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Learning through Cross-Cultural Interactions:
A developmental perspective on US and International Students
Contemporary American society increasingly values international knowledge and
understanding (Hayward & Siaya, 2001). A national survey conducted by the American
Council on Education (ACE) showed that the American public overwhelmingly agreed to
the importance of international knowledge and skills, and an increasingly diverse and
complex worldview (Hayward & Siaya, 2001). Respondents further viewed higher
education as a major source of international education opportunities. Colleges and
universities have made educating for intercultural competencies and preparing for global
citizenship an important educational outcome for their students (AAC&U, 2002;
Guarasci & Cornwell, 1997). Further, many institutions have taken steps to create more
diverse learning environments that are conducive to intercultural and international
learning. One of the most common practices for creating a global experience on domestic
campuses is the recruitment and enrollment of international students.
The presence of substantial numbers of international students on campuses may benefit
American students to the extent that it “brings the world home” to many undergraduates
students who might not otherwise have the opportunity for firsthand exposure to different
cultures and perspectives. Students benefit from direct interactions with international
students through increasing knowledge of people from other countries and their cultures.
Such knowledge and exposure to multiple, even competing, perspectives are important
for promoting intellectual and moral development. As Gurin et. al (2002) note, the
presence of diverse others and diverse perspectives, equality among peers, and discussion
according to the rules of civil discourse are necessary conditions for fostering the
orientations that students will need to be global citizens and leaders. These orientations
include the capacity for perspective-taking, mutuality and reciprocity, accepting conflict
as a normal part of life, the ability to perceive differences both within and between social
groups, and a vested interest in the wider social world. While these benefits are widely
recognized, few studies have examined the extent to which American students learn from
interacting with international students. In fact, relatively little is known about what
constitutes developmentally effective cross-cultural interactions and where and how such
interactions occur.
Background Literature
International students have become an increasingly important source for
internationalization and diversity for American colleges and universities. The Institute of
International Education (IIE; 2006) reported that about 42% of 564,766 international
students attending American higher education institutions were enrolled in undergraduate
programs during the 2005-2006 academic year. Most international students came from
Asian, especially India, China, South Korea and Japan taking the lead (IIE, 2006). The
majority of international undergraduate students are traditional-aged college students who
are financially supported by personal and family resources. They have traditionally been
concentrated in academic fields such as business and engineering, but are increasingly
entering the social sciences (IIE, 2006).
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The presence of international students on American campuses enriches the learning
experience of American students. A number of scholars have demonstrated that
increasing the number of international students on campus is positively related to student
engagement in diversity-related experiences and international understanding (Sharma &
Mulka, 1993; Zhao, Kuh, & Carini, 2005). However, research on institutional structural
diversity (e.g., how the presence of students and faculty of color affect informal and
formal interactions across difference) has also found that simply increasing the number of
students of color and international students does not by itself enhance student learning.
Rather, as Hurtado (2007) points out “substantial and meaningful interaction (both
informal and campus-facilitated) is central to the notion of how diversity affects learning”
(p. 190).
A number of scholars have noted that interactions between US undergraduate students
and their international peers lack both breadth and depth (Sharma & Mulka, 1993; Zhao,
Kuh, & Carini, 2005). In fact, a rather small proportion of US undergraduate students
take advantage of the opportunity to interact with their international peers, and it is not
clear to what extent those interactions are effective and meaningful. Conversely,
international students are less satisfied with their social life and desire more opportunities
to interact with their American peers. Interaction with faculty and peers has been
identified as an important factor in facilitating international students’ academic
achievement and personal development (Liberman, 1994; Stoynoff, 1997; Westwood &
Barker, 1990). However, it has been suggested that interactions between international
students and American students is frequently problematic due to language barriers and a
lack of cultural awareness on both sides (Liberman, 1994; Pedersen, 1991; Schram &
Lauver, 1988).
