Religion: Pentecostalism
Blanchard, Troy C., John R Bartkowski, Todd L. Matthews, and Kent R. Kerley. 2008. “Faith,
Morality and Mortality: The Ecological Impact of Religion on Population Health.” Social
Forces 86(4):1591-1620.
This study explores the links between religious ecology and mortality in the United States. The
authors argue that the other-worldly theology and individualistic orientation found in
conservative Protestantism dampens commitment to population health, thereby leading to
different outcomes in mortality by denomination. The authors also note that important
distinctions in mortality are found when sub-groups of conservative Protestants (evangelicals,
Pentecostals and fundamentalists) are compared because each of these factions exhibits distinct
degrees of other-worldliness. Noteworthy religious differences in mortality are observed.
1) [T]he Conservative Protestant theological orientation de-emphasizes the role of institutions
and shifts attention to individual accountability in understanding disparities in society […]
Thus, it is likely that Conservative Protestant congregations are less amenable to support the
provision of health-related social services and to provide political support for improvements in
health care infrastructure (1596).
2) The otherworldly orientation of Conservative Protestants encourages members to develop
strong ties within the congregation to insulate members from outside influences that may
challenge the authority of church teachings or threaten the salvation of members (1597).
An internal orientation generates network closure among congregational members or what
Putnam (2000) refers to as "bonding capital." Network closure within Conservative Protestant
congregations can have detrimental effects on the broader community because closure increases
the level of isolation and fragmentation in the network structure of the broader community
(1597).
3) [N]etwork structure has a salutary effect on population health through the problem solving
capacity of the community referred to as collective efficacy. Collective efficacy is the capacity
and willingness of community members to engage in problem solving (1598).
4) The strongest manifestation of otherworldliness is found among Fundamentalists and
Pentecostals, who view secular society as a threat to religious orthodoxy and practices […]
Congregations adhering to Fundamentalist and Pentecostal subcultural forms of Conservative
Protestantism respond to these secular threats through isolation from the broader community
(1600).
5) [T]he number of Conservative Protestant congregations per 1,000 persons is significantly
associated with a significantly higher all-cause mortality rate (1603-4).
6) Counties with a strong Fundamentalist or Pentecostal congregational base exhibit higher
rates of all-cause mortality (1604).
Breyer, Rebekah J. and David MacPhee. 2015. “Community characteristics, conservative
ideology, and child abuse rates.” Child Neglect 41:126-135.
Religion: Pentecostalism
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Religion: Pentecostalism
The purpose of this study is to determine whether the relation between conservativism and
physical punishment of children extends to child abuse rates at the community level. Political
and religious conservativism were inversely related to child abuse rates. Population density
was strongly related to rates of maltreatment and with demographic factors controlled,
religious conservativism but not political conservativism continued to predict rates of child
abuse. The results suggest that community factors related to social disorganization may be more
important than religious or political affiliation inputting children at risk for maltreatment.
1) When individuals experienced harsh punishment in childhood, which may be more likely in
authoritarian families, they are less likely to consider such behaviors to be abusive […] Families
with lower education levels are more at risk for child maltreatment: Compared to university
graduates, parents with a high school education are three times more likely to use corporal
punishment and are more likely to abuse their children, even within high-risk samples. Families
with incomes below the poverty level are at more risk for child abuse than higher-income
families (128).
2) [T]here was a small but significant inverse relation between child abuse rates and the two
indicators of conservativism […] child abuse rates were higher in urban areas […] counties with
higher levels of income and education had higher rates of child abuse […] child abuse rates
were significantly lower in counties with greater residential stability and more nonHispanic
[sic] White residents, and were significantly higher in counties with more mother-headed
households (130).
3) Small but statistically significant inverse relations were found between child abuse rates and
attendance at religiously conservative denominations as well as with politically conservative
voting patterns. These effects diminished when community demographic variables were
controlled because population density accounted for most of the variance in child abuse rates
(132).
Dougherty, Kevin D., Fred J. De Jong, Rebecca L. Garofano, Jessika I. Jamir, Natalie J. Park,
and Rebecca J. Timmermans. 2011 “Bonding and Bridging Activities of U.S. Pentecostals.”
Sociological Spectrum, 31: 316–341.
