-one daily lessons with a native Georgian instructor. These sessions averaged
four hours a day, five days a week, for a total of about eight months. I will continue advanced
language courses through the ICGL when I return, because advanced Georgian language training
is unavailable anywhere outside Georgia.
I intend to return to Georgia in the summer of 2006 on a pre-dissertation trip to finalize
my fieldwork abroad. This trip will give me the opportunity to make living arrangements and
contact the United States embassy. This summer trip will also allow me to meet with Baptist
leaders to reestablish contact with them and initiate the first steps of my fieldwork.
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Plans to Share & Guidance
My academic advisor, Dr. Beverly Stoeltje, and other dissertation committee members,
who specialize in nationalism, ritual, and post-Soviet space, will review my research. I will be in
regular communication with them during the course of my fieldwork. The committee, Professor
Stoeltje in particular, will provide the input and mentorship necessary to help me decide the best
strategies for interpreting data and completing the final dissertation.
My findings will be shared in scholarly articles, presentations at conferences, and
participation in seminars. The data compiled from this fieldwork and the preliminary conclusions
I reach are significant to understanding contemporary politics and identities in Georgia. They are
also important for raising awareness about the lives of disenfranchised religious minorities.
Therefore, I will make every effort to share my findings and conclusions in an appropriate
manner with Georgian social scientists, scholars, and government leaders.
In closing, I propose to begin my grant in January 2007. I will focus my initial energies
into becoming involved in the Baptist community and participating in the religious holidays that
were mentioned earlier (e.g. Orthodox Christmas, Orthodox New Year, Lent, Easter). The first
half of the trip will divided up between investigating church records, making appointments for
official interviews with church officials and important laypersons, and observing religious
holiday celebrations. The second half of the trip will be more focused on recording life histories
and transcribing them into written form for consultants’ approval. After returning to the United
States, I will begin writing the dissertation and work toward its completion in 2008. Afterward, I
will seek work in an academic setting, teaching students and training new anthropologists in the
methods and theories of socio-cultural anthropology and in the ethnographic richness and
cultural importance of the Republic of Georgia.