International students often find themselves in social situations that elicit stress and
anxiety due to cross-cultural differences (Kim, 2001). Stressful social situations can be
ameliorated by establishing new friendship and social networks. Several individual and
contextual factors, however, hinder international students from cross-cultural interactions,
including lack of opportunities to interact with Americans, differences in culture and
lifestyle, perceptions of disinterest from Americans, language difficulties, academic
pressures, preoccupation with study, and cultural stereotypes and discrimination (Barratt
& Huba, 1994; Rajput, 1999; Westwood & Barker, 1990). In fact, some international
students forego a satisfying social life in order to focus on academic work. And, they may
rely more and more on technology for interpersonal communication and social life (Zhao,
Kuh, & Carini, 2005). It is also not surprising that many international students prefer the
security of co-nationals for social support rather than dealing with the uncertainty of
interacting with Americans.
While some institutions have developed a variety of intentional intercultural learning
programs to promote cultural awareness and meaningful interactions between
international students and their American peers (Peterson et al., 1999), relatively few
studies have examined the impact of international students and international education on
American college campuses. As a group, college students tend to enter college with little
experience interacting with culturally and ethnically diverse peers (Orfield, Bachmeier,
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James, & Elite, 1997) and lack ethnic and cultural awareness and understanding (Hurtado,
Engberg, Ponjuan, & Landreman, 2002; Saddlemire, 1996). The more specific question
of how students learn through cross-cultural interactions and experiences is yet to be
examined. This paper attempts to fill this gap by exploring cross-cultural interactions
between US and international students that are considered developmentally effective in
producing desired learning outcomes.
Conceptual Framework
Drawing upon constructive-developmental perspectives and Kegan’s (1994) notion of
self-authorship, King and Baxter Magolda (2005) proposed a holistic developmental
framework that describes how college students at varying levels of cognitive,
interpersonal, and intrapersonal development may approach meaning making with respect
to intercultural interactions. The authors use the term intercultural maturity to describe
the developmental trajectory of college students’ intercultural development. They argue
that college students’ interpretations of their interactions with diverse others are
developmentally grounded in their capacity for reflection and meaning making.
Possessing less complex cognitive, intrapersonal, or interpersonal skills (i.e., less
sophisticated levels of self-authorship) may interfere with college students’ capacity for
developing intercultural maturity. Thus, the authors hypothesize that the developmental
ability that is foundational to viewing individuals from other racial, ethnic, and cultural
groups positively is grounded in the same ability that undergirds one’s ability to regard
interpersonal differences favorably.
We have chosen King and Baxter Magolda’s (2005) developmental model of intercultural
maturity to ground this study because of its rigorous grounding in existing theoretical
models of college student development, and because of its attention to elucidating the
multifaceted dimensions of intercultural development. It presumes a complex interplay
between how individuals construct difference in the world, how they function in
intercultural situations, and whether they make sense of themselves as cultural human
beings.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the extent to which college students engage in
developmentally effective cross-cultural interactions. Baxter Magolda et. al (2007) define
developmentally effective experiences as those that change the way a student sees or
thinks about the world (the cognitive dimension), himself or herself (the intrapersonal
dimension) and/or his or her relationships with others (the interpersonal dimension) in
more advanced ways. Specifically, we will explore the developmentally effective (and
ineffective) cross-cultural interactions and learning reported by American students with
those of international students. We will also examine how student characteristics (country
of origin, high school experience, international travel experience) and institutional
contexts (density of international students, educational practices) contribute to effective
cross-cultural interactions.
The following research questions guide this study:
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1. What are the features of American and international students’ cross-cultural
interactions?
2. What are the characteristics of developmentally effective cross-cultural interactions?
3. What educational conditions and practices are effective in facilitating students’ crosscultural learning?
Data Source and Analytic Methods
This study used interview data collected as part of the cross-sectional pilot study of the
Wabash National Study of Liberal Arts Education (WNSLAE), a four-campus mixed
methods study designed to investigate critical factors that affect seven hypothesized
outcomes of liberal arts education, including intercultural effectiveness. Each interview
lasted from 60-90 minutes and was based upon an in-depth interview protocol that was
designed specifically for the WNSLAE study by Baxter Magolda and King (in press)
using a constructivist-developmental approach. The purpose of the interview was to elicit
a clearer understanding of students’ meaning making about their college experiences.
Interviews were conducted using an approach that incorporated both the “informal
conversation interview” and “the general interview guide” (Patton, 1990, p. 228).