The authors test the expectation that Pentecostals, due to novel religious beliefs and practices,
focus more on in-group bonding activities than out-group bridging activities using national
data from the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey. Results affirm high rates of bonding activity (church
attendance and other congregation activity) for contemporary Pentecostals. Results for
Pentecostal bridging are more complicated. People in Pentecostal denominations and those who
speak in tongues participate less in community organizations and politics (317).
1) [A] mutually reinforcing sense of separatism continues to characterize the movement. Few
Americans report feeling close to persons described as ‘‘charismatic’’ or ‘‘Pentecostal’’ […] and
those in the Pentecostal movement are less trusting of others in society than those outside the
movement (320).
Religion: Pentecostalism
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Religion: Pentecostalism
2) Pentecostals typify high-boundary, high-commitment, sectarian religion. [Sects] reject society
in favor of a distinctive religious culture that usually poses high demands on adherents […]
Novel beliefs, rituals, experiences, or other forms of normative expectations place sectarian
groups in a state of high tension with their social environment […] Sectarian groups create clear
boundaries that minimize involvement with those outside the group. […] Given the social and
symbolic costs associated with belonging, sectarian groups typically draw members from
among those with the least secular opportunities (320-21).
3) [In one study, compared to other religious groups,] U.S. Pentecostals were the least trusting
of all (324).
4) [Demographically, e]ducation and income appear lower for Pentecostals than for U.S. adults
overall. Pentecostals are two to three times more likely than the average American to believe the
Bible literally on all subjects. They are also somewhat more likely to be Republican (329).
5) Persons affiliated with Pentecostal denominations are involved in significantly fewer
community organizations than are evangelical Protestants, mainline Protestants, Catholics,
persons in other religious traditions, and the unaffiliated (333).
Garneau, Christopher R. H. and Philip Schwadel. 2013. “Pentecostal Affiliation.” Review of
Religious Research 55:339–353.
Although Pentecostal Protestants are often included under the broad term ‘‘evangelical
Protestant,’’ research suggests that Pentecostals are distinct from other evangelical Protestants
in their religious and secular beliefs and activities. Analysis of nationally representative survey
data shows that affiliates of evangelical Protestant and Pentecostal Protestant denominations
differ in their levels of education, religious beliefs, attitudes on social issues, and political
ideology.
1) [T]he odds of having a bachelor’s degree are 43 %less for Pentecostals than for evangelical
Protestants […] Pentecostals are also less likely to have a bachelor’s degree than affiliates of all
other religious traditions, including black Protestants (343).
2) Pentecostals are even more likely than other evangelicals to report that the Bible is the literal
word of God. The odds of biblical literalism are 32 % greater for Pentecostal Protestants than for
evangelical Protestants. Pentecostal Protestants are more likely than affiliates of all other
religious traditions to hold a literal view of the Bible (343).
3) Pentecostals’ odds of strongly believing in miracles are more than twice the odds for
evangelical Protestants [however,] when Pentecostals and evangelicals are separated,
evangelical Protestants are no more likely than black Protestants to believe in miracles (343).
4) [T]he odds of holding strong antiabortion views are 41 % greater for Pentecostals than for
evangelicals […] Pentecostals are more likely than all other religious affiliates—including
Catholics—to oppose abortion (346).
Religion: Pentecostalism
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Religion: Pentecostalism
5) [T]he odds of opposing homosexuality are 52 % greater for Pentecostals than for other
evangelical Protestants. Pentecostals are considerably more likely than affiliates of all other
religious traditions to oppose homosexuality (346).
6) [T]he odds of opposing evolution are 39 % greater for Pentecostals than for evangelical
Protestants, and that Pentecostals are the group most likely to strongly oppose evolution (346).
7) evangelical Protestants are still more economically conservative than other religious affiliates,
including Pentecostals. Pentecostals’ odds of being economically conservative are 25 % less than
the odds for evangelicals. In fact, Pentecostals are significantly less likely than mainline
Protestants to support conservative economic policies (346).
8) [E]vangelical Protestants are more likely than all other religious affiliates to identify with the
Republican Party. [However, there is] no difference in Republican identification between
evangelical and Pentecostal Protestants. As with other evangelicals, Pentecostals are
disproportionately likely to identify Republican (349).
9) One important exception to the conservative orientation of Pentecostals is that they are not
opposed to government programs as a source of alleviating the effects of poverty (350).
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