For the purpose of this paper, we extracted from the interview transcripts all crosscultural interactions reported by US and international students. For US students, this
includes interactions with non-American peers; for international students, a cross-cultural
interaction is defined as an interaction with peers from a different country of origin. We
then categorized the nature and characteristics of the cross-cultural interaction and coded
it as either effective or ineffective. Developmentally effective cross-cultural interactions
are defined as interactions that prompt a developmental change in the way a student sees
or views the world, themselves, or their relationships with others that leads to selfauthorship. We developed an overall description of the data based on the recorded crosscultural interactions, student characteristics, and contextual information (Creswell, 2003).
Sample
The sample for this study includes all WNSLAE interview participants who were seniors
at four-year institutions. We selected seniors because they are at the end of their college
years and are well-positioned to reflect on their most significant collegiate experiences.
The sample includes 60 students. Table 1 provides an overview of the sample
characteristics. Although the sample is skewed in gender and country of origin, we felt
that the overall diversity of the sample would illuminate the research questions noted
above.
[insert table here]
Preliminary Findings
Preliminary analysis has been completed on 19 interviews; the remaining analyses will be
completed this summer. Two display matrices were created to assist in drawing
descriptive conclusions about the data (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Each matrix for US
and international students recorded the nature of each cross-cultural interactions and its
impact on students, the developmental dimensions affected (i.e., cognitive, intrapersonal,
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and interpersonal), the context in which the interaction occurred, and salient student
characteristics.
For US seniors, cross-cultural interactions fostered cognitive, intrapersonal, and
interpersonal development at different levels. Cognitively, students developed greater
appreciation for different perspectives and were challenged to reevaluate their own values
and belief systems. Students also gained more nuanced views of other cultures and people
from different cultures. The opportunity to observe foreigners enabled them to reconsider
previously held stereotypes about other cultures. Cross-cultural interactions also enabled
them to gain new perspectives about themselves. Many US students reported a new
found interest in international studies and/or international career aspirations. In the
interpersonal dimension, US students with international experiences expressed
appreciation and empathy for their international peers. As a result, they actively sought
out more interactions with them. Cross-cultural interactions occurred in various contexts
for US students. These included living with an international roommate and going abroad
for various purposes (e.g., study abroad, internships, and traveling). Interestingly,
students from rural communities greatly valued the presence of international students on
campus.
For international students, cross-cultural interactions fostered significant cognitive
development. Specifically, students gained greater awareness of both American and
international issues. Cross-cultural interactions facilitated students’ learning about
American culture, its higher education system, and US racial and ethnic relations.
Students also reported gaining a broadened understanding of global issues such as world
politics and social justice. Cross-cultural interactions also influenced international
students’ interpersonal development. Interacting with both domestic and co-national peer
groups facilitated students’ adjustment to American higher education. Interactions across
differences forced students to reconsider racial and cultural stereotypes. On the other
hand, some students reported frustration at US students’ lack of world mindedness and
disinterest in other cultures. In the intrapersonal dimension, cross-cultural interactions
strengthened students’ sense of cultural identity and confirmed their own belief systems.
Obviously, the American higher education system provided the primary context in which
cross-cultural interactions occurred. Within that context, residential living, on-campus
employment, interracial relationships, and campus community service organizations were
cited as significant milieu for cross-cultural learning.
Implications
Understanding the impact of the presence of international students on college campuses
and to what extent students learn from cross-cultural interactions have implications for
educators, researchers and institutions. Institutions and educators can arrange educational
experiences and contexts in ways that not only promote cross-cultural interactions but
also engage international and American students in meaningful interactions that facilitate
intellectual and personal development.
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Table 1: Study Sample by Gender, Race/Ethnicity, Country of Origin,
Citizenship Status, and Native English Speaker (N=60)
Gender
Male
22
Female
38
Race/Ethnicity*
White
50
African American
1
American Indian
2
Asian
6
Latino/ Hispanic
3
Pacific Islander
2
Citizenship Status
U.S.A.
46
U.S. Resident (Green Card Holder)
5
International Student
8
Other
1
International Students’ Country of Origin
Canada
1
Ecuador
1
India
1
Japan
1
Singapore
1
South Korea
2
United Kingdom
1
Native English Speaker
Yes
50
No
10
* Cell total exceeds 100% because respondents were asked to select their
race/ethnicity from among several possible racial/ethnic categories, noting
all categories that applied; some respondents marked multiple categories.
8